The republic of Colombia, in South America, was formed on the 17th of December 1819, by the congress of Venezuela, assembled in St Thomas de Angostura, through the influence of General Bolivar, and was afterwards confirmed by the general constituent congress of the whole country, held at the city of Rosario de Cucuta on the 22d of July 1821. It received the name of Colombia, in honour and remembrance of Columbus, the celebrated discoverer of America. It comprises the whole territory which formerly constituted the viceroyalty of New Granada and Quito, and the captain-generalship of Venezuela. The eastern boundary is formed by the Atlantic Ocean, and extends from Cape Nassau, at the mouth of the river Essequibo, in 7° 39' north latitude and 58° 47' west longitude, to Cape Gracias a Dios, in the province of Honduras, in 15° 1' north latitude and 82° 46' west longitude, including the islands of Margarita, St Andrews, and others. Its boundaries to the north with Guatemala are not yet well defined, but highly important to both countries, on account of the proposed water communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, at the lake of Nicaragua. On the Pacific, the western boundary commences at Golfo Dulce, in 8° 20' north latitude and 83° west longitude, and extends along the Pacific, including the adjacent islands, as far as the river Tumbes, in 3° 34' south latitude and 86° 30' west longitude. This river, and a well-defined boundary formed by lofty chains of mountains and by rivers, divide Colombia on the south from Peru, Brazil, and the British colonial possessions on the Essequibo. The point where Colombia, Peru, and Brazil unite, is at the junction of the rivers Yaburi and Marañon, in 4° 20' south latitude and 71° 50' west longitude; while the territories of Colombia, Brazil, and those of Britain, are conterminous at the Sierras de Tunnicuraque, in 1° 30' north latitude and 58° west longitude.

The extent of territory comprised within these limits is estimated at 92,000 square leagues, of which 58,300 belonged to New Granada and Quito, and 33,700 to Venezuela. The population of these, before the revolution, was estimated, the former at 2,000,000, and the latter at 900,000.

Colombia is traversed from south to north by the Cordillera of the Andes, and contains many of the most elevated mountains that characterize the extensive and important range which, with scarcely any interruption, extends from one end of America to the other. It generally runs parallel to the coast of the Pacific Ocean, which on an average is about 150 miles distant from it. The highest elevation in Colombia is at Chimborazo, near the equator, the height of which is estimated at 20,100 feet. This was long considered as the highest mountain in America, until it was ascertained that the mountains of Sora and Illimani, near La Paz, in Bolivia, are more elevated. (See BOLIVIA.) On approaching the isthmus of Panama the Cordillera gradually decreases in elevation, and there nearly ceases; but to the north it again becomes elevated, and traverses the whole northern continent of America to the Polar Ocean. In the centre of New Granada the Andes are separated into three parallel ridges, which extend from 2° 30' to 5° 15' of north latitude. The eastern ridge divides the waters of the river Magdalena from those of the Meta and other western tributaries of the Orinoco; and none of its mountains reaches the limits of perpetual snow. The central ridge divides the rivers Magdalena and Cauca, and is the highest of these ranges; many of its mountains, such as Quindiu, Baragan, and Guanacas, having their summits continually covered with snow. The western ridge divides the Cauca from the coast of the Pacific, but in no part exceeds 4500 feet in altitude, and is nearly lost in the province of Darien. These three ridges unite to form one chain at Pasto, in 1° 15' north latitude, a very rugged and mountainous country, but of less elevation. To the south the Andes divides into two parallel ranges, which cross the equator, and are again re-united at Asuay. Along the two intervening ranges are found the lofty and snowy mountains of Chimborazo, Cayamba, Cotopaxi, Pichincha, Antisana, and others, the greater part volcanic, and often in a state of activity. From the Andes, between 3° and 6° of north latitude, a lateral branch of mountains proceeds to the eastward, and gives origin to the Guaviare, Meta, and other rivers. At the place where it crosses the Orinoco it gives rise to the cataracts of Maypure and Atures. Farther eastward this chain becomes more elevated, dividing the waters of the Orinoco from those of the Maranon, and separating Brazil from Colombia; and, before its termination, it forms the line of separation between Colombia and the British possessions of Essequibo, Berbice, and Demerara, and constitutes the mountains of Parime, in which is situated the volcanic mountain of Duida, 8465 feet above the level of the ocean.

North from Bogota the central ridge of the Andes loses, near Honda, its great elevation; and decreasing in size, it passes Antioquia, and terminates near Mompox. The eastern range, less elevated, continues to the province of Socorro, and separates the waters of the Magdalena from those of the Orinoco. At the lofty paramo of Almorsadero, where the Andes form one group, from which arise tributaries to the rivers Apure, Zulia, and Magdalena, the Cordillera divides into two branches; the eastern proceeding to the north-east, along the maritime provinces of Merida, Coro, Caracas, and Cumana, and reaching in some Colombia, parts of its course the limits of perpetual snow. The Ne- vada of Merida is 15,000 feet, and the Silla of Caracas 8420, but the average height of the range is only 4500 feet. The western branch proceeds northward by Ocaña to form the Sierra Perija, which is situated west of the lake of Maracaibo, and terminates near Santa Martha, in the elevated and snowy mountain called Sierra Nevada.

The mountains and intermediate valleys of Colombia, which constitute so marked a portion of its territory, contain the greater part of the population, as well as the principal cities, such as Caracas, Bogota, Quito, Popayan, Cuenca, and others, and are the principal seats of agriculture and the arts.

The other parts of Colombia form the extensive llanos or plains through which run the rivers Caqueta, Meta, Guaviare, Casanare, Apure, and a variety of other tributaries of the Orinoco. It is of great extent, the distance from the mouth of the Orinoco to the foot of the Andes being 380 leagues. To the south of the equator it is terminated in the country south of the river Caqueta; and on the east by the Cordillera of Parime, commencing at Angostura. The extent of these plains is estimated at about 17,000 square leagues, and their elevation above the sea does not exceed forty or fifty toises. To the south they are covered with immense forests, and contain very few inhabitants; but north of the Meta the forests are less abundant, the greater part of the country being inundated during several months of the year by the overflowing of the rivers, and covered by extensive herds of cattle and horses, and a more numerous population. The climate of these plains is hotter and less healthy than on the mountains; and the vegetation throughout is extremely vigorous and luxuriant, the whole country teeming with animals, birds, fishes, reptiles, and insects, in endless variety of form and description. The llanos are traversed by a number of large rivers, the greater part of which are tributaries of the Orinoco. Many of these are navigable to a great extent, more especially the Apure and the Meta. By the latter, water communication for vessels of considerable size may be obtained from the Atlantic, at the mouth of the Orinoco, to within a few leagues of Bogota, the capital of New Granada, a distance of about 1500 miles. By means of the Cassiquiare, one of the southern branches of the Orinoco, this river communicates with the Rio Negro, a tributary of the river Maranon, and establishes a water communication between the two largest and most extensive rivers in the universe. So great an extent of internal communication as that furnished by these numerous rivers will produce the greatest advantages when these countries become more populous and civilized. The large river Magdalena drains the country between the eastern and central ridges of the Cordillera, in New Granada, and is navigable to within a short distance of Bogota. The rivers on the coast of the Pacific are of less importance, being short and rapid in their course. The most important is that of Guayaquil, which is navigable to a great extent, and gives free admission and exit to the commerce of Quito, and the other parts of the republic of the Equator, all of which concentrates itself at the port of Guayaquil. In the province of Choco a water communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans may be formed at little expense and trouble. The river Atrato, which traverses that province, enters the Gulf of Darien; it is navigable, and at its upper extremity only a little way distant from another river, which enters the Pacific. A small communication was at one time formed betwixt them, which allowed boats laden with produce to pass from one sea to the other; but this communication was interrupted by the jealous colonial policy of the Spaniards. Should the projected communication take place between the Atlantic and Pacific, by the lake of CoNicaragua and the river San Juan, it will be equally interesting and valuable to Colombia and Guatemala; as the former power claims the Atlantic coast of that part of the isthmus, while the Pacific coast corresponding to it forms an integral part of the territory of the Central republic of Guatemala. The extensive lake of Maracaibo, and its large tributary rivers, also greatly augment the internal navigation of Colombia; and it is already traversed by steam vessels, as are likewise the Orioco and the Magdalena.

Colombia, from its extensive and diversified surface, its climate embracing all the intermediate gradations of temperature, from the heats of the torrid zone to the lines of perpetual snow, presents a country calculated by nature to become one of the most opulent and prosperous on the face of the globe; but until lately the political circumstances in which it has been placed have greatly retarded the development of its numerous and abundant natural resources. During the time it was under the dominion of Spain, the cultivation of the vine and the olive, the breeding of the silk-worm, and the working of iron mines, were prohibited in South America, under severe penalties, lest they should interfere with the productions and fabrics of Spain. The foreign commerce of Colombia was fettered by monopoly, and its intercourse with the neighbouring countries subject to numerous restrictions and prohibitions. All European supplies came from Cadiz, although not even a fourth part of them was the produce of Spain. They were procured principally from France, England, Holland, and the Hanse Towns, and paid heavy transit duties at Cadiz, and again on their landing in South America, which so greatly enhanced the price to the consumer, that such commodities were generally beyond the reach of the poorer classes. The demand indeed was very limited compared to the amount of population to be supplied; and there was comparatively little exit for the more bulky productions of the country, which were of comparatively small value, and often lost to the cultivator for want of consumers, which would have been numerous had commerce been open to all nations. In time of war in Europe, Spain was incapable of protecting her commerce, and the intercourse of that country with her American colonies was suspended or greatly diminished; the consequence of which was, that an extensive contraband trade arose, wherein the principal commercial nations of Europe chiefly participated; but by this means the bulky articles of produce could not be exported, and hence these were generally paid for in specie or bullion. The average imports into Colombia from Spain were calculated at eleven millions of dollars annually, and about half that amount by the contraband trade. The agricultural branches of industry, and the mining of the precious metals in Venezuela and New Granada, experienced much injury and diminution during the disastrous war of independence, and many districts previously in a high state of cultivation were reduced to comparative sterility. The congress, therefore, on the termination of the war, granted exemption from all contributions, for ten years to all lands where cacao was cultivated, for seven years to land producing coffee, and for four years to those producing indigo, with the view of encouraging the cultivation of these staple articles; and the commerce of the interior was encouraged by the abolition of internal duties. Besides these articles, Colombia produces cotton, sugar, tobacco, rice, maize, wheat, barley, and a variety of other useful articles. Its native productions are principally timber in great abundance and variety, adapted for ship-building and almost every other purpose; dye-woods, cinchona bark, gums, balsams, and a variety of medicinal and other useful substances. Cattle exist in great abundance on the extensive plains of Venezuela and Casanare, and horses and mules are also The riches of the mountainous districts consist principally of the valuable mines and washings of gold, silver, platina, and other metals. These have been less productive than formerly, especially during the revolutionary war, but will resume their importance as the country continues tranquil, and property becomes secure. On the termination of the war of independence, may even during its continuance, the commerce of Colombia assumed a different aspect; and the inhabitants, although at first beset with many embarrassments, were enabled at length to trade directly with the countries whose productions and manufactures were most necessary for them. But the amount of this traffic has as yet been very limited, from the impoverishment of the country, and the falling off in the cultivation of the most valuable articles of produce which has been consequent on the war of independence.

A more complete account of the commerce of the different states which constituted the republic of Colombia, will be given when these states, now independent of each other in respect to their interests, shall merit consideration; but some idea may be formed of the nature, value, and extent of its exterior commerce with Great Britain and the United States, from the following tables, the first of which is applicable to a period of six years ending with 1827.

The official value of imports into Great Britain from Colombia during six years was L321,092.18s. 6d. and consisted of the following articles:

| Quantities Imported | Quantities entered for Home Consumption | |---------------------|----------------------------------------| | Coffee | 2,607,151 lbs. | | Copper unwrought | 1045 cwt. | | Cortex Peruvian | 15,472 lbs. | | Dyewoods, Fustic | 3401 tons | | Logwood | 568 tons | | Nicaragua | 2088 tons | | Number of raw hides | 2791 | | Weight of raw hides | 2603 cwt. | | Indigo | 243,839 lbs. | | Mother-of-pearl shells | 671,398 lbs. | | Cotton wool | 1,841,264 lbs. |

During the same period the official and declared value of the exports from Great Britain to Colombia were as follows:

| Official value of British and Irish produce and manufactures | L2,064,633 12 0 | | Do. of foreign and colonial merchandise | 148,075 0 6 | | Total | L2,212,708 12 6 |

Declared value of British and Irish produce and manufactures during six years...L1,438,036 17 8

The articles of export from Great Britain to Colombia during the above period were as follows:

**British and Irish Produce and Manufactures.**

Apparel, millinery, and slops, declared value, L24,606. 8s. 6d.

Arms and ammunition, do. L55,818. 16s. 11d.

Cotton entered by yards, 18,856,708 yards.

Do. hosiery and small wares, declared value, L26,979. 8s.

Earthenware of all kinds, 1,511,638 pieces.

Glass of all kinds, declared value, L23,559. 12s. 8d.

Hardware and cutlery, 5359 cwt. 2 qrs. 20 lbs.

Number of hats of all sorts, 51,943.

Iron and steel, wrought and unwrought, 870 tons. 16 cwt. 1 qr. 1 lb.

Leather and saddlery, declared value, L15,177. 9s.

Linens entered by the yard, 4,641,354 yards.

Linens entered by value, declared value, L5846. 7s.

Machinery and mill-work, do. L7953. 10s.

Silk manufactures, do. L14,985. 11s.

Woollens entered by the piece, 24,298 pieces.

Do. by the yard, 228,917 yards.

Do. at value, declared value, L1540.

All other articles, declared value, L71,006. 19s. 10d.

**Foreign and Colonial Merchandise.**

Cottons of India, 78,869 pieces.

Do. of Europe, entered by piece, 165 pieces.

Do. do. by square yard, 30,552½ yards.

Number of single shawls, 245.

Value of do. L605. 13s. 2d.

Linen entered by piece, 260 pieces.

Do. by the ell, 6978 ells.

Do. by square yards, 38 yards.

Do. at value, L95. 12s. 7d.

Paper stained for hangings, 16,116 square yards.

Quicksilver, 64,176 lbs.

Silk manufactures of India, entered by piece, 1988 pieces.

Do. by weight, 820,120.

Number of single shawls, 744.

Do. of Europe, entered by weight, 2534 lbs. 4 oz.

Do. at value, L4328. 4s.

Spices, including pepper, L45,089.

Brandy and geneva, 6308 gallons.

Rum, 5592 gallons.

Wines, 32,380 gallons.

Woollens, by the piece, 327 pieces.

Do. by the yard, 1628 yards.

Do. at value, L175.

All other articles, L10,142. 15s. 2d.

The commerce of the United States of North America with Colombia during the year ending in September 1830 was as follows:

| Value of imports from Colombia | L1,120,095 dollars = L260,019 4 0 | |-------------------------------|----------------------------------| | Value of exports to Colombia— | | | Domestic produce | L316,732 | | Foreign produce | L180,258 | | | 496,990 dollars = L99,398 0 0 |

The exports of Colombia are principally cacao, coffee, indigo, cotton, hides, live cattle, horses, mules, timber, dye-stuffs, cinchona bark, bullion and uncoined gold and silver, platina, &c. Its imports are principally cotton and woollen fabrics from Great Britain; linen and silks from France; wines, brandies, iron, and cutlery; paper and other articles from the various countries of Europe. The tariff is formed generally on judicious principles, such as are calculated to favour commerce; but it differs considerably in its details in the three separate states into which Colombia is now permanently divided, according to the principal productions and circumstances of each. Every encouragement has been given by the government and people of Colombia to promote the immigration of industrious Europeans, who enjoy there all the privileges and rights of the natives of the country, and have some exemptions which are denied to the latter. They enjoy liberty of conscience, although toleration has not yet been expressly established by law; but circumstances are rapidly preparing the public mind for these and other equally important innovations. The mountainous parts of Colombia enjoy a mild, healthy, and genial climate, well suited for European agriculture; and emigrants from Great Britain will everywhere be received with the most friendly feelings, in consideration of the important aid they received from the people of that country during their war of independence. During the period of tranquillity which has followed the war of independence, no systematic estimates have been made of the population; but it is expected that, when the first census is made, there will be found a considerable increase. The estimates of the population of New Granada are more to be depended upon than the others, as they were taken by census during the Spanish government, and again in 1820 and 1821. The number of uncivilized indigenous Indians in Colombia was estimated at 200,000, but they are not included in the table; and if to this we add those who, from various motives, evaded being included in the census, the whole population will be about three millions.

