in the Church of England. A parson, persona ecclesiae, is one who has full possession of all the rights of a parochial church. He is called parson, persona, because by his person the church, which is an invisible body, is represented; and he is in himself a body corporate, in order to protect and defend the rights of the church, which he personates, by a perpetual succession. He is sometimes called the rector or governor of the church; but the appellation of parson, however it may be depreciated by familiar and indiscriminate use, is the most legal and most honourable title that a parish priest can enjoy; because such a one, as Sir Edward Coke observes, and he alone, is said vicem seu personam ecclesiae gerere. A parson has, during his life, the freehold in himself of the parsonage-house, the glebe, the tithes, and other dues. But these are sometimes appropriated; that is to say, the benefice is perpetually annexed to some spiritual corporation, either sole or aggregate.

The appropriating corporations, or religious houses, were wont to depute one of their own body to perform divine service, and administer the sacraments, in those parishes of which the society was thus the parson. This officiating minister was in reality no more than a curate, deputy, or vicegerent of the appropriator, and was therefore called vicarius, or vicar. His stipend was at the discretion of the appropriator, who was, however, bound of common right to find somebody, qui illi de temporalibus, episcopo de spiritualibus, debat respondere. But this was done in so scandalous a manner, and the parishes suffered so much by the neglect of the appropriators, that the legislature was forced to interpose; and accordingly it was enacted, by statute 15 Richard II. c. 6, that in all appropriations of churches the diocesan bishop should ordain, in proportion to the value of the church, a competent sum to be distributed amongst the poor parishioners annually, and to provide that the vicarage should be sufficiently endowed. It seems that the parish were frequent sufferers, not only by the want of divine service, but also by the withholding of those alms for which, amongst other purposes, the payment of tithes was originally imposed; and therefore in this act a pension was directed to be distributed amongst the poor parochians, as well as a sufficient stipend to the vicar. But he, being liable to be removed at the pleasure of the appropriator, was not likely to insist too rigidly upon the legal sufficiency of the stipend; and, therefore, by statute 4 Henry IV. c. 12, it was ordained that the vicar should be a secular person, not a member of any religious house; that he should be vicar perpetual, not removable at the caprice of the monastery; and that he should be canonically instituted and inducted, and be sufficiently endowed, at the discretion of the ordinary, to do divine service, to inform the people, and to show hospitality. In consequence of these statutes, the endowments have usually been by a portion of the glebe, or land belonging to the parsonage, and a particular share of the tithes, which the appropriators found it most troublesome to collect, and which are therefore generally called petty or small tithes; the greater, or predial tithes, being still reserved for their own use. But the same rule was not observed in the endowment of all vicarages. Hence some are more liberally, and others more scantily, endowed; and hence the tithes of many things, as wood in particular, are in some parishes rectorial, and in others vicarial, tithes.

The distinction therefore between a parson and vicar is this. The parson has for the most part the whole right to all the ecclesiastical dues in his parish; but a vicar has generally an appropriator over him, who is entitled to the best part of the profits, and to whom he is in effect perpetual curate, with a standing salary. The method of becoming a parson or vicar is much the same. To both there are four necessary requisites; holy orders, presentation, institution, and induction.

**Parsonage**, a rectory or parish church, endowed with a glebe, house, lands, and tithes, for the maintenance of a minister, with cure of souls within the parish.

**Parsonauth**, a town of Hindustan, in the province of Bahar, situated amongst the hills, between Bahar and Bengal. It is held in great estimation by the Jains, as a remarkably holy place. One of the principal deities is named Pariswanath, the real founder of the sect, who died at the age of a hundred years.

**Part** is a portion of a whole, considered as divided or divisible.

**Logical Part** is a division for which we are indebted to the schoolmen. It refers to some universal as its whole; in which sense the species are parts of a genus, and individuals or singulars are parts of the species.

**Physical Part** is that which, though it enter into the composition of a whole, may yet be considered apart, and under its own distinct idea; and in this sense a continuum is said to consist of parts. Physical parts, again, are of two kinds, homogeneous and heterogeneous. The first are those of the same denomination with some other; the second are of a different denomination. Parts, again, are distinguished into subjective, essential, and integrant; a division of which the schoolmen were likewise the authors.

**Aliquot Part** is a quantity which, being repeated any number of times, becomes equal to an integer. Thus 6 is an aliquot part of 24, and 5 an aliquot part of 30.

