etween the king and the philosopher was not broken off by their separation. The conquests of Alexander presented singular opportunities for a collection of observations on natural history. Under the superintendence, accordingly, of Aristotle, some thousands of persons, it is said, were employed in making inquiries on the subject throughout Asia and in Greece; and we have still valuable fruits of these inquiries, in a History of Animals, in ten books, extant among the works of Aristotle; though this history must be but a small part of the fifty volumes to which Pliny says it extended.

In the absence, however, of Aristotle, an event occurred which had the effect of exciting most unjust surmises against him, and involving him in unmerited disgrace with Alexander. A conspiracy was formed against the life of the king by some noble youths who attended on his person. The conspirators were detected and punished; but the chief blame of the whole affair rested on Callisthenes, to whom the education of the young men had been especially committed, and under whose sanction, accordingly, they were conceived to have acted in their traitorous designs. The imputation was the more credible, as Callisthenes had distinguished himself for his opposition to the adulation of the courtiers, and the rude freedom with which, in spite of the admonitions of Aristotle, he asserted his democratic principles. How far he was really guilty may admit a doubt. A pretext at least was afforded for the removal of an obnoxious individual; and Callisthenes was imprisoned, and died a violent death. His connection with Aristotle gave a plea for extending the charge to Aristotle himself; who, it is represented, became so fearful of the result to himself, after the death of Callisthenes, as to have been actually instrumental to the murder of the king. He is stated to have sent a very subtle poison, called Stygian water, in a mule's hoof, the only material impregnable to it, to Antipater, and thus to have occasioned the death of the king. The account itself is sufficiently refuted by the real state of the case, which shows that Alexander fell a sacrifice to his intense exertions in an unhealthy climate. It was probably propagated by the rival sophists who surrounded the person of Alexander; and to the same source may be ascribed the first estrangement of the king, and his increased aversion to the philosopher in consequence of the affair of Callisthenes. Alexander pointedly showed his increased dislike, by sending a present of money to Xenocrates; thus placing that philosopher, as well as Anaximenes, whom he also now more particularly noticed, in triumphant contrast with Aristotle, as the objects of his patronage.

In the mean time Aristotle was pursuing his proper path of exertion at Athens as a lecturer in philosophy, in his own school of the Lyceum. There is no good reason for supposing that he was actuated in forming a separate school, as some have asserted, by contemptuous opposition to Xenocrates, or jealousy of the rhetorical fame of Isocrates. His own fame already stood sufficiently high. Numbers resorted to him for instruction. In the morning and evening of each day he was thronged with hearers; the morning class consisting of his more intimate and peculiar disciples, the evening class of hearers of a more general description. The distinction of these two classes corresponds with the difference between his "acromatic" and his "exoteric" philosophy. The application of these terms to the writings of Aristotle has been much controverted. The most simple account of their difference appears to be, that the acromatic or esoteric were more of text-books, notices of various points of philosophy to be filled up by the previous knowledge of the learner and the explanations of the philosopher, as lectures addressed to his own proper class; the exoteric were more elaborate and popular disquisitions, more expanded in the reasonings, more diffuse in the matter. His disciples obtained the appellation of Peripatetics; but the reason of this is also controverted. Perhaps, like some other party-names, it was originally given in contempt.

The reputation of Aristotle at length rose to a dangerous popularity. The intolerant spirit of paganism viewed with suspicion the spread of philosophical doctrines, as tending to unsettle the existing government through their effect on the vulgar superstition. This had been strikingly shown at Athens not long before the birth of Aristotle in the fate of Socrates. In the case of Aristotle there were enemies watching to apply the policy of the state to the cruel purposes which their envy had suggested. For twelve years, it seems, no opportunity of attack presented itself; since he continued his philosophical labours at Athens for that time. Probably the name of Alexander had been itself a shelter to him against their malice. But the alienation of the royal favour gave an opening to their designs; and, on the death of Alexander, n. c. 323, he became the marked object of persecution. Through the agency of the hierophant Eurymedon, with whom was associated a powerful citizen, by name Demophilus, a direct accusation of impiety was brought against him before the court of Areopagus. He was charged with introducing doctrines adverse to the religion of Greece. It was alleged that he had paid divine honours both to Hermes and Pythias; to the former by a hymn in praise of his virtue, to the latter by celebrating her memory (for she was now dead) with the Eleusinian rites, and to both by statues of them erected at Delphi. He saw that he had no chance of a favourable hearing against so formidable a conspiracy; and that his death was fully determined by his enemies, knowing too well the malignant sycophancy which dominated at Athens. Instead, therefore, of confronting the charge, he made his escape to Chaleis, alleging to his friends, in allusion to the death of