**Population and Territorial Division of Colombia in 1824.**

| Departments | Provinces | Population of Provinces | Population of Departments | Representatives for each Province | |-------------|-----------|-------------------------|--------------------------|---------------------------------| | Orinoco | Cumana | 70,000 | | | | | Guayana | 30,000 | | | | | Barcelona | 45,000 | | | | | Margarita | 15,000 | | | | Venezuela | Caracas | 350,000 | | | | | Carabobo | | | | | Apure | Varinas | 130,000 | | | | | Apure | | | | | | Maracaybo | 48,700 | | | | Zulia | Cero | 30,000 | | | | | Truxillo | 33,400 | | | | | Merida | 50,000 | | | | | Tunja | 200,000 | | | | Boyaca | Socorro | 150,000 | | | | | Pamplona | 75,000 | | | | | Casanare | 19,000 | | | | | Bogota | 172,000 | | | | Cundinamarca| Antioquia | 104,000 | | | | | Mariquita | 45,000 | | | | | Neiva | 50,000 | | | | | Popayan | 107,000 | | | | Cauca | Buenaventura | 21,000 | | | | | Pasto | 42,100 | | | | | Choco | 22,000 | | | | Magdalena | Carthagena | 170,000 | | | | | Santa Martha | 62,000 | | | | | Rio Hacha | 7,300 | | | | Isthmus | Panama | 50,000 | | | | | Veragua | 30,000 | | | | | Pichinchin | 165,218 | | | | Equator | Imbabura | 65,235 | | | | | Chimborazo | 127,246 | | | | | Cuenca | 89,345 | | | | Asuay | Loxa | 35,000 | | | | | Jaen & Maynas | 16,000 | | | | Guayaquil | Guayaquil | 90,000 | | | | | Manabi | | | | | Total | | 2,717,442 | | |

The preceding table, however, gives a comparative estimate with reference to that made before the revolution; and the diminished number may be attributed to the protracted and sanguinary war of independence, in which it is calculated that no less than 400,000 perished in the field of battle, on the scaffold, and otherwise; of which 250,000 fell in Venezuela, and 150,000 in New Granada.

The inhabitants of Colombia are divided into whites, Indians, free coloured people, and negro slaves, who exist in very different proportions in the different sections of the country.

| | Venezuela | New Granada | Quito | Total | |----------|-----------|-------------|-------|-------| | Whites | 200,000 | 877,000 | 157,000| 1,234,000 | | Indians | 207,000 | 313,000 | 303,000| 913,000 | | Free coloured people | 433,000 | 140,000 | 42,000 | 615,000 | | Negro slaves | 60,000 | 70,000 | 5,000 | 135,000 | | Total | 900,000 | 1,400,000 | 600,000| 2,900,000 |

Their relative proportions are indicated in the preceding table; and these have undergone little change since 1810, excepting that in Venezuela and New Granada the number of negro slaves was greatly diminished during the war of independence, in which they took an active and important part, at first in favour of the Spaniards, and afterwards in the cause of independence, by which means many obtained their freedom. The number of slaves has also been greatly diminished by the judicious measures adopted by the congress of Cucuta in 1821, to bring slavery eventually to an end in Colombia. Since that period all children of slave parents have been born free; and by well-judged regulations, a gradual system of emancipation has been introduced. Children of slaves are not absolutely free from birth, but are invested with a prospective freedom, to be rendered complete at a period when they are fully capable of acting for themselves. At first it was fixed at eighteen years of age; but this having been found practically to be too early, has been changed. During the intermediate period they are subject to the authority of the proprietor of the mother, who has certain duties to perform towards them in relation to education, and has a right to their services under certain conditions, as a remuneration for their maintenance in childhood and the loss of the services of the mother during their infancy. A fund to emancipate the most deserving slaves is formed from the property of persons dying without heirs, and by a per centage on the succession to property, the rate exacted being diminished in proportion to the propinquity of the heirs. Any instance of cruelty committed on slaves by their proprietors, if proved before the competent tribunals, is punished in proportion to its extent, by allowing the slave to find another master, or by manumission without ransom; and if under very aggravated circumstances, the proprietor is rendered legally incapable of being a slave owner, and is obliged to sell the remainder of his slaves. These wise and beneficent measures have been productive of the best effects; the number of slaves is rapidly diminishing; and it is confidently anticipated, that in the course of ten or fifteen years hence there will be no slaves in Colombia. The coloured people and slaves are treated with more kindness and consideration, and better protected by the laws, in Colombia and other parts of South America, than in the colonial possessions of other countries; and the results are highly satisfactory, for many of the coloured people in Venezuela have distinguished themselves by their acquirements in the mechanical arts, and by even higher attainments. Some of them have served in the legislature and other official situations, with credit to themselves and benefit to their country.

The great mass of the population of Colombia was kept in the most profound ignorance during the three centuries of Spanish government. Four fifths of the inhabitants, comprehending the Indians, slaves, artizans, and labourers, did not even learn to read or write, from the want of primary schools, none of which were ever established by the Spanish government. The few which existed were owing to... individual beneficence, or to the municipalities. So ignorant were the greater number of the inhabitants, that they only knew imperfectly a small catechism used in their devotions, and the exterior forms of their religion, which they were accustomed to from early age. No moral instruction of any kind was given except by the clergy from the pulpit, and even this to a very limited extent. The children of the more opulent classes, as proprietors, merchants, and persons engaged in the various administrative departments, had greater advantages; but they were too often only taught reading, writing, and arithmetic. Some, however, pursued their studies in the colleges, and prepared themselves for the only employments to which the Creoles could then aspire, namely, to become clergymen or lawyers. Universities and colleges existed in Caracas, Bogota, and Quito, and other public seminaries of education in Merida, Popayan, Cartagena, Panama, Santa Marta, and Cuenca, from some of which have issued the most illustrious men of the country; but the whole system of education there pursued, was so very imperfect and defective, that the scholars remained comparatively ignorant of the actual state of science and philosophy in Europe.

The object of the authorities and of the clergy evidently was to keep them as ignorant as possible, that they might prove more obedient and submissive to their power. With only a few exceptions, every possible obstacle was presented to the acquisition of useful knowledge by the Creoles, more especially on political matters, which were prohibited by law, under severe penalties. The unjust and iniquitous tribunal of the inquisition likewise contributed its power and influence in excluding knowledge from these countries, by prohibiting the introduction of the most valuable foreign publications; so that any progress made in science and literature, and more especially on subjects connected with politics, could only be accomplished in secret, and under the greatest difficulties. Latterly, however, the French language was cultivated with zeal in Colombia, and the inhabitants became familiar with the literature of France.

Great changes have occurred since the commencement of the revolution, and all these obstacles to the diffusion of knowledge have been removed; but the sanguinary war of so many years called off the attention of the youth from these occupations, and the lives of numbers of the most intelligent and best educated citizens were sacrificed to gratify the vindictive passions of the leaders of the royalists. One of the latter, Morillo, observed that none but labourers, artisans, and miners, ought to be left in America; and that all the lawyers, judges, missionaries, and public functionaries, should be brought from Spain, by which means alone the colonies could be preserved. Nevertheless, of late years great progress has been made in all the departments of science, and in other branches of knowledge; and there is now free ingress to books from all quarters, their prohibition belonging entirely to the civil power. The liberty of the press has been established, and the numerous periodicals and newspapers which are continually published in all parts of the country, tend greatly to enlighten the community, and familiarize them with their rights and duties as freemen.

In 1821 the congress assembled in Cucuta passed three laws relative to education. The first ordered the establishment of primary schools in every parish in Colombia, and Lancasterian schools in all the principal cities, whence they might be gradually extended to the other parts of the republic; the second decree suppressed all the convents in Colombia containing a less number of regularly-qualified friars than nine, and appropriated their property and revenues to the furtherance of education; and the third decree was, that the capellanias de jure devoluta, formed by private individuals for the use of their relatives or descendants, should, on all such claims legitimately ceasing, not devolve on the bishops and clergy as formerly, but be devoted to augment the funds for the foundation and endowment of colleges to be established in each of the provinces. These wise measures of the government and its agents have produced the happiest results, and schools have been established in almost every parish, where young people are taught reading, writing, the general principles of morals and religion, and the principal rights of man in society. New colleges have been founded in different provinces, and the old ones re-established on improved principles, where numbers of young men are instructed in the natural sciences, legislation, and political economy. The encouragement given has attracted to these seminaries of education many accomplished teachers and professors, and some distinguished foreigners; and the whole population of Colombia, with very few exceptions, now see with the utmost pleasure the prospect of their country possessing all those advantages of education which were denied to their ancestors. These beneficial measures experienced some interruption in their progress in consequence of the suspension of some of the laws regarding education at the time when Bolivar attempted to overturn the established constitution of Colombia, and establish his own code in its stead. Since his decease, the respective legislatures of the three states which formerly constituted the republic of Colombia have used efficient measures to remedy these evils, and to render them again subservient to the important cause of improvement.

Jury trial has been introduced in Colombia for offences committed against the press and in commercial matters; and the first efforts to establish so important an innovation into their judicial proceedings have hitherto been attended with the most favourable results. The juries for offences against the press consist each of twenty-four members, and are annually elected by the municipality of the capital town of each province, the municipality having been previously elected by the citizens. For commercial matters, the juries are formed by each party naming five persons in his confidence; and each party can object to three of those nominated by his opponent, leaving four efficient members, with whom the sheriff is united. Before these juries are formed, it is the duty of the magistrates to call each of the parties, and endeavour to induce them to settle amicably their disputes. The decisions of the commercial juries may be appealed to the supreme court of justice, for any amount above a hundred dollars.

While under the dominion of Spain, no religion was permitted in Colombia excepting the Catholic, the clergy of which ruled the inhabitants in all matters, even remotely connected with religion, in the most despotic manner; and, with the powerful assistance of the tribunal of the inquisition, were successful, for nearly three centuries, in keeping the whole community immersed in the most debasing ignorance and superstition; every avenue being carefully closed against the entrance of knowledge. They accumulated great riches; and by a variety of means possessed themselves of a considerable portion of the earnings of the people. The king of Spain possessed from the pope the right of patronage to all the ecclesiastical benefices in America, a power which was delegated to the viceroys and governors. This formed a strong inducement to the clergy to attach themselves to the government and policy of Spain, and their influence was great in keeping the people in subjection to its authority. In the early part of the revolution they were extremely active in opposing its progress; but afterwards many of them became patriots,

Colombia and rendered essential services to the cause of their country.

There are two archbishops and nine bishops in Colombia. In Venezuela the bishops of Merida and Guayana are suffragans to the archbishopric of Caracas. In New Granada the bishops of Santa Martha, Cartagena, and Popayan are suffragans of the archbishoprics of Santa Fe de Bogota; the other bishops, however, as those of Panama, Quito, Cuenca, and Maynas, are suffragans of Lima. During the revolution, the number of these dignitaries diminished so much, from death and other causes, that at length all became vacant, excepting those of Merida and Popayan; and these vacancies could not be filled up without the intervention of the pope, with whom direct intercourse was suspended during the revolutionary war. Since that time, however, it has been disputed point between the government and his holiness to whom the right of patronage should belong; the former urging its claim to this right in virtue of the cession made of it by the pope to the king of Spain, who had always exercised it in South America, and to whom they have now succeeded as rightful possessors of this important power; while the latter disputed this pretension, and claimed the whole right of patronage to himself. Negotiations were carried on between Rome and Colombia on this matter during 1825 and 1826, but without any satisfactory results. In 1827, however, a provisional arrangement was acceded to by both parties, and carried into effect, in order to fill up the vacant sees. The names of three clergymen, selected by the government of Venezuela, for each see, were presented to the pope, who chose one of their number to fill the vacancy; and since that time the same practice has been continued, but no specific agreement has yet been made. In 1824 the secular clergy of Colombia amounted in all to 1891 persons, including two bishops, 875 curates in property, 705 curates not proprietors, forty-nine ecclesiastical cabildos, thirty-four chaplains, and 178 of the minor orders. At the same period there were in existence seventy-three convents, containing 1178 monks, and thirty-one nunneries, containing 2083 nuns and other inmates. The number of these had been considerably diminished in consequence of the decree of the congress in 1821, which suppressed every monastery having less in number than nine efficient friars. In the same year forty of these establishments were closed, and their funds applied for the purposes of education. Since that time others have shared the same fate, and their number is now considerably reduced.

The influence of the secular and regular clergy in Colombia, formerly so great, was much diminished during the revolution, in consequence of the increase of intelligence, and the general diffusion of knowledge consequent to that event. They still, however, possess considerable influence among the people, especially in those parts of Colombia which are most secluded from intercourse with other countries, as in the provinces of Quito and some parts of New Granada; but in Venezuela this influence has been greatly diminished. In 1825 a clergyman of Bogota published a pamphlet against toleration, which was printed and published there without opposition, and had an extensive circulation. In 1826 the clergy of Venezuela agreed at one of their ecclesiastical cabildos to approve of it, and cause it to be reprinted for circulation in Venezuela. This decision was carried into effect; but so wary were the members of the meeting, that only one of their number, the canonigo Santana, signed it. The procurator of Caracas considering this writing as a violation of the constitution, accused it as seditious, and as calculated to excite odium towards strangers, and had the canonigo arrested and put in prison. In eight days afterwards he was tried by a jury of the press, who convicted him of sedition and a violation of the laws; and he was sentenced to pay a fine, and suffer imprisonment for one or two months. The clergy are now all amenable to the civil law, the privilege which they formerly enjoyed, of being only tried by the ecclesiastical courts, having been abolished in all cases not purely spiritual.

In 1830, when the constituent congress of Venezuela was engaged in forming the constitution of that state, after its separation from the republic of Colombia, no mention was made of the established religion of the country, as the members concurred in opinion that they were not entitled to legislate on the religious belief of the community. This omission excited the apprehensions of the clergy, who made strenuous but ineffectual endeavours to influence the congress; and, when required to take the customary oath to the constitution, the archbishop and bishops of Venezuela refused to do so, assigning as their reason the omission indicated. On this occasion, the government of Venezuela, with Paez at its head, acted with much firmness and decision; for although these dignitaries of the church were decided patriots, and much esteemed by all, they were displaced from their respective sees, and were banished from their country to the Antilles. During their absence various reforms in the church took place, and others were in progress; on hearing which, they took alarm, and obtained permission to return to their respective sees, upon promising to take the customary oath to the constitution.

The tribunal of the inquisition has been abolished forever in Colombia, and its property confiscated to the state. The clergy are allowed to exercise the ecclesiastical jurisdiction on matters purely spiritual, but their authority extends only to Colombians and foreign Catholics, and cannot interfere with foreigners who are temporary or permanent residents, and who do not intermeddle with the Catholic religion.

Increased knowledge and republican institutions will in time lessen still more the influence of the Catholic clergy in these countries. Although the Roman Catholic apostolic religion is still the established religion of Colombia, yet other creeds are not excluded either by the constitution or the laws. Free discussion on religious matters is permitted; a spirit of reform in ecclesiastical affairs is gradually forming throughout the country; and the feelings which formerly existed against heretics have been greatly diminished, and now exist only among some fanatics and bigoted persons.