**Aliquant Part** is a quantity which, being repeated any number of times, becomes always either greater or less than the whole. Thus 5 is an aliquant part of 17, and 9 is an aliquant part of 10. The aliquant part is resolvable into aliquot parts. Thus 15, an aliquant part of 20, is resolvable into 10, a half, and 5, a fourth part, of the same number.

**Patalpoor**, a town of Bengal, in the district of Midnapore. Long. 87. 50. E. Lat. 22. 21. N.

**Partanna**, a city of the intendency of Trapani, in the district of Mazzara, in the island of Sicily. It stands on a hill, about eight miles from the sea, in a healthy situation, fifty miles from Palermo, and contains 7100 inhabitants, employed in growing cotton wool, and in feeding black cattle.

**Parterre**, in Gardening, a level division of ground, which for the most part faces the south or best front of a house, and is generally furnished with evergreens, shrubs, and flowers.

**Parthenay**, an arrondissement of the department of the Two Sèvres, in France, extending over 683 square miles. It comprehends eight cantons, divided into forty-six communes, and containing 55,300 inhabitants. The capital is the city of the same name, situated on the river Thoué. It was one of the chief seats of the Vendean war, and suffered most severely. It contains 800 houses, and 3600 inhabitants. Long. 0. 19. W. Lat. 46. 40. N.

**Parthia**, a celebrated empire of antiquity, bounded on the west by Media, on the north by Hyrcania, on the east by Aria, and on the south by Caramania. It was surrounded on every side by mountains, which still serve as its boundaries, though the name is now changed. According to Ptolemy, Parthia was divided into five districts; Camisine or Gamisene, Partheyne, Choroane, Atticene, and Ta-biene. The ancient geographers enumerate a great many cities in this country. Ptolemy, in particular, reckons twenty-five large ones; and it must have been very populous, since we have accounts of two thousand villages, besides several cities, which were destroyed by earthquakes. Its capital was named Hecatompolis, so called from the circumstance of its having a hundred gates.

The history of the ancient Parthians is involved in obscurity. All we know about them is, that they were first subject to the Medes, then to the Persians, and lastly to Alexander. After the death of the Macedonian conqueror, the province fell to Seleucus Nicator, and was held by him and his successors till the reign of Antiochus Theus, about two centuries and a half before Christ. At this time the Parthians revolted, and chose Arsaces as their king. Seleucus Callinicus, the successor of Antiochus Theus, attempted to reduce Arsaces; but the latter, having had time to strengthen himself, defeated his antagonist, and drove him out of the country. In a short time, however, Seleucus undertook another expedition against Arsaces, which proved still more unfortunate than the former; for being defeated in a great battle, he was taken prisoner, and died in captivity. The day upon which Arsaces gained this victory was ever afterwards observed amongst the Parthians as an extraordinary festival. Arsaces being thus established in his new kingdom, reduced Hyrcania and several other provinces; but he was at last killed in a battle against Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia. From this prince all the other kings of Parthia took the surname of Arsaces, as those of Egypt did that of Ptolemy from Ptolemy Soter.

Arsaces was succeeded by his son, who, having entered Media, made himself master of that country, whilst Antiochus the Great was engaged in war with Ptolemy Euergetes, king of Egypt. Antiochus, however, had no sooner found himself disengaged from that war, than he marched with all his forces against Arsaces, and at first drove him completely out of Media. But the latter soon returned with an army of a hundred thousand foot and twenty thousand horse, with which he put a stop to the progress of Antiochus; and a treaty was soon afterwards concluded, by which it was agreed that Arsaces should remain master of Parthia and Hyrcania, upon condition of assisting Antiochus in his wars with other nations.

Arsaces II. was succeeded by his son Priapatus, who reigned fifteen years, and left three sons; Phrahates, Mithridates, and Artabanus. Phrahates, the elder, succeeded to the throne, and reduced the Mardians, who had never been conquered by any but Alexander. His brother Mithridates, who was invested with the regal dignity, reduced the Bactrians, Medes, Persians, and Ellyceans, and overran a great part of the East, penetrating beyond the boundaries of Alexander's conquests. Demetrius Nicator, who then reigned in Syria, endeavoured to recover these provinces; but his army was entirely destroyed, and he himself taken prisoner, in which state he remained till his death. After this victory Mithridates made himself master of Babylonia and Mesopotamia, so that all the provinces between the Euphrates and the Ganges were now subject to his sway.