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1. Plin. viii. 16. 2. Aristotle is said expressly to have cautioned Callisthenes in the words of Thetis to Achilles (Iliad, xviii. 95): "Brief life, my son, is destined for such words." 3. And generally to have admonished him to converse, either very seldom, or else most complaisantly, with the king. Valer. Maxim. vii. 2. Diog. Laert. in Aristot. 4. Arrian. Exp. Alex. vii. 27.; Plin. xxx. 16.; Xiphilin. in Carneades; Qu. Curtius. viii. 6.; Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philos. in Aristot. 5. Diog. Laert. in Aristot.; Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philos. in Xenocrat. vol. i. p. 754. 6. Diog. Laert. in Aristot.; Cicero, Tus. Qu. i. 4.; Orator. iii. 35.; Quintill. Inst. Orat. iii. 1. 7. Atalus Gellius, Nect. Att. xx. 5.; Plutarch in Alex. 8. The practice of teaching in walking was not peculiar to Aristotle (Elian. Var. Hist. i. 19.; Diog. Laert. iii. 11.; Brucker, Hist. Crit. Philos. in vol. i. p. 768.). Indeed the term ἀναποδημία was applied to "discussion," before the time of Aristotle. Aristophanes uses it humorously in Rev. 940, 951, in this sense. The custom appears to have been for the hearers to sit at the lectures of the philosophers. Cleon, in Thuc. iii. 38., compares the assembly to "persons sitting spectators of sophists." 9. u. c. 490. 10. The profanation of the mysteries was not an unknown occurrence at Athens. See Thuc. vi. 23, 61. 11. Well described by him in a line from Homer, οὐκέτι τε ὑπὸ γεράσαις, ἐννεάς τε καὶ εἴκοσιν, comparing it, with allusion to the etymology of the word, to the perpetual fruitage of the gardens of Alcinous. Aristotle, Socrates, "that he was unwilling to involve the Athenians in a second crime against philosophy." He did not long survive his retreat to Chalcis—little more, probably, than a year. He was then advanced in life, and broken with bodily infirmities as well as with dejection of spirit. On the approach of death, he declared his wish, it is said, with regard to his successor at the Lyceum. Theophrastus of Lesbos and Menedemus of Rhodes were the most conspicuous candidates for that honour; but the dying philosopher, avoiding a pointed rejection of either, delicately intimated his preference of Theophrastus by calling for cups of Lesbian and Rhodian wine, and, when he had tasted them, simply observing, ἡ θεοφράστου ἡ λεσβιακή ἡ συκεών, the Lesbian is the sueter. The expression was the more appropriate, as sweetness was the characteristic of the eloquence of Theophrastus.

The mode of his death is variously related. One account is, that he died from vexation at not being able to explain the current of the Euripus. Another story, less incredible than this, asserts that he drank aconite, in anticipation of the judgment of the Areopagus. The only probable account is, that he died from a natural decay of the powers of the stomach, his constitution being worn out by excessive watching and study. How exhaustless his application of mind was, may be judged from the anecdote related of him, that in composing himself to rest, he used to hold a brass ball in his hand in such a way, that the noise of its falling into a basin underneath it might awaken him from his slumber. Another anecdote to the same effect is, that on some occasion of sickness, he observed to the physician prescribing for him, "Treat me not as you would a driver of oxen or a digger, but tell me the cause, and you will find me obedient."

His fellow-citizens showed great respect to his memory. They conveyed his body to Stageirae, and erected a shrine and altar over his tomb. In gratitude also for the restoration of their city, effected through his interest with the Macedonian court, and the new code of laws which he had been permitted to frame for them, they instituted a festival called Aristotelica, and gave the name of Stagirite to the month in which the festival was held. Plutarch says that even in his time they showed the stone seats and shaded walks of the philosopher. The grant of a gymnasium had been among the advantages which he had obtained for his native city.