The first attempt at revolution in Venezuela was made in 1797, by the influence of three state prisoners, confined on account of their political principles, and who had been sent as prisoners for life from Spain to La Guayra. By their eloquence and persuasive manners they acquired much influence with the officers and soldiers, by whom they were viewed as victims of despotism, and sufferers in the cause of liberty. The principles which they professed extended rapidly, and they found many supporters among the various classes of the community. The whole plot was, however, at length discovered by the government, and measures were taken to arrest all the conspirators. The two principal movers, Gual and España, made their escape; and the authorities violated their engagements to those who surrendered. Of seventy-two who had been arrested, seven were condemned to death, others to the galleys and temporary imprisonment, and the remainder were sent to Spain. Their plan was well concerted, and, although unsuccessful, laid the foundation in Caracas of those liberal principles which subsequently led to the liberation of the country.

The knowledge of a revolutionary spirit existing in Venezuela induced General Miranda to use his influence to organise an expedition in Europe, in order to liberate his native country from the dominion of Spain; and after experiencing many disappointments in England and elsewhere, he at length sailed for Venezuela in 1806, with a small force chiefly collected in the United States. He encountered many difficulties; but at length, aided by a body of men which he received from the British admiral on that station, he landed at La Vela de Coro on the 2d of August, defeated the Spaniards, and obtained possession of two forts, cannon, stores, and ammunition. He then took possession of the city of Coro, whence he issued a proclamation to the inhabitants of these countries. Although he had numerous friends throughout the country, yet the smallness of his forces prevented his being joined by any considerable number of the inhabitants. The Spaniards prepared a considerable force to oppose him, upon which he retired from Coro towards the sea coast, and made an unsuccessful application for reinforcements from the British authorities. He was at length obliged to evacuate Venezuela, and retire to Trinidad. The country remained tranquil during 1807; but in 1808 the occurrences connected with Napoleon's invasion of Spain tended greatly to loosen the ties connecting the inhabitants of the new and the old world, and, with the previous essays made towards independence, at length gave rise to a revolution in some of its features unexampled in history.

The invasion of Spain by Bonaparte in 1808, and the subsequent events in that country which deprived it of its legitimate authorities, gave rise to the formation of juntos in Seville and Asturias, and a regency, all of whom at different times assumed the supreme authority, and communicated with the American colonies, calling upon these to acknowledge their authority, and to co-operate with them against Napoleon. The colonies did not immediately avail themselves of so very favourable an opportunity of asserting their freedom, but rather sympathized with the distressing situation of the royal family, and the efforts of the Spaniards to liberate themselves from French dominion. Although almost the whole of the American governors were favourable to the views of Napoleon, yet they were resolutely opposed by the Creoles of South America, who, early in 1810, transmitted ninety millions of dollars to the central junto of Spain, to enable it to carry on the war with France. On the 10th of August 1809, the principal inhabitants of Quito, to provide for their own security, established a separate government, to which at first the Spanish authorities acceded. By favouring the formation of a junto, and the free declaration of opinions, they became effectually acquainted with the sentiments and views of the friends of liberty. Meanwhile troops were prepared and marched from Lima and Santa Fe to Quito, and on their arrival overpowered the friends of the junto, and dissolved the new administration. Assurances of forgiveness were given by Cruz de Castillo, the Spanish chief, to the patriots; but these were soon violated by their arrest and imprisonment. On the 2d of August of the following year, during a false alarm caused on purpose by the soldiers, the greater part of the patriots, with their most distinguished leaders, were massacred in their prisons, and the troops from Peru were permitted to plunder the inhabitants with impunity. These outrages exasperated the inhabitants so much that they armed themselves with knives and bludgeons, and attacked the troops from Lima, who fired upon the people. The consequences would have been fatal to the Spaniards, had not the president and the audiencia published an act of oblivion, and ordered the troops to leave the city. A junto was formed at Quito by the influence of Montufar, commissioner of the regency to Quito, of which Rius de Castillo was declared president.

The country, however, was not tranquil under the government of this junto. Those opposed to the revolution united with the troops from Lima, who had not left the country, with others from Panama and Guayaquil under Molina, who was named president of Quito by the regency. The new president entered the territory of Quito at the head of his troops, but was opposed by the junto, whose forces were at length defeated; and subsequently Montes, the successor of Molina, after various actions with the Quitenos, at length conquered the province, and entered the city of Quito on the 6th of November, laying waste every thing before him, killing or taking prisoners every one opposed to him, and putting to death every fifth person left to defend the city, while the bishop and other refugees were pursued by his troops.

After the dispersion of the central junto in Spain, the people of Caracas, having no hopes of accommodation with the captain-general Emparan, named deputies, who, together with the municipality of Caracas, assumed the reins of government on 19th April 1810, in the name of Ferdinand, with the title of supreme junto. The captain-general and the royal audiencia were seized and sent to the United States; the alcabala, tributes of the Indians, and slavery, were abolished; and the freedom of commerce and agriculture was established. Similar juntos were formed in other parts of Venezuela, with the exception only of Coro and Maracaibo; and they acted in concert with that of Caracas, which informed the regency of Spain what had happened, and offered every aid in their power against the French. These communications, however, were received in a very different spirit by the regency, who condemned all the proceedings which had taken place, and used every means to prevent the further progress of these measures; declared the coast of Venezuela to be in a state of blockade, and sent Corta-Varria to reduce them to subjection. At first he had recourse to conciliatory measures to induce them to dissolve the junto; but these proving ineffectual, he employed spies and emissaries to produce a counter revolution. Some hostilities were carried on by the adherents of the junto against the Spaniards at Coro, but without any satisfactory results. General Miranda reached Venezuela early in 1811, although contrary to the desire of the supreme junto, who feared lest he might implicate them more deeply with Spain than they had yet become. About this time the British government made an ineffectual attempt to settle the disputes between the regency of Spain and the new American authorities.

In New Granada, on hearing of the dispersion of the central junto of Spain, the inhabitants of Santa Fe de Bogota renounced their allegiance to their Spanish governors, and formed a junto on the 20th of July 1810, acknowledging the Spanish regency, and electing the governor president; but suspicious rising of his intentions, he was sent with his lady and the principal members of the audiencia to Cartagena, and thence to Spain. The authority of the regency was then thrown off, and the other provinces were invited to send deputies to the capital to deliberate on the measures necessary during the captivity of the king. The provinces of Tunja, Pamplona, Casanare, Carthagena, Socorro, Antioquia, Citara, Neyva, and Mariquita, declared in favour of the revolution. Tacon, governor of Popayan, opposed the new government, and raised a force to attack it; but he was met and defeated by Baraya, near Popayan, early in 1811. He fled to Pasto, and being unable to raise a sufficient force to encounter the patriots, he gave liberty to all the slaves, who were numerous, and disposed to rise; but finding himself still too weak to take the field, he retired to San Buenaventura, on the coast, where he was afterwards completely defeated by Baraya. manifesto issued by the junto of Carthagena on the 19th of September 1811, from its unguarded and incautious language, sowed dissension among the provinces, and prevented them from acting in union and concert with each other, and eventually produced the most injurious consequences to the cause of independence. A treaty of alliance, however, was formed with the new authorities of Caracas; and the dissensions in New Granada having at length somewhat subsided, the congress again assembled at Bogota, but was only partially attended. The deputies of Pamplona, Neyva, Antioquia, and Carthagena, on 27th November 1811, formed a compact, which was dissented from on the part of Santa Fe de Bogota, where there took place an assembly of the people, who, on the 17th of April 1812, ratified a provincial constitution which had been presented to them.

The congress of Venezuela met on the 2d of March 1811, when a constitution, previously prepared by a committee appointed by the supreme junto for that purpose, was presented for consideration. Miranda having differed in opinion from the rest of the committee, did not attend during their deliberations, but presented to them a plan of his own, prepared for South America some years before, and very analogous to that of the colonial government. This circumstance, associated with his haughty temper and restless character, greatly diminished his influence in public affairs, and raised up many enemies to him, although he was held in high estimation by the friends of independence, for his talents and services. On the 5th of July a motion was carried in congress, declaring Venezuela independent of Spain. The act of independence of Venezuela was published on the 11th, and on the 30th a manifesto was presented to the world, stating the reasons of their declaration of independence of Spain, and of all other nations.

While these occurrences took place at Caracas, some Spaniards residing at Valencia, led by a friar, roused the coloured population there, and obtained possession of the city, where preparations were made, and troops raised, to resist the new government. The citizens of Caracas were then called to arms, and many of the conspirators were arrested. An army was sent to Valencia under Miranda, who, after an injudicious and unsuccessful attack, at length stormed and took the city. Miranda now wished to attack the Spaniards at Coro with his army of 4000 men, to which the government agreed. But many patriots, considering it dangerous to the liberties of their country to enhance too much the power of Miranda, used all their efforts, and, aided by the congress, were successful in frustrating his intentions. The discussion of the new constitution now occupied the public attention, and strenuous efforts were made to impress the minds of the community with a favourable opinion of the constitution of the United States. On the 23d of December, after receiving the approval of the representatives, the promised constitution was presented to the people for their approval. It was liberal in its principles, perhaps more so than the state of society then warranted. Valencia was fixed on as the place for the assembling of congress early in 1812. About this time every thing prospered in Venezuela. The government was popular, and the people contented; the army efficient, and in a respectable state; commerce flourished, and the prospects of a happy and fortunate futurity presented themselves; when the scene was at once changed by a terrific earthquake on the 26th of March 1812, which laid Caracas, the capital, La Guayra, San Felipe, and other places in ruins, burying therein about 20,000 of their inhabitants, and which, from the existing political circumstances of the country, produced the most injurious and fatal effects to the cause of liberty. This dreadful catastrophe occurred on Holy Thursday, the anniversary of Colombia's renouncing the allegiance of Spain; a circumstance made use of by the priests to influence the people with the belief that it was a judgment from Heaven for their recent political changes, to which the former were all resolutely opposed, as the revolution had deprived them of many of their wonted privileges; and fearing the result of future innovations, they operated powerfully on the minds of the community. While the clergy were thus actively employed in Caracas and elsewhere, Monteverde, the Spanish chief, was not idle, but reduced Barquisimeto, Araure, and San Carlos; and the government had not sufficient troops to oppose him, as the greater part of the army had been sent to Guayana, where they were diminished in number by desertion. Miranda, therefore, resolved to evacuate Valencia, and took possession of the strong position of La Cabrera, near the lake of Valencia, which he soon afterwards relinquished, on perceiving the royalists on the top of the mountain Periquito; he then retired to La Victoria, where he was attacked by the royalists, whom he repulsed with considerable loss.

To these disasters were added the loss of the castle of Puerto Cabello, which, from want of sufficient care on the part of its commander Colonel Bolivar, fell into the hands of the royalists, in consequence of a conspiracy on the part of the prisoners there confined, and of the garrison, and proved a valuable acquisition, as it opened up a ready communication with Puerto Rico for receiving supplies. With all these disadvantages, the patriot army was sufficiently numerous to give hopes of success had Miranda acted with energy and decision; but, whether from fear, or from a conviction that his countrymen required to be better trained under the Spanish government for the acquisition of their liberties, he turned a deaf ear to the clamour of his army to act with more decision, or relinquish the command to another ready to proceed with more vigour. Instead of listening to the general desire, some of those most active in the cause of their country were treated by him with the utmost rigour and injustice. And it was to his indecision and inactivity, and neither to the consequences of the earthquake nor the efforts of the clergy, that Venezuela was so soon subjected to the vengeance of the Spaniards. In these circumstances, Miranda formed a capitulation with Monteverde, to the effect that the constitution presented by the Cortes to Spain should be that of Caracas; that private property should be respected; that there should be no persecution on account of previous opinions; and that permission should be given to all to emigrate who wished to do so. Caracas now fell into the hands of the royalists. Miranda and others proceeded to La Guayra to embark for Carthagena, but he was seized and delivered to the Spaniards by Colonel Las Casas, commander of La Guayra, with the concurrence of Colonel Bolivar, Dr Peña, and others. The former, perhaps, was influenced by a desire to conciliate the favour of the Spaniards, by whom he was afterwards employed; Peña probably acted in revenge of the imprisonment of his father by Miranda; but Bolivar could only be influenced by feelings of indignation that he had so rashly sacrificed his countrymen to the vengeance of the Spaniards, and now attempted to escape, leaving them to their fate. Monteverde, however, in violation of the capitulation, and of the acknowledged rights of civilized nations, immured Miranda and a thousand other patriots in the dungeons of La Guayra and Puerto Cabello. Miranda was chained to the floor of his prison, from which he was at length released by the intervention of some British officers, and eventually sent to Cadiz, where this martyr of South American independence died in confinement.

In consequence of the capitulation, Cumana and Mara- caybo surrendered to the Spaniards, and the departments of Mérida, Truxillo, and Guayana, were reduced under their power; the whole of Venezuela being in their possession in August 1812. Montevede, instead of endeavouring to conciliate the good will of the inhabitants of Venezuela, distinguished himself by the most cruel and vindictive measures, and the prisons were crowded with patriots.

The royalists at Santa Martha now carried on hostilities against Cartagena, at first with considerable advantage. But the government of Cartagena obtaining supplies from different quarters, carried on a successful warfare against the Spaniards, and not only retook the districts which had previously been taken, but possessed themselves of much of the country previously held by the royalists. They took Santa Martha on the 6th of January 1813, and, with the means they possessed, would easily have taken from the royalists the important province of Río de la Hacha, had not the patriot commander acted with so little policy that the inhabitants rose in revolt, and obliged him to retire with his forces to Cartagena, after which Cartagena confined itself to the defence of its own frontier, and the navigation of the Magdalena, which had previously been interrupted by the royalists. In the south of New Granada Samano was placed in command of the royalists, took the city of Popayan, and prepared to oppose the patriots from the capital, where Nariño and the congress prepared an army of 8000 to resist them. It marched to meet them under the command of Nariño, and defeated the royalists in battle, at first at El Alto del Palace, and again at Calibio near Popayan. The royalists retreating towards Pasto, were reinforced and commanded by Ayméric, who superseded Samano. Nariño organized a popular government at Popayan, and marched with his army to Pasto; but he met with many serious obstacles to his progress, from the rugged and mountainous nature of the country, and the hostility of the inhabitants, who have been invariably attached to the cause of the royalists. At length he reached the vicinity of Pasto with one division of his army; but means having been employed to convey to the remainder of his forces a report of his defeat, they were much alarmed. The royalists took advantage of this occurrence to attack the detached division under Nariño, who was defeated and taken prisoner in June 1814. The remainder of the patriots retreated to Popayan under Cabal, and were pursued by the royalists under Aymeric. Nariño was sent prisoner to Quito and Lima, and hence to Cadiz in Spain, where he was liberated in 1820, during the revolution which then took place in that city.

In Venezuelas, during 1813 and 1814, the inhabitants were so exasperated by the cruelties and oppression of the Spaniards, that they determined to renew the struggle for independence, and hostilities commenced in the province of Cumana under Marín, who took possession of Maturín, and repelled two attacks of the royalists, the latter under Montevede in April.

In these circumstances, Bolívar with 600 men having crossed the Andes from New Granada, surprised and defeated the royalists at Cuetla, and took possession of the department of Mérida, after defeating them again at La Grita. Briceno was sent to Guadalito to raise cavalry to invade Varinas; but was defeated and taken prisoner, with his officers, all of whom, with some of the principal inhabitants of Varinas, were put to death by the governor. Bolívar was so much exasperated at the cruelty of these proceedings, that he then resolved to retaliate on the Spaniards who might become his prisoners in the same way; and from that time the war became one of extermination on both sides, and was named guerra a muerte.