Mithridates died in the thirty-seventh year of his reign, leaving the throne to his son Phrahates II. But the latter was scarcely settled in his kingdom when Antiochus Sidetes marched against him at the head of a numerous army, on the pretence of delivering his brother Demetrius, who was still detained in captivity. Phrahates was defeated in three pitched battles, in which he lost all the countries conquered by his father, and was reduced within the limits of the ancient Parthian kingdom. Antiochus, however, did not long enjoy his good fortune; for his numerous army being obliged to separate to such distances as prevented them, in case of any sudden attack, from reuniting, the inhabitants, whom they had cruelly oppressed, took advantage of this separation, and conspired with the Parthians to destroy them. And this they accordingly effected. The vast army of Antiochus, with the monarch himself, were slaughtered in one day, scarcely a single person having escaped to carry the news to Syria. Phrahates, elated with this success, proposed to invade Syria; but happening to quarrel with the Scythians, he was cut off with his whole army by that people.

Phrahates was succeeded by his uncle Artabanus. The new king, however, enjoyed his dignity for a very short time, being, a few days after his accession, killed in another battle with the Scythians. He was succeeded by Pacorus, who entered into an alliance with the Romans, and was, in his turn, succeeded by Phrahates III. This monarch took under his protection Tigranes, the son of Tigranes the Great, king of Armenia, gave the young prince his daughter in marriage, and invaded the kingdom with a design to place him on the throne of Armenia; but on the approach of Pompey he thought proper to retire, and soon afterwards solemnly renewed the treaty with the Romans. Phrahates was murdered by his children, Mithridates and Orodes; and soon afterwards the former was put to death by his brother, who thus became the sole master of the Parthian empire.

In his reign happened the memorable war with the Romans under Crassus. This was occasioned, not by any breach of treaty on the part of the Parthians, but by the shameful avarice of Crassus. At that time the Roman empire had been divided between Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus; and in virtue of this partition, the eastern provinces had fallen to the lot of Crassus. No sooner was he invested with his new dignity, than he resolved to carry the war into Parthia, hoping to enrich himself with the spoils of a people who were then accounted wealthy. As the Parthians had religiously observed the treaty, some of the tribunes opposed him; but Crassus having, by the assistance of Pompey, carried everything before him, left Rome in the year 55 before Christ, and pursued his march to Brundusium, where he immediately embarked his troops, and after a difficult passage reached the ports of Galatia. From Galatia Crassus hastened to Syria, and, in passing through Judea, plundered the temple of Jerusalem. He then marched to the river Euphrates, which he crossed on a bridge of boats, and, having entered the Parthian dominions, began hostilities. As the enemy had not expected an invasion, they were quite unprepared for resistance. Hence Crassus overran all Mesopotamia; and if he had taken advantage of the consternation into which the Parthians were at first thrown, he might also have reduced Babylonia. But instead of this he repassed the Euphrates early in the autumn, leaving only seven thousand foot and one thousand horse to garrison the places he had reduced; and having put his army into winter quarters in Syria, he gave himself wholly up to his favourite passion of amassing money.