Aristotle was twice married. After the death of Pythias, by whom he had a daughter of the same name, he married Herpyllis, a fellow-citizen. By Herpyllis he had a son, Nicomachus, who became a disciple of Theophrastus, but died in battle at an early age. He adopted also as a son, Nicantor, the son of Proxenus, the friend of his youth, and by the directions of his will gave his daughter Pythias to him in marriage. Pythias, by her third husband Metrodorus, had a son named after the philosopher.

In his extant will we have a pleasing evidence of his amiable concern for his surviving family. It contains affectionate provisions, not only for his wife and children, but even for his slaves: expressly enjoining that no one of Aristotle's who had served him should be sold, but that each should be freed on attaining manhood, according to his deserts.

The fondness of the Greeks for apophthegm has handed down some reputed sayings of the philosopher, the genuineness of which, however, is extremely questionable, from their want either of spirit or of originality. The following, if true, would throw some light on his character. On being reproached for giving alms to a worthless person, his answer is said to have been, "It was not the disposition, but the man, that I pitied;" on hearing that he had been reviled by some one, "When I am absent, he may even scourge me;" to a talkative person, asking him whether he had not exhausted him with trifling, "No, indeed, for I have not been attending to you."

In body, Aristotle, if we may believe the accounts of his person, was deficient in the requisite symmetry. He is described as having slender legs and little eyes. To these defects were added a feeble voice and hesitating utterance. Unlike philosophers in general of that age, he attended to the ornament of his person. His hair was shorn; he wore several rings; and was elegant throughout in his dress. His health was infirm; but he sustained it by habits of temperance, and by that medical skill which he possessed in an eminent degree, so as to protract his life to the 63d year, b.c. 322.

Of his moral qualities, the zeal of philosophical rivalry has transmitted the most discordant accounts. Some have been as extravagant in their praises as others have been in their censures. By some, his patriotism, his affection for his friends, and reverence for his preceptor Plato—his moderation, and modesty, and love of truth—have been held up to admiration. By others, again, no crime has been thought too bad to be imputed to him. He has been stigmatized as a parasite, as gluttonous, effeminate, sordid, ungrateful, impious. Among his faults, too, have been mentioned a sneering cast of countenance, and an impertinent loquacity. In particular, he has been accused of assailing Plato with captious questions, and forcing the old man, then in his 80th year, to retire to the privacy of his garden. Whilst, however, the circumstances in which he lived, exalted as he was by the favour of kings, and by eminence in philosophy, afford a strong presumption that the dark side of the picture has at least been overcharged, we have a more decisive evidence to the truth of the favourable representations of his character in the temper and spirit of his extant writings. Throughout these, there is a candour, and manliness, and love of truth, strikingly discernible; not professedly set forth, but interwoven with the texture of his discussions, and rather betrayed unconsciously than demanding to be recognized. His ethical writings, especially, breathe a pure morality, such as we find in no antecedent philosopher; a morality also avowedly practical, and by which he would have stood self-condemned had his own conduct been at variance with it.

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1 Diog. Laert. in Aristot.; Ammon. in Aristot.; Origen. com. Cels. i. p. 51; edit. Cantab.; Elian. Var. Hist. iii. 36; Athenæus, xv. 16. 2 Aulus Gellius, Noct. Att. xiii. 5. 3 Justin Martyr, Cod. ad Graec.; Greg. Nazianz. Orat. iii. p. 79; Bayle, Dict. art. Aristot. note z. 4 Hesych. in Aristot.; Suidas, Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. ii. p. 109; Diog. Laert. in Aristot. 5 Diog. Laert. in Aristot. 6 Plutarch in Alex. 7 Aristocles apud Euseb. Prop. Ev. xv. 2. 8 Diog. Laert. in Aristot. 9 Diog. Laert. in Aristot. 10 Diog. Laert. in Aristot. 11 Diog. Laert. ἐγὼ δὲ τὸν Ἀριστοτέλην ἀποδείξω ὅτι ἀνθρώπῳ ἦν. 12 Diog. Laert. ἐγὼ δὲ τὸν Ἀριστοτέλην ἀποδείξω ὅτι ἀνθρώπῳ ἦν. 13 Ammonius says he dedicated an altar to Plato, inscribing it to him as "a man whom for the bad even to praise would be profane." 14 Hence the story of his selling the oil which he had used medicinally about his person. (Diog. Laert. in Aristot.) 15 Elian Var. Hist. iii. 19. 16 See Aristocles apud Euseb. Prop. Ev. xv. 2.