With his army greatly augmented, Bolívar marched towards Caracas, and defeated the royalists in several engagements; upon which their general, with the remainder of his troops, retired to Puerto Cabello. Soon afterwards Caracas capitulated to Bolívar, who issued an amnesty, and permission to all who were so disposed to leave Venezuela. It was not ratified, however, by Monteverde, who was at Puerto Cabello, and who also refused an exchange of prisoners proposed to him by Bolívar. But the governor of Caracas embarked at La Guayra with all the public and private treasure he could collect, leaving behind him about 1500 Spaniards at the mercy of the patriots. The whole of Venezuela was soon in the possession of the patriots, Marín liberating the eastern, while Bolívar delivered the western provinces.

Monteverde having been reinforced from Europe, again acted on the offensive; but he was defeated with the loss of nearly all his troops, and being severely wounded, was obliged to retire with the remains of his army to Puerto Cabello; upon which other endeavours were made on the part of the patriots to bring about a change of prisoners; but Salomon and Isueta, who succeeded Monteverde, imprisoned the envoy, and afterwards exposed the patriot prisoners in their possession to the shot of the besiegers. This brutal conduct of the royalists produced retaliation on the part of the patriots, and thus a war of extermination was generally established. Puerto Cabello still held out, although deficient in provisions; and the royalists under Cevallos issued from Coro, and fought four actions with the patriots, in three of which the latter were victorious.

Venezuela remained under military government, as Bolívar did not consider it in a state fit for the re-establishment of the republican congress; but as the inhabitants became discontented in consequence of some irregularities which took place, an assembly of the municipality, clergy, proprietors, and others, was held on the 2d of January 1814, when Bolívar gave them an account of his operations and intentions in the invasion of Venezuela, and resigned the supreme authority. He was, however, reinstated by the assembly with dictatorial power, until a re-union should be accomplished between the provinces of Venezuela and New Granada.

In the state of weakness and defeat to which the Spaniards had been reduced in Venezuela, they at length had recourse to means the most unjustifiable to recover the ground they had lost, raising the slaves of Venezuela in arms against their masters. At that time the whole slave population amounted to about 70,000. In this enterprise the Spaniards employed active and efficient agents, who were sent from Guayana, Puerto Cabello, Coro, and Maracaibo, and were so successful that they soon collected a considerable number of them, and commenced hostilities in various parts of the country, accompanied with the greatest atrocities. Boves advanced from the Orinoco, and in his march to Caracas, 400 miles distant, committed the most horrible and atrocious ravages, putting to death every one who did not join him. In this way he collected an army of 8000 men, of whom only about fifty were Europeans, the remainder being coloured men and slaves. They rushed like a torrent on the mountainous districts, and took possession of Valencia and Ocumare. Puy and Yañez having conquered Varinas, joined their forces with that of Boves in February 1814.

At this time the prisoners of war at Caracas and La Guayra entered into a conspiracy against the government, and owing to the continual atrocities committed by the royalists, and the precarious condition of the patriots, Bolívar, in a moment of frenzy, ordered them all, to the amount of 800, to be put to death; a proceeding which was immediately imitated by the governor of Pu- erto Cabello, who killed all the patriot prisoners in his power. The war now raged in Venezuela with the utmost violence, neither age nor sex being spared on the part of the royalists. The success was various; but Bolivar and Mariano having at length defeated their opponents at San Mateo and Boca Chica, they obliged Boves to retire to the llanos, and Cevallos to San Carlos. The latter, however, being reinforced by Calzada and Cagigal, the new captain-general, with reinforcements, advanced to meet the patriots, with whom an obstinate battle was fought on the 28th of May 1814, in which the royalists were entirely routed, with the loss of 500 men, and their stores of arms and ammunition. At this period Bolivar dispatched divisions of his army under Urdaneta and Mariano to reduce Coro and San Fernando de Apure, the strongholds of the royalists. In the mean time Boves marched with a large force of cavalry against Bolivar, who, after an obstinate resistance at La Puerta on 15th June, with his diminished forces, was driven from the field. Mariano's division having been attacked by Cagigal and Calzada, and his communication with Bolivar cut off, he was obliged to retire to Cumana. Urdaneta, unable from the distance to assist the others, retired with his forces to Cucuta, on the frontiers of New Granada. All was now confusion in Caracas and other parts of Venezuela, and many of the people, discontented with the military government of Bolivar, and the conduct of some of his officers, took part with the royalists. The siege of Puerto Cabello was abandoned, and the troops, with many of the inhabitants of Caracas, who greatly dreaded the cruelty of Boves and his followers, embarked at La Guayra for Cumana, and the remainder in great numbers proceeded to the same place by land, along with Bolivar and the few soldiers remaining with him. Caracas and La Guayra surrendered to Boves in July. Valencia was at length taken, and the officers and the greater part of the soldiers were put to death, notwithstanding the terms of the capitulation agreed upon. At this period the utmost license was given by the Spaniards to their followers, who were principally slaves and people of colour, so that wherever they went, neither age nor sex was protected from their violence and brutality, and the country was enveloped in mourning and bloodshed. The patriots were followed by Boves, and defeated at Araguita, near Barcelona, on which Bolivar embarked with some of his chosen officers for Cartagena. The patriots assembled under the command of Rivas and Bermudez at Maturin, where they repulsed with great slaughter the attacks of the royalists under Morales and Boves, and also on various subsequent occasions. But they were at length overpowered by the Spaniards at Uricia on the 5th of December 1814, when the notorious Boves was killed. Soon afterwards Maturin was also taken by them, when they put all the inhabitants to death, with scarcely any exception, as they had likewise done on several previous occasions. Rivas was taken prisoner and shot; and Bermudez with his few followers embarked for the island of Margarita, where he maintained the republican government, until the arrival from Spain of Morillo with 10,000 soldiers, and a decree from Ferdinand ordering all the South Americans to lay down their arms. All hopes of reconciliation were now at an end; and there being no alternative left them but slavery or independence, many persons previously undetermined now declared for the cause of their country.

On hearing of the occurrences in Venezuela, the retreat of the army of Popayan, and the restoration of Ferdinand to the throne of Spain, the congress of New Granada became aware of the dangers which menaced them, and issued a spirited proclamation on the 1st September, intimating these things to the people, and calling upon them to exert their utmost efforts to repel the Spaniards and preserve their liberties. The disputes between the president Alvarez and the congress about the confederation, however, still continued, and greatly impeded the measures pursued by the latter in defence of their country. About the end of 1814, Bolivar arrived in Tunja, where the congress was then assembled, and, in accordance with an arrangement entered into with this body, placed himself at the head of the Venezuelan division, which had retired by Cucuta under Urdaneta, after the defeat of Bolivar; and having been reinforced, he marched in December to Santa Fe de Bogota, which he took by storm, and brought Alvarez to terms; so that the congress removed to the capital, and, being possessed of full powers, acted with much vigour and decision, intrusting the executive power to three persons of well-known principles and talents. The congress at last obtained the confidence and support of the people by the wisdom and energy which they displayed. As a measure of greater security, all Spaniards were expelled from the country, but the power of selling their properties was reserved to them. The army of Popayan was reinforced, and measures taken to protect Pamplona from the attacks of the royalists of Maracaibo, and to obtain possession of the strong position of Santa Martha. This latter expedition was undertaken under the guidance of Bolivar, who was placed in command of the army, and appointed captain-general of New Granada and Venezuela; but his efforts were rendered ineffectual through the opposition of Cartagena, which he was at length obliged to besiege in form. While the patriots were occupied in these intestine disputes, Morillo availed himself of the occasion to obtain a footing in the country; so that Bolivar was at length obliged to give up the remains of his army to garrison Cartagena, which he had previously taken, and then to leave the country. Morillo then besieged Cartagena, and the Spanish army invaded the provinces of New Granada in three divisions, by different routes, and with such an overwhelming force that the efforts of the patriots, however strenuous, were insufficient to resist them. Cartagena was taken; the patriots were defeated at Cachiri and Los Remedios; and Morillo entered Bogota in triumph in June 1816. By his own acknowledgment, however, it was known that he had met with the most determined resistance, not only on the part of the people, but of the clergy. On obtaining possession of New Granada, Morillo committed the greatest cruelties and outrages on the inhabitants, and bathed the country in the blood of the best of her sons. Upwards of six hundred of the principal persons of the capital and other parts of New Granada, including almost all the most able, learned, and patriotic individuals, were put to death in cold blood, and without any form of trial. So complete was the extermination on this occasion, that he boasted in one of his letters, afterwards published, that he had not left alive in New Granada a single person of sufficient talent and influence to carry on the revolution.

The conduct of the Spaniards in Venezuela was so overpowering and oppressive, that many who were at first favourable to their cause were induced to take part against them, and to join the disbanded soldiers and other partisans of independence in forming guerilla parties, and carrying on a desultory warfare, which was prosecuted with considerable success against the Spaniards, principally under the direction of Monagas, Piar, Zaraza, Roxas, and others, in the interior plains of Guayana, Cumana, Barcelona, Villinas, and Caracas. These harassed the royalist detachments sent against them, and frequently defeated them. At this time Ariasendi obtained possession of part of the island of Margarita, where he was joined by an expedition fitted out at Aux Cayes by Bolivar and Brion, which, sailing in March 1816, captured some Spanish ships of war, and, along with Arismendi's force, obtained entire possession of the island, excepting the fortress of Pamplona. Bolívar proceeded to Carupano, near Cumaná, where he landed, and arming the guerrillas who joined him, sailed for Ocumare, where he landed on the 6th of July, and issued a proclamation offering freedom to all slaves joining his standard. Advancing from Ocumare he took Maracaibo and La Cabrera; but the royalists under Morales having met him, when separated a little from the advance of his army, attacked the rear-guard, and having defeated it with considerable loss, obliged Bolívar to re-embark. The advance under Macgregor, on finding the communication with Bolívar cut off, took the road to Barcelona; and although actively pursued by the royalists, this person was enabled, by his knowledge of the country, and his confidence in his troops, not only to repulse them on several occasions, but to obtain possession of Barcelona, whence he communicated with the patriot generals in Cumaná and Guayana. The Spaniards evacuated Pamplona on the 24th of November; on which Arismendi, with his troops, joined the patriots at Barcelona. Bolívar, on his defeat at Ocumare, returned to Aux Cayes, where, having obtained reinforcements, he sailed for Margarita, and landed there in December 1816, on which he published a proclamation calling together a general congress; and proceeding to Barcelona, he there organized a provisional government. While at this place he was attacked in February and March; but the royalists were repulsed with great loss. It was, however, at length taken by them on the 7th of April. The royalists were defeated in Guayana on the 11th of April, by Piar, who obliged them to shut themselves up in Angostura and Guayana la Vieja. Paez also fought a battle near San Fernando de Apure, against a force of two thousand men under Morillo, on their way from Bogota to reinforce the royalists in Venezuela, and obtained considerable advantages over them, which enabled him to take possession of Calabozo, and of the plains of the provinces of Guayana, Varinas, Cumaná, Barcelona, and Caracas. Angostura was besieged by Bolívar and Brion, and was taken on the 17th of July. About the same time Marino defeated the Spaniards near Curicó.

Morillo, fully aware of the great importance of the island of Margarita, on account of its favourable position for exterior commerce, and communicating with the coast of Venezuela, invaded it with a large body of troops, and took Pamplona. The inhabitants, however, united and zealous in the cause of independence, and equally hardy and resolute in their habits, retired to Assumption and the mountains, whence an active guerrilla warfare was carried on against the royalists, and with such effect that a scarcity of provisions soon took place, which obliged him to evacuate the island after six weeks possession, during which time he had committed numerous acts of cruelty and oppression on its inhabitants. In October the patriot army was augmented by the arrival of officers, troops, and military stores from England.

Bolívar, now supreme chief, civil as well as military, published a law distributing the national property among his followers according to their rank in the army, and organized at Angostura a provisional government, to administer public affairs until the congress should be assembled. On the 31st January 1818 he joined the army with reinforcements at the mouth of the Apure, and, leaving sufficient force to blockade San Fernando de Apure, then in the possession of the royalists, advanced with his principal forces against Morillo, then encamped at Calabozo. The royalists were attacked with so much vigour by the cavalry under Paez, that one of their regiments of horse was nearly destroyed, and they were compelled to take refuge within the walls of the town. Next day hostilities were renewed with great slaughter on both sides, but to the advantage of the patriots, who, in the night of the 14th, made an assault on the town, at the time when Morillo was in the act of evacuating it with his army, a part of which was intercepted and destroyed. While at Calabozo an ineffectual attempt was again made by Bolívar to introduce a more humane system of warfare than that hitherto pursued, and he sent twelve royalist officers and twenty soldiers to Morillo with a letter proposing an exchange of prisoners; but the only reply received was finding, on his advance next day, twelve patriot officers and twenty soldiers, placed across the road, having been previously butchered by order of Morillo. In these circumstances Bolívar was obliged, by the general wish of his army, to pursue a similar practice with the Spaniards who became prisoners. The royalists having been pursued, were again defeated by Bolívar at Sombrero, and at length retreated to Barbacoas and Cumatagua; it being evidently the policy of Morillo to draw the patriots into the mountainous country, where his well-disciplined infantry would have a decided superiority over that of the patriots, and where their cavalry would be less efficient and less numerous, Paez and his llaneros having returned to resume the siege of San Fernando de Apure, which was soon afterwards precipitately evacuated by the royalists. In the mean time, finding that the patriots had established and extended themselves in the upper country, Morillo augmented his army from the garrisons of Caracas, La Guayra, and Puerto Cabello, by means of which the patrol cavalry were surprised and defeated at La Cabrera on the 14th March, and Bolívar with his army was obliged to retreat towards Villa de Cura and La Puerta, closely pursued by the royalists. At La Puerta an obstinate and sanguinary action took place, in which the patriots were routed and dispersed with great slaughter, only Bolívar and a few of his army escaping. On this occasion Morillo was severely wounded, and conveyed to Valencia in a hammock. Bolívar, with his army so much diminished, was again attacked by the royalists under Calzada, who at Rincon de los Toros endeavoured to cut off his communication with the plains. The action was obstinately contested; but Bolívar was defeated and compelled to retire to Calabozo, where he was rejoined by the divisions under Paez and Cedeno. On the 26th of March Paez defeated the royalists under La Torre, and obliged them to retire to Valencia.

In May, Morillo, on recovering from his wound, collected his forces in order to continue the war; and, at San Jose, Bolívar had a narrow escape from being surprised and taken prisoner by Colonel Lopez. On the plains of Cojedes Morillo encountered the army of Paez, and both claimed the victory; but the result was most favourable to the royalists, as Paez's cavalry suffered so severely that they retired to the Apure to remount. The Spaniards, however, were obliged to retire from Calabozo, in consequence of the successful hostilities of their opponents. Paez soon renewed hostilities, and one of his divisions routed the Spaniards at Coro. On the 25th he was in possession of the whole province of Varinas, and the lower plains of Caracas; having obliged the royalists, 1300 in number, under Calzada, to retire to Guanares. In the meantime Marino took Cariaco; and Admiral Brion having dispersed the Spanish flotilla, took, in the Orinoco, royalist vessels laden with artillery, 10,000 stand of arms, and other warlike stores. On the 24th of July, he also took Guayana la Vieja by surprise. Morillo had now established his headquarters at San Carlos.

In October 1818, Bolívar appointed at Angostura a council of government for foreign relations; and writs were issued on the 22nd for the assembling of a congress at An- Colombia, gostura or Caracas. His departure for the army having for some time been delayed by the defeat of Marino at Cumana by the Spaniards, he at length joined the division under Paez.