Early in the ensuing spring, the Roman general drew out his forces, in order to pursue the war with vigour; but, during the winter, Orodes had collected a numerous army, and was well prepared to oppose him. Before he entered upon action, however, the Parthian monarch sent ambassadors to Crassus, to expostulate with him on his injustice in attacking an ally of the Roman empire; but Crassus, without attending to their representations, merely replied, that they should have his answer at Seleucia. Orodes, finding that a war was unavoidable, divided his army into two corps. At the head of one he marched towards Armenia, to oppose the king of that country, who had raised a considerable army to assist the Romans; and the other he sent into Mesopotamia, under the command of Surenas, an experienced general, by whose conduct all the cities which Crassus had reduced were quickly retaken. Some Roman soldiers who made their escape fled to the camp of Crassus, and filled his army with terror by the accounts they gave of the number, power, and strength, of the enemy. They stated that the Parthians were numerous, brave, and well disciplined; that it was impossible to overtake them when they fled, or escape from them when they pursued; that their defensive weapons were proof against the Roman darts, and their offensive weapons so sharp, that no buckler could resist them. Crassus looked upon all this as the effect of sheer cowardice. But the common soldiers, and even many of the officers, were so disheartened, that Cassius, who afterwards conspired against Caesar, and most of the legionary tribunes, advised Crassus to suspend his march, and consider better of the enterprise before he proceeded farther. Crassus, however, obstinately persisted in his resolution, being encouraged by the arrival of Artabazus, king of Armenia, who brought with him six thousand horse, and promised to send ten thousand cuirassiers and thirty thousand infantry whenever he should stand in need of them. At the same time the latter advised the Roman general not to march his army through the plains of Mesopotamia, but to penetrate through the mountains of Armenia. He stated, that, as Armenia was a mountainous country, the enemy's cavalry, in which their main strength consisted, would there be entirely useless, and that the Roman army, in penetrating through this country, would be plentifully supplied with all manner of necessaries; whereas, if the general marched through Mesopotamia, he would be perpetually harassed by the Parthian horse, and frequently be obliged to lead his army through sandy deserts, where he would be distressed for want of water, and every kind of provisions. This salutary advice, however, was rejected, and Crassus entered Mesopotamia with an army amounting to forty thousand men.

The Romans had no sooner crossed the Euphrates than Cassius advised his general to advance to some of those towns in which the garrisons still remained, in order to halt and refresh his troops; or, if he disapproved of this, to march along the banks of the Euphrates to Seleucia, by which means he would prevent the Parthians from surrounding him, at the same time that he would be plentifully supplied with provisions from his ships. Crassus seemed to approve of this judicious advice; but he was dissuaded by Abgarus, king of Edessa, whom the Romans took for an ally, though he was in reality a traitor sent by Surenas to effect the destruction of the Roman army. Under the conduct of this faithless guide, the Romans entered a vast plain divided by many rivulets. Their march through this fine country proved easy; but the farther they advanced the worse the roads became, insomuch that they were at last obliged to climb up rocky mountains, which brought them to a dry and sandy plain, where they could find neither food to satisfy their hunger, nor water to quench their thirst. Abgarus then began to be suspected by the tribunes and other officers, who earnestly entreated Crassus not to follow him any longer, but to retreat towards the mountains; and at the same time an express arrived from Artabazus, informing the Roman general that Orodes had invaded his dominions with a great army, and that he was obliged to keep his troops at home to defend his own dominions. The same messenger advised Crassus, in his master's name, to avoid the barren plains, where his army would certainly perish with hunger and fatigue, and to approach Armenia, that they might unite their forces against the common enemy. But all was to no purpose. Crassus, instead of hearkening either to the advice of the king or to his own officers, first flew into a violent rage with the messengers of Artabazus, and then told his troops, that they were not to expect the delights of Campania in the most remote parts of the world.

They accordingly continued their march for several days across a desert, the very sight of which was sufficient to fill them with despair. They could not perceive, either near or at a distance, the least tree, plant, or brook, nay, not so much as a hill, or a single blade of grass; all around, nothing was to be seen but huge heaps of burning sand. The Romans had scarcely penetrated through this desert, when intelligence was brought them by their scouts, that a numerous army of Parthians was advancing in full march to attack them. In fact, Abgarus, on pretence of going out on parties, had often conferred with Surenas, and with him concerted measures for destroying the Roman army. Upon receiving this intelligence, which occasioned great confusion in the camp, the Romans being quite exhausted with their long and troublesome march, Crassus drew up his men in order of battle, at first following the advice of Cassius, who recommended extending the infantry as widely as possible, that they might occupy the more ground, and thus prevent the enemy from surrounding them. But Abgarus having assured the general that the Parthian forces were not so numerous as had been represented, he changed this disposition, and, believing only the man who betrayed him, drew up his troops in a square, which faced every way, having on each side twelve cohorts in front; and near to each cohort he placed a troop of cavalry to support them, that they might charge with the greater security and boldness. Thus the whole army looked more like one phalanx than troops drawn up in manipules, with intervening spaces, according to the usual Roman formation. The general himself commanded the centre, his son had charge of the left wing, and to Cassius was committed the right.