General Santander was sent by Bolivar from Guayana, with arms and warlike stores, in order to organize the friends of independence in Casanare; communications having been opened with that part of New Granada by the Apure and Casanare rivers. He arrived most opportunely at Pore on the 1st of October, and at once tranquillized, by his superior authority and influence, the disputes for supremacy previously existing among the patriot leaders in Casanare. He was generally acknowledged as the supreme civil and military chief, and in six months he had under his command a force of 2000 infantry and cavalry ready to meet the enemy. Since the entrance of Morillo into Bogota in 1816, Casanare was almost the only part of New Granada where the patriots of these provinces could find a safe asylum; for Sanmario, who succeeded Morillo in the command in New Granada, proved himself a fit successor to that vindictive chief. By his cruel and sanguinary conduct, he kept the prisons continually filled with patriots, the greater part of whom were shot, after a summary trial. Almost the only place of security for the patriots of New Granada were the plains of Casanare, where the population were all favourable to the cause of independence, and were protected from the influence of the Spaniards by the nature of their country, and their peculiar occupations and mode of warfare. It not only served as an asylum to the patriots, but afforded numerous points from which to keep up a correspondence with the friends of the cause in the mountainous districts, into which they made frequent hostile incursions. When any of them fell into the hands of the royalists, they were immediately put to death. Sanmario intended to have invaded Casanare with a large force, but was dissuaded from doing so by Morillo. He, however, sent among them several large expeditions under Barreyro and others; but such as did not lose their lives, or desert during these expeditions, were always in a few weeks obliged to return to the mountains with greater loss in men, horses, and materiel, than the patriots whom they invaded, and who maintained against them a desultory and harassing warfare, cutting off their provisions and other resources. On his arrival, Santander pursued a similar policy, avoiding any general engagement, his object being to preserve his army, lest any misfortune should befall that of Bolivar. He issued a proclamation, calling on his countrymen to join his standard, and placed himself in communication with the patriot guerilla parties who had risen up in Popayan, on the banks of the Magdalena, and other parts of the neighbouring provinces.

Early in 1819 the cause of independence in Venezuela assumed so favourable an aspect, that Morillo assembled the royalist divisions of La Torre, Calzada, and Morales, and advanced on San Fernando de Apure, which, although recently fortified, as the strongest position commanding the plains west of the Orinoco, the patriots were obliged to abandon after destroying it by fire, as it was unable to resist a force of 5000 marching against it; and they retired behind the Apure and Arauco, having previously secured their families and other valuables near the lagoon of Cunivachi, on the banks of the Orinoco. Bolivar, with the patriot infantry and artillery, retired to a place of security on the opposite side of the Orinoco, such forces being useless on these plains. The whole of the patriot cavalry were left under the command of the intrepid Paez, who had also with him some of the British troops who had recently espoused the cause of independence, and who with his followers nobly acquitted themselves of the duties imposed upon them. Paez with his army crossed the Apure on the 25th January, and the Arauco on the 5th February, and traversed to some extent the plains beyond it in search of Bolivar and his army, of whose position he was entirely ignorant. Paez was forbidden by Bolivar to risk any serious encounter with the enemy, his force in point of number being much inferior to that of the royalists, but to carry on a desultory warfare, and to cut off their resources. Inured to the country and mode of warfare, the llaneros and other cavalry of Paez, unencumbered with any baggage, could always advance or retreat at pleasure on the shortest notice; while the infantry, artillery, and baggage of the royalists impeded all their movements, in a country full of long grass, marshes, and creeks. The royalist cavalry alone were unable to cope with the llaneros of Paez; and they could not with safety separate from their infantry and artillery without exposing either to danger from their opponents, who were always ready to take advantage of any opportunity presenting itself to attack them. Their advanced guards and foraging parties were generally intercepted and cut off to a man; and at length they were unable to feed their horses at any distance from their encampment, or even to cut grass for them, without the support of their infantry. Their communication with the mountainous districts was suspended by the patriot guerilla parties; they began speedily to be in want of provisions and other supplies, and lost numbers of men and horses by sickness and other causes.

The danger and difficulty of his situation increasing daily, Morillo was obliged to retreat; and having recrossed the Arauco on the 14th, harassed by Paez and his followers, he encamped at Achaguan, a position which he was obliged to evacuate for want of provisions on the approach of the rainy season, and to retire to San Carlos. This measure was accelerated by the intelligence received that Santander in Casanare had defeated and annihilated a body of royalists 1500 strong on their way from Bogota to join Morillo. Santander then advanced towards Tunja, whose patriotic inhabitants received from him arms and other warlike stores, which he had obtained from Angostura.

About this time Sir Gregor Macgregor landed at Porto Bello with a small expedition from England. He was successful in obtaining possession of that place; but owing to defective discipline and want of caution they were surprised by the royalists. Their leader and a few others escaped to their ships and sailed; but the greater part were taken prisoners, and treated with such rigour and severity that very few of them eventually survived.

On the 15th of February 1819 the congress was installed at Angostura, the proceedings being opened by Bolivar in a long speech, explanatory of his views relative to the new constitution. Zea was elected president of the congress, into whose hands Bolivar resigned the authority which he had previously exercised; but it was immediately restored to him again by the congress, which terminated its sittings on the 17th. Bolivar then proceeded to join the army which was assembling at Montecal, and had been augmented from various quarters, especially by a considerable accession of British troops, and was preparing to march across the plains of the Apure and Casanare in order to unite with Santander, and penetrate into New Granada, for the purpose of liberating it from the power of the Spaniards; Paez being left with the greater part of the cavalry to watch and to check the movements of Morillo, Calzada, and Morales. These had no apprehension of the proceedings of Bolivar, as they did not conceive it possible that he would, during the rainy or winter season, attempt to cross the inundated plains and the snowy mountains into New Granada; but such was the period chosen by Bolivar to undertake this arduous enterprise; and between the rivers Apure and Arauco he began his march towards Guadalito in the end of May. They at length crossed the Arauco and many other large rivers on the plains of Ca- sanae, now flooded in consequence of the rainy season, which greatly impeded their progress, more especially that of the infantry and artillery, which had to traverse whole districts inundated with water; and after undergoing in- numerable sufferings, and surmounting all obstacles, they united with the forces of Santander on 15th June.

Their march, being through a friendly country, was not molested by the enemy until they came into collision with the first advanced post at Paya on 27th June, which, al- though most advantageous by nature, and defended by their best troops, was taken by the patriots. After un- dergoing many sufferings and hardships in crossing the lofty Andes at this season of the year, they reached the valley of Sogamoso, and descended towards Tunja, where they had many friends waiting their arrival. The royal- ists, however, took up an excellent position on the heights of Bargas, between that city and the Andes, which on the 20th the patriots made an unsuccessful attempt to force; but on the 25th they attacked them from another quarter, and after an obstinate and sanguinary contest, in which the British companies greatly distinguished themselves, at length defeated the enemy with considerable loss, and obtained possession of the city and province of Tunja, with Socorro and Pamplona, where they received supplies of all kinds, and numerous reinforcements. The royalists on the 7th August attempted to pass the bridge of Boyaca, in order to place themselves in communication with the capital. While thus employed, they were attacked by the patriots, and an obstinate battle took place, in which the royalists were at length surrounded and compelled to sur- render: General Barreiro and the whole army, except about fifty of the cavalry, being made prisoners. So com- plete a victory as this decided the fate of New Granada; and it is a very remarkable coincidence, that the last battle fought and lost by the ancient inhabitants of the country took place on the same spot.

No further obstacles presenting themselves to the pro- gress of the patriots, they marched towards Bogota, the capital, which Bolivar and his army entered on the 10th, seventy-five days after leaving Montecal, amidst the ac- clamations of the inhabitants, who expressed the utmost joy and gratitude for their deliverance. Samano, the cruel and bigoted viceroy, had for some time previously been committing his accustomed cruelties on the patriots; but on learning the near approach of the liberating army, he redoubled his measures of cruelty and oppression, and employed the basest and most unjustifiable means to ac- complish his purposes, sentencing many to death, and con- fiscating the property of persons accused on the slightest evidence. Among the victims on this occasion was a young lady of good family, named Polycarpa Salavarrieta, whose devotion to the cause of her country had induced her to communicate to the patriots the most valuable intelligence respecting the movements of the royalists. Her proceed- ings were discovered, and she was shot with her betrothed lover in the plaza of Bogota, on which occasion she evinced the most heroic devotion to her country and to the cause of liberty. The cruel treatment, by the Spanish authorities, of all those suspected of attachment to the cause of independence, produced effects the reverse of those which its authors anticipated, and increased in a remarkable manner the number of their determined ad- versaries; accordingly, on the entrance of the victorious army they were joined by numbers of New Granadians. Samano, detested and despised by both parties, deceived the royalist troops in the capital as to the state of affairs, and escaped in the disguise of a capuchin friar, proceed-

ing down the Magdalena on the 9th. He was followed by Colombia, the principal Spanish authorities, who, dreading the ven- geance of the victorious patriots, fled with such precipi- tation as to leave one million of dollars behind them in the public treasury. Calzada with some followers retreated to the south of New Granada, but was followed by a di- vision of the patriots, who took active measures to de- stroy the remaining influence of the Spaniards there. An- other division marched against Santa Martha, and a third by Cucuta to unite with Paez, who had the command of the western army of Venezuela, which, during the expedi- tion of Bolivar to liberate New Granada, had been actively and successfully employed in carrying on hostilities against the Spaniards, wherever they had stations or establish- ments on the plains. Mariano commanded the eastern army of Venezuela. A large body of English troops under D'Evereaux joined the patriots of Colombia; but, owing to the mismanagement of the authorities in landing them first on the barren island of Margarita, insubordination and discontent ensued, and many returned to Europe and there circulated unfounded reports, calculated to injure the cause of independence. Strenuous exertions were also made to obtain from Angostura supplies of arms for the New Gra- nadians, who came forward in great numbers to join the army.

Morillo, on being made aware of the march of Bolivar to New Granada, sent La Torre to take the command of the army there; but he did not reach Cucuta until the 4th of March, a few days before the battle of Boyaca, and the triumphant entrance of the patriots into Bogota. A proposal for an exchange of prisoners was made by Boliv- ar at this time to the Spanish authorities, but was not productive of any satisfactory consequences. On the 21st of September, Santander, governor and vice-president of New Granada, addressed a proclamation to the people, calling upon them to support him in his endeavours to defend and govern the country.

Bolivar now departed for Venezuela, and his reception at Angostura afforded a most gratifying spectacle, as he was hailed by all as the liberator and father of his country. The congress of Venezuela, in accordance with the desire of the people of New Granada, to unite with them, pub- lished, on the 17th of December 1819, the fundamental law by which New Granada and Venezuela were in future to be united into one state, under the name of the re- public of Colombia, and the public debts contracted by each of them were to be consolidated into one; and pro- viding also that a general congress should assemble at Cu- cuta early in 1821. On the 24th of December Bolivar de- parted amply provided with supplies of arms and ammuni- tion for the army of New Granada assembled at Pamplona, and that of Paez in Varinas, it being his intention to con- centrate his army from all parts, to march against Morillo, and complete the liberation of Venezuela; and, on the 20th of January, a manifesto was issued to the people of Colom- bia, by Zea, the president of the congress. About this time Ferdinand of Spain also published a proclamation to his South American subjects, holding out additional in- ducements to them to return to their allegiance; a docu- ment which was answered by an article that appeared in the Correo de Orinoco. In evidence of the disposition of the king of Spain at this time to conciliate, Morillo sent commissioners to the congress to propose a cessation of hostilities until a reconciliation could be effected. Let- ters of similar import were also received from him by the various patriot generals, but all were replied to in the same spirit and determination, that absolute independence was the only basis on which they could treat; and the three commissioners of Morillo were not allowed to approach nearer to Angostura than the Orinoco. An ineffectual attempt was now made by Montilla from Margarita against Rio de la Hacha, in which, with the aid of the Irish legion of 800 men, he drove 2500 Spaniards off the field. These foreigners, however, proved afterwards so mutinous and insubordinate that they were sent to Jamaica. Montilla and Brion then attacked and took Savanna at the mouth of the Magdalena, and the whole of the surrounding country declared for the patriots. The Magdalena was cleared of the Spanish gun-boats by the gallantry of Massa and some volunteers, who, descending the river in canoes, attacked and boarded them, although superior in force, and thereby rendered the navigation of the river uninterrupted throughout its whole extent. Cartagena alone remained in possession of the royalists, but was speedily invested by the patriots.

Bolivar, having changed his intention of attacking Morillo, proceeded to New Granada, and at Cucuta concluded with La Torre an armistice of one month, preparatory to a more lasting accommodation. He then proceeded to Mompos and Baranquilla to superintend the preparation of an expedition against Santa Martha; but its departure was delayed for some time by a sally of the garrison of Cartagena, in which they put the patriots to flight, and sacrificed many lives and much property. Bolivar had a narrow escape from being taken at this time. The expedition having sailed, took Fort Cienega by storm, after killing 650 royalists, and next day Santa Martha surrendered to Brion. The whole surrounding country now declared for independence; the militia and a considerable body of the Spanish cavalry having joined the patriots, which compelled La Torre to retire towards Caracas, in order to save the remainder of his army from the contagion of example. On the 25th of November an armistice for six months was concluded between Bolivar and Morillo, for the purpose of sending commissioners to Spain to treat of a permanent reconciliation; but although this object was not eventually attained, yet the measure was productive of the most beneficial consequences, in bringing to an end the war of extermination, which had prevailed during so many years; it being agreed by both parties that, in the event of hostilities being renewed, their reciprocal treatment of each other should be regulated according to the principles established among civilized nations. Two days afterwards a meeting took place between Bolivar and Morillo, at the headquarters of the latter, when the most friendly intercourse ensued; passports were granted to many of the patriot officers to visit their families in the districts still occupied by the royalists, and officers carrying the gratifying intelligence were dispatched to all parts of the country. On the 8th of November Guayaquil declared its independence, the troops having joined with the inhabitants for this purpose, and united itself to the Colombian republic. Vargas, a descendant of the ancient caciques, and colonel in the Spanish army, raised the standard of liberty at Coro, when the whole territory assumed so favourable an aspect for the cause of independence, that Morillo proceeded to embark for Spain, accompanied by Echevarria and Revenga, the two Colombian commissioners, in order to hasten the conclusion of peace between Colombia and Spain; and a proclamation of Bolivar, dated the 7th of November 1820, diffused joy and gladness all over Colombia. In January 1821 the province of Cuenca declared its independence; and this example was soon followed by Hambate, Riobamba, and Guaranda. On the 10th of March Bolivar wrote La Torre, the new royalist commander in chief, stating the circumstances which would oblige him to renew hostilities on the 28th of April, when the armistice terminated, unless peace was previously concluded; an intimation in which La Torre concurred, and then all prospects of peace and tranquillity were for the time given up; but the war which followed was carried on in a mild and humane manner compared with the preceding part of the contest.

The Spanish generals La Torre and Morales prepared for the termination of the armistice, by collecting and concentrating all their forces near Valencia and Calabozo; but Caracas having been left unprotected, induced the patriot general Bermudez to invade it with 1300 men, who overcame all the opposition offered, the capital yielding on condition that the new enactments relative to the mode of carrying on the war should be observed. The adherents of the royalists fled to La Guayra with all the property they could collect, and sailed for Puerto Cabello, the governor and troops of La Guayra accompanying them; and on the 15th of May this port was taken possession of by the patriots. Coro was also now abandoned on hearing of the preparations making to attack it, and the garrison sailed for Curacao. On the 4th of May the Colombian flotilla under Padilla, consisting of thirty gun-boats, got into the harbour of Cartagena, and cut off the communication of the city with Bocachica, when the former was closely besieged.

On the 25th of May the patriots were driven out of Caracas and La Guayra, by a superior force of royalists without Bermudez offering any opposition. On the 27th, Morales left Pereira with 1500 men to defend the capital, and joined La Torre at Valencia. Hostilities were then renewed between Pereira and Bermudez; but the former was at first unsuccessful, in consequence of which the people of La Guayra retreated to Puerto Cabello on the 22nd. On the following day Bermudez attempted to enter the capital by force of arms, but was repulsed and obliged to retire by the royalists. Bolivar and Paez having united their forces in Varinas, marched towards Valencia, and met the royalist army on the 24th of June at Carabobo, when the royalists were completely defeated. The British troops greatly distinguished themselves on this occasion. This battle decided the cause of independence. Of 6000 royalist troops, composing the elite of their army, only 400 escaped to Puerto Cabello. Only a small part of the patriot army was engaged, and they had not above 200 killed and wounded. Pereira was soon obliged to take refuge in La Guayra, and Bolivar entered Caracas with his army on 30th June, and immediately surrounded La Guayra with 4000 men. The garrison, consisting of 900 men, was reduced to extremities from want of provisions, and was only relieved from its precarious situation by the mediation of the French admiral Jurius, then at anchor in the roads. A capitulation was signed between the contending parties, and the royalists were all embarked on board the French ships of war. The royalists sent a division of troops by sea to Coro from Puerto Cabello, which were opposed at these places by the patriots, who were distributed over the various parts of Venezuela where the Spaniards still exercised any influence, in order to protect the inhabitants from their incursions.

The national constituent congress having assembled in the city of Rosario de Cucuta, received the report of the committee of legislation, on the plan of a constitution for Colombia, dated the 3rd of July 1821; and having reviewed it in detail, the scheme, as amended by the congress, was at length published on the 30th of August 1821, and does much honour to its framers, from the liberal and benevolent spirit which pervades it. Its principles were republican, according to which the deputies and senators were to be nominated by electoral colleges appointed by the citizens, and each to hold his seat for a specified period. The jurisdictions of the legislative, judicial, and executive departments were accurately defined, so as not to interfere with one another, and yet act in harmony, so as to render persons and property secure, and the laws equal to the whole community. Bolivar was now re-elected president, according to the regulations of the new constitution; and Santander, who had already distinguished himself by his judicious management of public affairs at Bogota, was elected vice-president of the republic.

The congress confirmed the grants previously made to the military by the congress of Venezuela, in reward of their services in favour of independence; and also passed laws relative to the salaries and appointments of the military and civil officers employed by the government. The senators, according to the constitution, were named in October for the first time by the congress; and they resolved to remove the sessions of the congress from Cucuta to Bogota, as the most eligible place for the seat of government. The congress closed its labours on the 14th of October, with an address to its constituents, stating what it had done to promote education and knowledge, to abolish slavery, to improve the revenue by the more judicious regulation of its various departments, to establish a free press, and a variety of other improvements. Some days previously, Bolivar issued a decree authorizing Santander to exercise the functions of the executive power during his absence with the army; and before his departure he published a proclamation to the people of Colombia, expressing his full approbation of the excellent constitution which had been conferred upon them.

Some time previously to this, 800 men had been sent by Bolivar from Esmeraldas to Guayaquil, under Colonel Macintosh, to proceed against Quito, while he advanced by way of Pasto. Soon afterwards, Guayaquil, by a decree, placed itself under the protection of Colombia; and about the same time Cumana, which had held out so long for the royalists, surrendered to Bernadote on the 15th of October, and the garrison of 1500 men were sent to Puerto Rico. An expedition was in course of preparation at Cartagena against Panama, the inhabitants of which, taking advantage of the departure of their governor, General Cruz Murguia, who, in combination with the royalists of Quito, intended to attack Guayaquil, rose against the remaining authorities, and established their independence of Spain.

Morales, who remained commander-in-chief of the royalists after the departure of La Torre, made an ineffectual attempt at Curacoa to raise funds to enable him to carry on the war; and on his return to Puerto Cabello he marched with a body of troops, took possession of Coro, and defeated, and pursued nearly to Maracaibo, a body of patriots sent against him. An attempt was also made by the royalists to obtain possession of the city of Maracaibo; but they were defeated by the patriots, and all either killed, or made prisoners and sent to Jamaica. Puerto Cabello, however, was still held out by the royalists, although strictly blockaded on the land side by the patriot army under Paez; yet, owing to the inefficiency of the Colombian marine, it was plentifully supplied with provisions and other necessaries from Curacoa.

In the southern provinces of Colombia the war was vigorously carried on. Sucre formed a convention with the Spanish general Aymeric in the end of 1821, but hostilities were renewed early in 1822. Bolivar, at the head of a large army, proceeded by way of Pasto to Quito, and encountered the royalists under Murguia, on the heights of Curiaco, on the 7th of April, when, after an obstinate defence, they were defeated, and many prisoners taken, their chief dying from the wounds he received; nearly all their ammunition was also captured. The army of Sucre, approaching Quito from Guayaquil, defeated the royalists at Rio Bamba, a hundred miles from Quito, and took possession of that town. On the 28th of May he fought an action with the Spaniards at Pichincha, near Colombia-Quito, in which he was completely victorious; and the remains of the royalist army, together with the city of Quito, capitulated to the patriots. On this occasion, as well as at Rio Bamba, the Colombian army was assisted by a division from Peru, which behaved with much gallantry; so that, on these occasions, for the first time, the patriot troops of Buenos Ayres, Chili, Peru, and Colombia, fought side by side in the cause of freedom. Afterwards the greater part of the royalist troops joined the patriot army. Hostilities still continued in the province of Pasto, where the rugged and mountainous country presented almost insurmountable obstacles to the progress of Bolivar and his army; but he at length reached the city of Pasto, where the Spanish authorities capitulated on the 6th of June; and thus the war of independence in the south was brought to a conclusion.

In Venezuela, at this period, some efforts were made by the royalists on the side of Coro, and with success; but their resources soon becoming exhausted, Morales embarked with the whole of his troops at Coro for Puerto Cabello. On the 3d of August, Morales, with 2000 troops from Puerto Cabello, marched against Valencia and Caracas; but he was met and defeated by Paez at Birigrama, and very few of his troops escaped. On the 5th the royalists also made an attack on Ocumare, but were defeated with great loss, and surrendered to the patriots, leaving Puerto Cabello, the only place in Colombia in the possession of the Spaniards; to the reduction of which the attention of the patriot army was now principally directed.

During 1823, Morales established himself at Maracaibo; but the flotilla of Padilla forcing the passage into the lake of Maracaibo, embarked the troops under Soublette, and defeated and took the royalist flotilla, with Morales and his followers, all of whom became prisoners, and were sent to the Havana. During this period Paez commanded the army besieging Puerto Cabello, and every exertion was made to obtain possession of it. The forts commanding the approach to it fell into the hands of the patriots, who at length, in November 1823, succeeded in taking the town of Puerto Cabello by storm; a battalion of their number swimming, in the night time, across an extensive salt lake which divided it from the mainland, entered the town and took the royalists in flank while engaged in defending it in front against a feigned attack of the patriots. The castle surrendered in a few days subsequently, after a siege of two and a half years continuance. With the surrender of Puerto Cabello, the whole territory of the republic remained in the power of the patriots, and the Spaniards were deprived of the only stronghold which they had with great exertion been enabled to preserve so long. At length the war of independence terminated, a war which, in many of its characteristics, is unequalled in the annals of nations, and in which it has been estimated that in Venezuela a number nearly equal to one third of its population perished.

There was now nothing to prevent the free progress of their institutions; and the time appeared to have arrived when their beneficial consequences might be experienced. The congress made exertions to frame laws, which, although not always the most perfect, had at least a tendency to promote the public good. Some order was given to judicial proceedings, which were assimilated in certain instances to the jury system, to the complete establishment of which every one aspired who knew the defects of the Spanish laws in these respects. It was declared that the government of Colombia, as such, should in future enjoy the exclusive right of church patronage, previously exercised by the king of Spain through his governors in America, under the name of royal vice-patrons. A law was passed, regulating the import duties and the other public contributions; treaties of friendship and alliance with Great Britain and the United States were made and approved of; severe penalties were adjudged against theft and robbery, and the modes of trial simplified; the territory of the republic was divided into departments, provinces, cantons, and parishes, and the duties assigned to the magistrates established in them clearly defined; besides which, many other laws were enacted, explanatory of or abrogating the existing ones.

The executive government vigilantly watched over their due fulfilment, and issued decrees to facilitate their operation, at the same time promoting, by every means in their power, the public welfare within their jurisdiction. The exterior credit of Colombia increased rapidly at this period, and the mission of Zea to Europe produced a favourable change in public opinion, owing to the open and liberal manner in which he conducted the affairs of Colombia in England; foreign trade was greatly increased, large capitals were transferred from Europe to Colombia, and commerce flourished. Agriculture was promoted and increased, and in every respect Colombia was in a tranquil and prosperous condition until the year 1826, which may be considered as the date of the commencement of its misfortunes.

General Paez, who had governed Venezuela in military affairs since 1821, exceeded the limits of his powers, and, particularly in the application of the militia laws, violated the guarantees of the citizens. He was in consequence accused before the congress by the municipality of Caracas, who presented detailed statements of the infractions of the laws which he had committed. As the accusation appeared to be well founded, it was admitted by the congress; Paez was displaced from his command, and ordered to appear in the capital of the republic, to take his trial, according to the constitution.

Had this valiant warrior, who was second only to Bolivar in public estimation, for his services in liberating his country, submitted to the judgment of the constituted authorities of his country, obedience to the laws would have been permanently established in Colombia, and associated with the consequent order and prosperity; but instead of adding this additional sacrifice to those he had previously made, and subjecting himself to a trial, which his very obedience would have rendered favourable, he yielded to the influence of offended pride, and the councils of some designing and insidious friends, who suggested to him disobedience and rebellion. Some disturbances preceded this event, produced for the express purpose of representing that the troops were displeased at being deprived of their beloved commander. His adherents, by these means, obtained from the municipality of Valencia a declaration in favour of Paez, authorizing him to resume the command, for the purpose of preventing greater evils. The venerable Peñalver, governor of the province, would not agree to this proceeding, but chose rather to expose his life to the fury of a mutinous populace, than stain his illustrious name by such an act of weakness and disobedience to the laws. Having been successful in their first attempts to legalize these transactions, their exertions obtained similar declarations from many of the other municipalities of Venezuela. They flattered the people with the promise of federation, which all desired, and left no effort untried to accomplish their purposes, by proclaiming reforms which, according to the constitution, could not be permitted before 1831; and, finally, a commission was sent to Bolivar, requesting him to come and interpose his influence. All these transactions took place among the conspirators and partizans of Paez; but although the people seemed tranquil, they ardently desired their punishment, and the restoration of order, and were resolved to wait until the year indicated, to improve or ratify their social agreement. No act was ever more reprobated, and the Venezuelians declined accepting of reforms which were so desirable to them, because offered to them by illegal means. The eastern provinces declared against Paez; and some battalions withdrew themselves in entire bodies from the authority of him whom they had on so many previous occasions followed to battle. Many of his most intimate friends abandoned him on this occasion, and the fortress of Puerto Cabello declared against him. The vice-president of the republic, Santander, took the requisite measures to enforce the laws; and the time was apparently not far distant, when an infraction so serious, and of such momentous consequences, would be deservedly chastised. A man of such undaunted valour and resolution might have made some resistance; but what could his efforts have accomplished against the people, the army, and the government united?

But Bolivar, who had been in Peru since 1823, thought very differently. This celebrated chief, to whom has been principally owing the independence of three of the Spanish American states, it must be stated, was not a republican in his principles, notwithstanding the distinguished services which he conferred upon his country; for it's necessary to make a distinction between the cause of independence and that of freedom. With respect to the one, he was entitled to the utmost gratitude on the part of his countrymen, as all the energies of the Spaniards against his activity, talents, and truly heroic constancy, were unavailing. But it is a subject of regret that the same thing cannot be said with regard to the other. It is evident that many think differently; but his actions speak for themselves, and it is necessary particularly to refer to them from the intimate connection of Bolivar with the country. In 1810, he refused to participate in the first revolution of Caracas in favour of independence, when he was aware that they intended to establish institutions resembling those of the United States of North America. In 1819, he presented to the congress at Angostura a project of a constitution, which two years afterwards was negatived by the constituent congress of Cucuta, and which was very similar to the British system, which served him as a model; and in the discourse with which it was accompanied he evinced his anti-republican ideas with sufficient clearness. This project, with some few alterations, was the same which he presented to the Bolivian republic, and which, in the exuberance of their gratitude, was at once accepted of, although they were aware that a president for life, inviolable, and with the power of naming his successor, only differed from a king in the name. The efforts making in Peru to establish there the Bolivian code were in progress, and with the most favourable prospects of success. It therefore only remained to have it also established in Colombia, where it had met with so great opposition; and the rebellious movements of Paez appeared to Bolivar an excellent occasion of doing so. As soon as he was aware of these transactions, he dispatched from Lima a young man of talent named Guzman, in the character of his commissioner; and it is affirmed that he gave this person some blank papers with his signature alone affixed, that he might fill them up and direct them according to circumstances. He also wrote some letters desiring his friends to attend to whatever Guzman might communicate to them. This commissioner appeared in the south of the republic, and spoke against the civil war; exaggerated its consequences; represented Colombia in the most melancholy point of view; and suggested, as the only means of evading so many evils, that they should submit themselves to the decision of Bolivar, who would hasten to their aid, and who had sent him for the purpose of announcing to them his desire to be again useful to his native country.

The letters which Guzman delivered produced the desired results, and raised the merit of Bolivar, who by their contents seemed to be inspired, from the precision with which affairs and persons were delineated, addressing himself to every one according to his situation. In public meetings likewise Guzman acquitted himself with great tact; sometimes recommending the Bolivian constitution, at other times excusing Bolivar for having offered it to Colombia, and not unfrequently saying nothing on the subject; following always the views of the persons with whom he conversed or associated, and assuring every one, that whatever the political opinions of Bolivar might be, he was incapable of injuring the cause of freedom, and would act in accordance with the general wish of the people. The additional renown acquired in Peru by Bolivar during his absence from Colombia, and the marked predilection he always evinced towards his own countrymen, insured him the general love and regard of the community. Thus it was that the people, the government, and even the rebels themselves, with one voice, cried out for Bolivar.

In some places, as at Guayaquil and Asuncion, they carried their enthusiasm so far as to declare in favour of the Bolivian code, and some even recommended the absolute power of a dictator. Santander, in the exercise of the executive power as vice-president, disapproved of these proceedings as seditions, and contrary to the constitution which all had sworn to observe inviolate until 1831; and sent a dispatch to Bolivar expressive of its impropriety, and of the fatal consequences which would be produced if allowed to continue with impunity, and of the little necessity the Liberator had for the tremendous power of dictator, when his presence alone as defender of the constitution was sufficient to deter its violators. But Bolivar took no public notice of these transactions, notwithstanding that they were elsewhere repeated after his arrival in Colombia.