In this order they advanced to the banks of a small river called the Balissus, the sight of which was very agreeable to the soldiers, who were much harassed with drought and excessive heat. When they came in sight of the enemy, they did not appear to be either so numerous or so terrible as had been represented. But this was a stratagem of Surenas, who had concealed his men in convenient places, ordering them to cover their arms, lest their brightness should betray them, and to start up at the first signal and attack the enemy on all sides. The stratagem had the desired effect. No sooner had Surenas given the signal, than the Parthians, rising as it were out of the ground, with dreadful yells advanced against the Romans, who were greatly surprised, not to say dismayed, at the sight; the more so as the Parthians, throwing off the covering of their arms, appeared in shining cuirasses, and helmets of burnished steel, finely mounted on horses covered all over with armour of the same metal. At their head appeared a rich dress young Surenas, who immediately charged the enemy, endeavouring, by means of his pikemen, to break through the first rank of the Roman army; but finding it too close and impenetrable, the cohorts supporting each other, he fell back, and retired in seeming confusion. The Romans, however, were much surprised when they saw themselves suddenly surrounded on all sides, and galled with continual showers of arrows. Crassus ordered his light-armed foot and archers to advance and charge the enemy; but they were soon repulsed, and forced to cover themselves behind the heavy-armed infantry. Then the Parthian horse, advancing near the Romans, discharged upon them showers of arrows, every one of which did execution, owing to the close order in which the legionaries had been drawn up. Their arrows, too, were of an extraordinary weight, and discharged with such force that nothing was proof against them. The two wings advanced in good order to repulse them, but without effect. The Parthians shot their arrows with as great dexterity when their backs were turned as when they faced the enemy; so that the Romans, whether they kept their ground or pursued the flying enemy, were equally annoyed with their fatal missiles.

The Romans, as long as they had any hopes that the Parthians, after having spent their arrows, would either take themselves to flight, or engage them hand to hand, stood their ground with great resolution and intrepidity. But when they observed that there were a great many camels in their rear loaded with arrows, and that those who emptied their quivers wheeled about to fill them anew, they began to lose courage, and to complain loudly of their general for suffering them thus to stand still, and serve only as a butt to the enemy's missiles, which, they perceived, would not be exhausted till they were all killed to a man. Upon this Crassus ordered his son to advance, at all hazards, and attack the enemy with thirteen hundred horse, five hundred archers, and eight cohorts. But the Parthians no sooner saw this choice body, the flower of the army, marching against them, than they wheeled about, and, according to their usual custom, betook themselves to flight. Young Crassus, crying out as loud as he could, "They fly before us," pushed on after them at full speed, not doubting that he should gain a complete victory. But when he was at a considerable distance from the main body of the Roman army, he perceived his mistake; for those who had before fled now faced about and charged him with incredible fury. Young Crassus ordered his troops to halt, hoping that the enemy, upon seeing their small number, would not be afraid to come to a close fight. But herein he was likewise disappointed; for the Parthians, contenting themselves to oppose his front with their heavy-armed horse, surrounded him on all sides, and, keeping at a distance, discharged incessant showers of arrows upon the unfortunate Romans. The Parthian army, in wheeling about, raised so thick a dust that the Romans could scarcely perceive one another, much less the enemy; nevertheless, they found themselves wounded with arrows, though they could not discover whence they came. In a short time the ground on which they stood was covered with dead bodies.

In this desperate condition, Crassus, observing a rising ground at a small distance, led the remains of his detachment thither, with a design to defend himself in the best manner he could, till succours should be sent to him by his father. The Parthians pursued him, and, having surrounded him in his new post, continued showering arrows upon his men, till most of them were either killed or disabled, without being able to make use of their arms, or to give the enemy proofs of their valour.

Young Crassus had with him two Greeks, who had settled in the city of Carrhae. Touched with compassion at seeing so brave a man reduced to such straits, they pressed him to retire with them to the neighbouring city of Ischnes, which had declared for the Romans; but the young Roman rejected their proposal with indignation, telling them that he would rather die a thousand times than abandon so many valiant men, who sacrificed their lives for his sake. Having returned this answer to his Grecian friends, he embraced and dismissed them, giving them leave to retire and to shift for themselves in the best manner they could. As for himself, having now lost all hopes of being relieved, and seeing most of his men killed round him, he gave way to his grief; and, not being able to make use of his arm, which was shot through with a large barbed arrow, he presented his side to one of his attendants, and ordered him to put an end to his unhappy life. His example was followed by Censorius, a senator, by Megabachus, a brave and experienced officer, and by most of the nobility who served under him. Five hundred common soldiers were taken prisoners, and the rest cut in pieces.