At length he disengaged himself from the Peruvians, who, although in reality they wished to get rid of him, from a spirit of contradiction, or some other cause, made the greatest efforts to detain him. The clergy, the army, the municipality and corporations, even the ladies, and all in town and country, united in requesting him to remain. The electoral colleges adopted the Bolivian constitution without restriction, and named Bolivar president for life, in order to persuade him to remain. But Bolivar, firm as a rock, informed them, that although his inclinations prompted him to accede to their wishes, his country had called upon him, and that it was his paramount duty to obey, as serious dissensions had arisen in Colombia during his absence, which he alone could tranquillize; that Peru possessed men of sufficient eminence to govern it with efficiency; and that if they should ever be in danger, he would be ready to succour them. He expressed his gratitude to the Peruvians for their adoption of the Bolivian constitution, and their nomination of him as president for life; but stated that he belonged to Colombia, and that if permitted by that state to accept of the honour conferred on him, he would then give it due consideration, especially as he was anxious to serve Peru by every means in his power. He embarked at Callao on the 3d of September 1826, and arrived at Guayaquil on the 14th, and immediately proceeded to Bogota, which he entered on the 14th of November. He was received by the vice-president Santander in the principal hall of the palace, surrounded by all the public functionaries, the municipality, and other public bodies; and after the preliminary ceremonies were gone through, Santander addressed himself to Bolivar, congratulating him that he still fully approved of the inviolability of the constitution, and exhorting him to support it at all risks. His answer was short, cold, and evasive. He appointed Revenga his general secretary, with whom he soon set out for Venezuela, previously issuing the decree of 23rd November, investing himself with all the extraordinary powers allowed by the 128th article of the constitution of Colombia, and declaring that in his absence these powers might be exercised by the vice-president Santander throughout the whole of the territory where he could not himself exercise them. The reasons assigned for these determinations were, the unsettled state of the country, the fears lest the Spanish government should again renew hostilities, and the desire which many of the people had expressed that he should assume them. During his journey from Bogota to Caracas, he was engaged in issuing decrees on the different branches of the public administration, sometimes suspending the operation of the existing laws, at others correcting them, and in fact changing everything as he thought proper. He took several battalions along with him; but they were unnecessary, as immediately on his arrival at Puerto Cabello on the 31st of December 1826, he invited Paez to an interview in the vicinity of Valencia, and, notwithstanding the apprehensions suggested to him by some persons belonging to Venezuela, that Paez or his adherents intended to assassinate him, yet, whether from hardihood, or because he did not believe Paez to be capable of so base an action, he disregarded them, and presented himself in the camp of that officer with the utmost confidence. The details of the interview have never been published; but the results were, that they embraced each other, and the troops under the command of Paez, and the whole of the revolted territory of Venezuela, were placed at the disposal of Bolivar; so that on the 10th of January 1827, at three p.m., about eight months after the movement of Paez, Bolivar entered the city of Caracas in triumph. The enthusiasm with which he was received in all the towns through which he passed was very great; particularly in Caracas, his native city, where the inhabitants expressed the utmost gratification at again seeing their illustrious fellow-citizen, after an absence of six years, employed in gaining triumphs over the common enemy, and extending the domains of liberty. The impression that he had come to establish order, and the manner in which he fed the public expectation, kept every one in a state of excitement. During the ceremony of the entry, Bolivar placed Paez by his side in the same triumphal car, which had been prepared with great splendour, and took the necessary precautions to prevent anything being said or done which could give offence to the latter.

When the rejoicings were concluded, the labour commenced of introducing the Bolivian code into Colombia on the ruins of the existing constitution. Bolivar desired it with ardour; and, judging from the satisfactory manner in which he had been received, he believed that any thing proposed by him would be immediately adopted. In an enthusiasm which sprung from gratitude and patriotism, he fancied he perceived an absolute abandonment to his will; a mistake which emboldened the parasites who surrounded him. Thus deceived, or raised in his own estimation, he began to work conformably; and as Venezuela in his opinion gave the example to the other parts of Colombia, all his attention was confined to that state. He declared all the provinces in her territory to be under his immediate protection, and subjected them to his particular decrees, so that the authority of the vice-president charged with the executive power had no share in them. He changed almost all the public functionaries, dissolved the battalions who had declared in favour of the constitu- Colombia, and allowed those who had supported Paez in his disobedience. He issued a decree consigning to oblivion the occurrences of 1826, comprehending the insurrection of that chief. He was surrounded by persons of the same sentiments. Even the enemies of independence seemed at this period to be in greater favour with him than the friends of the constitution of Cucuta, of whom he only spoke in terms of ridicule; and as his heart and head were occupied with the Bolivian code, all the evils, and even the insurrection of Paez, were attributed to that of Cucuta.

His inferior officers held similar language; the periodical publications re-echoed the note, and these issued from the palace, having, it is affirmed, been written under the direction of Bolivar. They recommended the necessity of a strong and vigorous government. They said it was necessary to accustom themselves to "see Bolivar in the government, and the government in Bolivar." And finally, they spoke of the empire of the Andes, or the confederation of Peru, Bolivia, and Colombia, under the same code and president, as an occurrence certain and speedy. To these three nations seemed at length to be confined the flattering hopes of the great American confederation, which at this time it was proposed to carry into effect, and for which purpose a congress was convoked at Panama; its professed object being to strengthen the union then subsisting between the states recently formed, to unite their forces in case of an attack, to settle any differences which might arise among them, and to be on their guard in respect to the policy of Europe. It may be supposed that Bolivar expected to become chief of it, with the title of protector, or such like, knowing that the idea had originated with him, and that he had invited the different nations to send representatives to Panama, Bolivia, Peru, Colombia, Guatemala, and Mexico, sent each two representatives; but neither Chili nor Buenos Ayres sent any. Great things were anticipated from this august assembly, and the deputies believed they had the destinies of America in their hands; but their labours produced no other result than some preparatory proclamations full of learning. Bolivar seemed satisfied in Venezuela. But this satisfaction was incomplete; for numerous cares from other quarters crowded around him. The congress then in session at Bogota was engaged in considering the renunciation of the presidency which he had sent from Caracas, couched in the most decided terms; and not being indifferent to the results, he knew that many of the senators would vote in the affirmative. He had likewise promised a convention composed of deputies from all parts of Colombia, and the congress, yielding to his desire, discussed the project; but Santander and the liberal deputies, believing that such a body would only serve to legalize the views of Bolivar, opposed it, stating that the congress had not the power to accelerate the period fixed upon at the formation of the constitution for its revision. From this and other circumstances Bolivar was fully aware that Santander had resolved to support the existing constitution, and by means of it would be enabled to injure his reputation and diminish his influence, both within and without Colombia. Finally, Peru, taking advantage of his absence, annulled the Bolivian code, and, unmindful of past obligations, repaid Colombia and Bolivar with insults, which the latter resolved to avenge at all hazards. The auxiliary Colombian division which had remained in Peru, instead of opposing these proceedings, rose against their principal officers, and declared their determination to sustain the constitution of Colombia, which had been violated at Guayaquil and Asuay; at the same time declaring their determination to embark for the purpose of establishing order and supporting the government, a declaration which was approved of by Santander, but viewed by Bolivar as a crime. All these reasons obliged the latter to leave Venezuela and proceed to the capital of the republic, which was the centre of all the operations now in progress.

After sending some troops in advance, he left Caracas on the morning of the 7th June, leaving Venezuela under the authority of Paez as principal chief. His departure in no respect resembled his reception in Caracas; he was only accompanied by his military and other attendants, and the contrast was so remarkable as to be sufficient to convince any one of his diminished influence. On his arrival at Bogota, he had the satisfaction to find the decree sanctioned convoking the convention or constituent congress of deputies, notwithstanding the opposition of Santander; and he ascertained at the same time that his renunciation of the presidency had not been admitted, although the pointed expressions used against him by some of the senators, especially by Senores Uribe and Soto, who declared that Bolivar's position at the head of affairs in Colombia had become extremely dangerous to its welfare, and to the independence of the neighbouring republics, were by no means calculated to excite pleasant reflections. The latter even stated to the senate that by day and night, nay even when asleep, he had been awakened to be advised to admit the renunciation of Bolivar, and that the senator who did not do so ran the risk of losing his head. With these two decrees the business of the congress terminated; but Santander, aware of the approach of Bolivar, required of them to remain united in order to receive his oath of obedience to the constitution, before delivering over to him the executive power; which ceremony Bolivar performed, and then entered on the duties of president. The congress was immediately dissolved, but not until it had approved of all the decrees issued by him since his return to Colombia.

The elections for the convention, and the affairs of Peru, afforded him abundant occupation. On the results of the former depended the success of his plans; and with respect to Peru, affairs had come to such a state that recourse to arms had become unavoidable; but as the critical state in which Colombia then was rendered a war very inconvenient, he employed some time in exacting satisfaction; and a correspondence between the two parties was entered into, which, instead of producing peace, engendered mutual animosity, on account of the insults and threats which it contained. All his attention was therefore now directed to the convention which was to meet at Ocaina on the 2d of March 1828, but which did not assemble until some days afterwards, and under no very favourable auspices. The opinion so decidedly expressed by Bolivar in favour of a vigorous government, a symbolical name given to the Bolivian code, caused much embarrassment to the deputies, the greater part of whom were either known republicans, or pacific persons, who desired the welfare of their country, but who from their own honourable feeling could not persuade themselves of the truth of all that had been attributed to Bolivar, and who besides feared the serious consequences likely to follow their not acceding to his wishes. The remainder consisted of the ardent defenders of the new measures proposed; but in a young country, recently emancipated from a state of slavery, and where public spirit had not yet been formed, the influence and the innumerable resources possessed by a man like Bolivar were equivalent to physical power, and calculated to attract numbers to him. The army on its part also augmented these embarrassments; for the various regiments hastening to gain the favour of Bolivar, evinced their attachment to his person, and made daring proposals to the convention in favour of a vigorous government. Such proceedings appeared criminal to the assembly, who required Bolivar to correct them; but as he took no measures for that pur- pose, their insolence increased with their numbers. Finally, the rumours of a conspiracy, which it was supposed General Padilla was forming at Mompox, augmented greatly the difficulties of their situation; for Bolivar not only sent troops to the neighbourhood of the place of session, but he himself removed to Bucaramanga, only a few leagues distant from Ocaña; from which place he maintained an official correspondence with the convention, and a private one with his partizans belonging to it. The style of the former was very different from that which he ought to have used to the sovereign assembly representing the nation, if only by way of example. Their harmony and unanimity began to disappear, and parties arose among them; one supported by the influence of Bolivar; while the others, depending on the justice of their cause, maintained themselves in opposition, notwithstanding the conciliatory measures of the moderate party. In this way some months passed over without agreeing to anything; until at length the Bolivian deputies, perceiving that it was impossible to obtain anything from the ultra-liberals, and that even the moderate members also became equally zealous in proportion to the efforts made to render them favourable to the wishes of Bolivar, determined to separate themselves from the convention, for the purpose of rendering the subsequent labours of that body useless. Accordingly twenty-one of their number retired from the convention; and two thirds at least being necessary to give validity to their decisions, according to the decree of convocation, while the number of those who retired was more than one third, it was found necessary to put an end to their proceedings. As those who had retired were either friends or relations of Bolivar, or defenders of his opinions; as he took no steps to oblige them to fulfil the sacred duties confided to them by their constituents, notwithstanding the convention required it of him; and the duty was obligatory on him; and as ultimately many of them went immediately to unite with him; the inhabitants of Colombia attribute to Bolivar the dissolution of the convention of Ocaña. Thus the body in question at length terminated its proceedings without accomplishing anything.

About this period some military men and others favourable to him proclaimed Bolivar supreme chief or dictator at Bogota; and there were not wanting persons who re-echoed this proclamation, since they perceived that there could be no cause of apprehension to those who were in his favour. He stated, that with the greatest reluctance, and only as a proof of his obedience, he would consent to subject himself to the responsibility of the dictatorship; and he proceeded directly to the capital to perform his duties. Now commenced all the disasters which had thus been preparing. Notwithstanding that, by the decree calling together the convention, the representatives were declared inviolable and irresponsible for their opinions expressed in the convention, such as evinced the greatest determination in favour of the liberal system were expelled from their country, and the honoured patriots Soto, Gomez, and others, were obliged to leave New Granada. Nearly the whole of those of Caracas were ordered to expatriate themselves; but the only instances in which it was carried into effect were those of Chaves, Irribarren, and Tovar. Such was the merit of this last, that when he inquired what was the crime for which he was driven out of his country, in the establishment of which he had during eighteen years made sacrifices of all kinds, he was officially answered, that his opinions were contrary to the new order of things, and that history showed that not only criminals, but also virtuous men, had been expelled the country of their birth, which they had faithfully served. There was likewise published a special decree for trying those who might commit the crime of conspiracy; and its enactments were a complete violation of all civil rights and guarantees. Bolivar declared the vice-presidency extinct, and Santander was appointed minister of Colombia to the United States. The number and privileges of the army were considerably augmented; the militia were invested with the military privileges, and rendered amenable to the military laws and tribunals; and as every one was obliged to enter the militia, nearly all were placed beyond the protection of the civil authorities, and at the mercy of their commanders; tribunals and regulations of police particularly oppressive were also established. Of the state of the public press some idea may be formed from what has already been stated, and also from the two following occurrences. Colonel Bolivar, aide-de-camp to the dictator, made a vow that he would mutilate the fingers of Dr Azuero, judge of the supreme tribunal of justice, whom he considered as the author of an article written with much warmth against these oppressive measures, and the military employed in promoting them. He availed himself of an accidental meeting to beguile his intended victim to a more retired part of the city of Bogota, where he attempted to execute his purpose, treated him in the most brutal manner, and would to all appearance have put an end to his existence, had not General Cordova, who was accidentally passing, rescued him from danger. Such was the impression produced on the mind of Azuero by this transaction, that he made a representation to the Liberator, requesting him either to punish the aggressor or to shoot the complainant, otherwise he would consider it his duty to cry out more loudly against the oppressors and oppressors of his country. The other instance was that of Colonel Ferguson, also aide-de-camp of Bolivar, who went with some soldiers to the printing office of one of the liberal newspapers, where they destroyed the printing press, scattered the types over the streets, and burnt publicly all the printed copies which were found. But neither Ferguson nor Bolivar were reprehended or punished by General Bolivar, whom they accompanied until they were eventually killed by the persons engaged in the conspiracy which soon afterwards took place.

The popularity of Bolivar had diminished to such a degree, and the discontent of the public had increased so greatly, that some young men of consideration in society, and of the principal families, formed a conspiracy to assassinate the Liberator, believing that the same person who had previously won all their hearts when they only viewed him as the author of their independence, the ornament of Colombia, and the brightest star of South America, was the origin of all the evils which affected their country. The conspirators were arranging their plans when one of their number was imprisoned, a circumstance which obliged the others to anticipate the event; so that at midnight on 25th September 1828 they attacked the palace, killing the sentinels, and breaking the doors of the apartment where they believed Bolivar to be sleeping. But he had fortunately escaped by a window. Colonel Ferguson, however, was not so fortunate; for, hearing the noise at the bottom of the stair, he rushed into the street, and was killed by the commandant Carojo, who had just then disarmed the guard. Their intentions having been thus frustrated, they endeavoured in vain to obtain some other advantages during the remainder of the night. They liberated General Padilla, who was still in confinement, killing Colonel Bolivar, who had him in charge. They attempted to storm the barracks of the battalion Bargas; and, declaring that Bolivar was no more, they endeavoured to gain some adherents, and defended themselves to the last; but being at length weakened, pursued, and overpowered in every quarter, they were not able even to escape, and, with the exception of Luis Colombia. Vargas Tejada, the whole were taken. This occurrence was sufficiently remarkable to convince Bolivar of the change which had occurred; but all who observed his conduct during the war of independence will be aware that his resources, activity, and perseverance were increased according to the difficulty of his situation. On the other hand, flattered with the splendour of his own glory, proud of his services to his country, and also deceived by the sycophants who surrounded him, he believed that the discontent was confined to those engaged in the assault, and that for his preservation from the others, energy alone was necessary. Fourteen of them were shot, among whom was General Padilla, so celebrated for his triumphs over the Spaniards at Margarita, Cartagena, and the Lake of Maracaibo. Various other persons were also condemned to death; a sentence, however, which was commuted into less severe punishments. Among this number was General Santander, who for six years had governed Colombia, during which time the prosperity of the republic had been greatly augmented. In the process published in 1832 by order of the congress of New Granada, when he was still absent, we find, that instead of having any part in the conspiracy, he disapproved of it as soon as he was aware of its existence; that they had never communicated to him the place or the day, nor who were the conspirators, and only spoke in general and ambiguous terms; that in consequence of his objections, they promised to desist from their intentions, and left him strongly impressed with the belief that nothing would happen; that notwithstanding all this, he called the attention of some of the members of government to the dangerous situation in which the nation was placed, on account of the general discontent which prevailed; and finally, that a short time before, he had saved the life of Bolivar during another conspiracy which had been planned, and which Santander by his influence and exertions succeeded in putting down. What then were the grounds on which the punishment of death was passed on him? The sentence states them to be his known opposition to Bolivar, his great attachment to the constitution of Cucuta, and lastly and principally, being a military man, that he was under an obligation, according to the military laws, formally to make known to the authorities any existing conspiracy. In this way they considered him as a military man in relation to the punishment, but as a civilian in every other respect, since the tribunals, the proceedings, &c. were different from those of the military code; besides which, he was not only not in active service, but had accepted a diplomatic appointment, as already stated. Although Bolivar commuted his sentence into depriving him of his military rank and honours, and banishing him to Europe, with a prohibition against his landing in any part of the new world, under the penalty of having all his property confiscated, which in the mean time was placed under the management of the government, yet Santander was immured by General Montilla in a dungeon in one of the castles of Cartagena, from which he was not liberated until after many months of suffering and restraint, when he proceeded to Europe. In advancing the energetic system determined on, Bolivar issued a decree, on the day after the conspiracy, declaring that, since the moderation with which he had until then exercised the absolute authority conferred upon him by the people had produced an effect so very contrary to what was expected, in future he would invest himself with all the powers of the dictatorship without any restriction. He ordered the vigilance of the administration to be redoubled; recommended the strictest military subordination; prohibited the use of the works of Jeremy Bentham in the universities; issued a decree suppressing all the professorships on political rights and the rights of nations, as injurious to the youth; and took a number of other similar measures. But these proceedings naturally injured more than they improved the position of the government. It was soon made known that General Obando and Colonel Lopez had proclaimed the constitution in the south of Colombia; so that, although the Peruvians had already entered the territory of Colombia, Bolivar was so much occupied with his own countrymen that he was prevented from directing his attention to that quarter. The conciliatory means employed with these two chiefs were, however, productive of favourable results; and he was at length enabled to march to the southern extremity of Colombia to meet the Peruvians. The victory gained over them at Tarqui on the 27th of February 1829 was decisive; and the treaty formed in consequence with Peru was most honourable to Colombia, which by it was completely indemnified and satisfied. Bolivar had promised, and indeed convoked, another convention in Bogota, which was to be installed in January 1830; and he was returning to attend to it, when he ascertained that the brave General Cordova had also proclaimed the constitution at Antioquia, his native place; and as the activity and influence of this young man, who had been so much distinguished for his gallantry in Peru, were so well known, General O'Leary was immediately sent with troops to attack him. The number of Cordova's adherents was too small to resist the attack. Of this he was fully aware; but his brave and decided character induced him to prefer death to surrendering on the conditions offered to him. Before the action, and during its continuance, he refused to accept the pardon offered to him, until he was assured that the constitution would be re-established; an agreement which O'Leary was very far from entering into, as he required him to surrender at discretion. Cordova at length shut himself up in a house, which he defended to the last extremity, until he was himself wounded, and the greater part of his followers killed, when the firing ceased from within. The commander, Hand, an Irishman, then entered to observe the scene, and had the cruelty to put an end to the existence of the brave Cordova, who was still alive.

The triumph over Peru, the result of the negotiation with Obando and Lopez, the extermination of the party of Cordova, and the fortunate issue of the elections for the new convention, which had fallen principally on those favourable to the Bolivian code, greatly elevated the hopes of Bolivar. He now believed that the republican spirit, which had hitherto opposed his designs, and retarded the organization of Colombia under the system which he approved of, had disappeared. In this persuasion he wrote a letter to Paez, eulogizing the future convention with the name of the "admirable." He at the same time lamented the state of the nation, and declared that he only wished to know what the people desired, in order to comply with it; and he authorized them to express themselves with perfect freedom. Paez sent the letter to the chief of the police of Caracas, who called together a popular meeting of the inhabitants of that city on the 25th of November 1829. But although the prefect of the province was a relative of Bolivar, and a decided supporter of his opinions, and co-operated on this occasion in the expectation that the result of such a meeting would be favourable to the object for which it was called, yet his conclusions proved as erroneous as those of the author of the letter; for the inhabitants of Caracas, instead of proclaiming Bolivar, declared that they did not desire any longer to depend upon his authority; that their wish was that Venezuela should separate itself from New Granada, where he governed; that a congress should be assembled from all the provinces of Venezuela, to organize a popular representative government, alternative and responsible; that by this separation no alteration should in any degree take place with regard to their engagements with other nations; and finally, that they desired peace, friendship, and union with the other sections of Colombia. Of these resolutions, which were the result of two days' discussion, and the principal reasons which produced them, a copy was sent to General Paez by a commission of four persons, appointed by the inhabitants. Paez was in Valencia, thirty-six leagues distant from Caracas, and the opinion of a chief like him at the head of the military force of Venezuela was of great importance to the inhabitants of Caracas, however just their cause; but Paez, impressed with the importance of the duties imposed upon him by his situation, and the deference due to public opinion, replied, that since the Liberator had desired to know the wishes of the Venezuelians, they were entitled to express themselves freely, and he assured them that they would on no occasion be molested in doing so; that if the whole of Venezuela should identify itself with Caracas, he said he was only a subject of the majority, to whose decision he respectfully submitted; for although he greatly respected Bolivar, he respected still more the voice of the nation, the only source of legitimate authority.

In fact, before the end of the year 1829, the whole of the provinces, towns, and villages of Venezuela had proclaimed the same principles as Caracas; in consequence of which Paez convoked a congress, which met at Valencia on the 6th May 1830. It was composed of some of the most aged and experienced patriots, and all its proceedings were marked by an earnest desire to contribute to the welfare of the country. They sanctioned the constitution, which was to regulate Venezuela on the basis of the republican system proclaimed in the year 1810; the army was reduced in number to those absolutely necessary to preserve the fortified stations; and all the military who were not in actual service were rendered amenable to the civil authorities. They recognised on the part of Venezuela their engagements with other nations, declaring inviolate the domestic and foreign debt; and they resolved to arrange the terms of payment in conjunction with the other sections of Colombia. Lastly, they determined that Venezuela should again unite with Cundinamarca and Quito on principles of federation, as soon as these states should be properly constituted.

Although Caracas had sent to Bolivar on the 24th of December 1829 a representation stating the evil consequences likely to ensue from any opposition to its resolutions expressed on the 25th November, and beseeching him not to stain his reputation by making war against his native country, but that, on the contrary, he would allow them to organize themselves in peace, and that he might cooperate with his influence in their favour, yet Bolivar was taking the most active measures to prepare for the invasion of Venezuela, when the constituent congress, denominated by himself the admirable, met at Bogota. In accordance with the practice he had observed with all preceding congresses, Bolivar resigned his authority; but this constituent congress, although composed of his own adherents, did not imitate his predecessors; they admitted his resignation, and General Bolivar, for the first time since 1812, was divested of the supreme authority; so great an impression had the proceedings in Venezuela produced in Colombia. Besides, the admirable congress formed a constitution somewhat liberal, and named a commission of their own body to present it to Venezuela; selected as successor to Bolivar in the command, Dr Joaquín Mosquera as president, and General Domingo Caycedo as vice-president, both true and honourable patriots; and used their utmost endeavours to conciliate and win over the people of Venezuela. But the congress of that country, who saw nothing advantageous in all these proposals, who had already formed a constitution more suitable to their country, and who were fully aware that the central system which they were now invited to adopt was the most opposite to their interests, as they had experienced during a period of nine years that they had lived under it, refused the invitation, replying that Venezuela was ready to unite itself with Cundinamarca and Quito by an agreement of federation, but in no other way. The English vice-admiral, Elphinstone Fleming, was at this time in Venezuela, and contributed materially to the pacific organization of the state, since by his knowledge and experience he prevented a rupture. He spoke to each party with equal freedom, and recommended peace to both; an important service, of which the people of Venezuela have a lively and grateful recollection, and they will not soon forget the interest he took in preventing a civil war.

When Bolivar saw that his renunciation was accepted, and that the edifice which he had raised was falling to pieces, he requested and obtained permission to leave the country and proceed to Europe. Fully aware that his presence was the principal obstacle to the tranquillity and happiness of his country, he had still an opportunity of saving some part of his reputation, by banishing himself, and allowing his countrymen to act with freedom. He, however, disembarked his luggage, which had been sent on board ship, and remained at Cartagena, to the manifest injury of his own credit and the peace of Colombia. His presence there was to some persons an object of compassion, to others a pretext for committing crimes; but to the military men in particular he served as a magnet to give movement to their swords. Quito, under the command of General Flores, withdrew its allegiance to the government and constitution established by the admirable congress. Cundinamarca was studded with military parties, who proclaimed Bolivar. The president Mosquera laboured in vain to establish order, to calm the passions, and to render the new code efficient. Affairs at length reached such a state, that the commander of the battalion, Callao, and some militia, summoned the administration to surrender; and after an attack, in which the blood of the republicans flowed in great abundance, its commander occupied the capital of Colombia, proclaimed Bolivar, and placed General Urdaneta provisionally at the head of the government, until Bolivar should arrive to perform these duties. Even Venezuela, although already constituted, did not fail to suffer on this occasion. The Bolivian agents prevailed upon General Monagas to revolt, and by his influence some of the eastern provinces refused obedience to the government of Venezuela, to whose constitution they had recently sworn; and it is painful to say, that Cartagena was the source of all these evils. There Bolivar resided, surrounded by those instruments which were destroying Colombia and himself. The malignant adulation of these men was the atmosphere which he respired; he saw nothing except what they allowed him to see, neither did he hear anything but what they told him. On the other hand, his health was greatly impaired in consequence of continued indisposition, aggravated by depression of spirits; and in this state of bodily and mental weakness he was induced to affix his name to a proclamation, in which, instead of repriming and reprehending the factious, he accepted their offers, and gave some obscure hints of his intentions to place himself at their head. But Bolivar was now nothing in Colombia. The congress which he had himself called together admitted his renunciation, named another chief in his place, and sanctioned a code which was already in operation in New Granada. The proclamations in favour of Bolivar were therefore criminal, and it became a crime to receive them. These proclama- Colombia, however, were prevented from proving so injurious as they might have done by the death of Bolivar, an event which, by destroying the centre, dissipated all the hopes of the factions. His death took place at one p.m. on the 17th December 1830, in the village of San Pedro, near Santa Martha, after an illness of several months, increased in consequence of a life of great agitation.

Thus terminated the existence of the founder of three nations, all of which he left in a state of commotion. We are unwilling on the present occasion to decide whether Bolivar intended to perpetuate his own power, or whether he at last resolved to establish a monarchy in Colombia, anticipating that time will reveal secrets which distance and other reasons render inscrutable to us at present; but judging from his actions, it is evident that he never conceived that the new American states, formerly Spanish, could be governed by institutions similar to those of the United States. If such had been his opinions, the imputations of his countrymen would have been unjust; but having used his utmost endeavours to render his will paramount to that of the nation, and employed for that purpose the means intrusted to him for very different purposes, he was quite inexorable. It cannot, however, be denied that Bolivar loved his country; that to him is due the emancipation of Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia, and perhaps also a considerable extent of other parts of Spanish America; and that his services, in this point of view, entitle him to the gratitude of the Americans, and to the admiration of those who know that through his means were broken asunder the chains which for three hundred years held in slavery a numerous population, who now, in the enjoyment of freedom, occupy an important place among independent nations.

On the death of Bolivar, the political commotions gradually ceased, and peace and tranquillity began to prevail all over Colombia. General Monagas was reconciled to the government of Venezuela on the 24th of June 1831, the constitutional system was re-established in the disturbed provinces, and since that time all has been order and harmony. Venezuela is governed by its own constitution and laws, and it has a congress, which meets in the beginning of each year. The representative body is divided into two chambers, and its attributes are in relation to the general interests; while in each province there is a kind of minor legislature for local and economical affairs. The executive, which consists of a president and vice-president, endeavours to accommodate itself to the state of public opinion. Strict economy, and a moderation truly republican, have succeeded to the extravagant expenditure which had been produced by the excitement of gigantic projects, with manifest injury to the morals of the people, as well as to the public treasury. The conduct of General Paez during this new epoch in Colombia has been so exemplary as to cause his errors in 1826 to be more effectually consigned to oblivion, than by the decree of Bolivar already mentioned. His submission to the congress, his attachment to the liberal system, his zeal in promoting obedience to the laws, and in using every exertion to avoid a civil war, have procured for him the respect and confidence of all. He was almost unanimously elected president in 1831; since which time his moderation and disinterestedness have been such, that the duties of the supreme magistracy have been principally performed by the vice-president Urbaneja.

Cundinamarca has likewise been tranquil since 1831. The factious having laid down their arms, the country has been governed by the vice-president Caycedo in the absence of the president Mosquera; and the people proceeded to the election of deputies, to form the convention of New Granada, which, in 1832, sanctioned a constitution nearly the same as that of Venezuela, declaring their readiness to unite in federation with the other states to reorganize Colombia. It restored Santander to the rank and honours of which he had been dispossessed by the government of Bolivar; approved of his entire conduct, and called him back to his country as one of her most illustrious sons. The public debt was also declared sacred, and directions were given to regulate its ultimate payment in concert with the other states. At length Santander was elected provisional president, and the congress was dissolved, to allow the constitution to be put in force, as was immediately done. In the month of October, the elections of president and of the deputies had been carried into effect; and Santander having returned, assumed the reins of government, having been, by a great majority, elected president for the first constitutional period; so that the prospects now presented to New Granada are those of permanent tranquillity and happiness. The state of the Equator or Quito has been indebted to the influence of General Flores for its preservation from the civil war, and is governed according to a constitution which was formed in 1831 by a convention of its representatives. This state has made declarations similar to those of Venezuela and Cundinamarca, relative to the payment of the public debt, and the re-organization of Colombia on principles of federation. General Flores has been named constitutional president, and, under his administration, order has been maintained, and prosperity has begun to appear.

It now only remains for the three states to unite, by means of the commissioners appointed to arrange the kind of agreement which is to bind them together, which, according to the public opinion throughout these countries, will be on the basis of common interest, so as to avoid all grounds of future dispute; or, to use the words of the 227th article of the constitution of Venezuela, an agreement regulating and representing the high relations of Colombia. Thus, diplomatic legations, war and peace, the currency, the domestic and foreign debt, and the military force of each state, will probably be the object of the attributes of the general government, more or less modified, as the convention which is about to assemble may judge proper.

The amount of the foreign debt of Colombia was six millions sterling in 1824, since which time no interest has been paid; consequently it has increased during the last eight years to about nine and a half millions, by an accumulating interest of six per cent. annually. The influential classes throughout Colombia are fully impressed with the great importance of re-establishing on a firm basis the national credit; and it is confidently anticipated that their respective legislatures will, at an early period, exert themselves to accomplish this important object. The extensive tracts of uncultivated lands, and various other resources, are available for this purpose; and, with the economical system now introduced into the administration of public affairs, will greatly facilitate so desirable an end. The latest intelligence from Bogota and Caracas, which reaches to the end of the year 1832, indicates that these countries are tranquil and prosperous, and have every prospect of its continuance. There is now no probability of their being again engaged in any civil or foreign war. Any recourse to such means have been rendered unnecessary by the judicious principles which have regulated their conduct in the late separation of Colombia into the three separate and independent states of Venezuela, New Granada, and Quito, each of which takes cognizance of all the internal affairs of its respective territory, and only acts in union on general and exterior affairs. Their different constitutions, which, with little variation, are the same as that of Cucuta, passed in 1821, have made such favourable impressions on the minds of the people, in conse-