The Parthians, having thus cut off or taken the whole detachment commanded by young Crassus, marched without delay against his father, who, upon the first intelligence that the enemy were flying, closely pursued by his son, had taken heart, the more so because those who had remained to make head against him seemed to abate much of their ardour. Having encouraged his troops, therefore, he had retired to a small hill in his rear, to wait there till his son should return from the pursuit. Young Crassus had despatched frequent expresses to his father, to acquaint the general with his danger; but they had all fallen into the enemy's hands, and only the last, who had escaped with great difficulty, arrived safe, and informed him that his son was lost if he did not send him an immediate and powerful reinforcement. This news threw Crassus into the utmost consternation. A thousand affecting thoughts rose in his agitated mind, and disturbed his reason to such a degree that he scarcely knew what he was doing. However, the desire he had of saving his son, and the many brave Romans who were under his command, induced him immediately to march to their assistance; but he had not advanced far before he was met by the Parthians, who, with loud shouts and songs of victory, gave the unhappy father notice of his misfortune. They had cut off the head of young Crassus, and having fixed it on the point of a lance, were advancing full speed to fall on the father. As they drew near, Crassus was struck with the dismal and affecting spectacle; but though he suffered the deepest affliction, he had the presence of mind to stifle his grief, for fear of discouraging the army, and to cry out to the dismayed troops, "This misfortune is entirely mine; the loss of one man cannot affect the victory. Let us charge, let us fight like Romans; if you have any compassion for a father who has just now lost a son whose valour you admired, let it appear in your rage and resentment against these insulting barbarians." Thus Crassus strove to re-animate his troops; but his efforts proved unsuccessful. Their courage was quite sunk, as appeared from the faint and languishing shout which they raised, according to custom, before the action. When the signal was given, the Parthians, adhering to their usual mode of fighting, discharged on the legionaries clouds of arrows, which did such dreadful execution that many of the Romans, to avoid the arrows, which occasioned a long and painful death, threw themselves, like men in despair, on the enemy's heavy-armed horse, seeking from their spears a more speedy and easy kind of death. Thus the Parthians continued plying them incessantly with their arrows till night, when they left the field of battle, crying out that they would allow the father one night to lament the death of his son.

This was a melancholy night for the Romans. Crassus kept himself concealed from the soldiery, lying in the open air, upon the bare ground, with his head wrapped up in his paludamentum or military cloak, and, in that forlorn condition, exhibiting a great example of the instability of fortune, and a still greater of the pernicious effects of avarice, temerity, and ambition. Octavius and Cassius having approached him, endeavoured to raise him up and console him; but, seeing him quite sunk under the weight of his affliction, and deaf to all comfort, they summoned a council of war, composed of all the chief officers, in which it was unanimously resolved that they should decamp before break of day, and retire, without sound of trumpet, to the neighbouring city of Carrhae, which was held by a Roman garrison. Agreeably to this resolution, they commenced their march as soon as the council broke up, which produced dreadful outrries amongst the sick and wounded, who, perceiving that they were to be abandoned to the mercy of the enemy, filled the camp with their complaints and lamentations. But their cries and tears, though very affecting, did not stop the march of the others, which, indeed, was very slow, in order to give the stragglers time to come up. There were only three hundred light horse, under the command of Egnatius, who pursued their march without stopping, and arrived at Carrhae about midnight. Egnatius, calling to the centenials on the walls, desired them to acquaint Coponius, the governor of the place, that Crassus had fought a great battle with the Parthians; and, without saying a word more, or letting him know who he was, continued his march with all possible expedition to the bridge of Zeugma, which he passed, and by that means saved his troops. But he was much blamed for thus abandoning his general at so critical a moment.

The message which he sent to Coponius was of some temporary service to Crassus. For that commander, wisely conjecturing, from the manner in which the unknown person had given him the intelligence, that some misfortune had befallen Crassus, immediately ordered his garrison to stand to their arms; and having marched out, met Crassus, whom he conducted, with the remains of his army, into the city. The Parthians, though informed of his flight, did not offer to pursue him, observing therein the superstitious custom which obtained amongst them and the Persians, not to fight in the night; but when it was day, they entered the Roman camp, and having put all the wounded, to the number of about four thousand, to the sword, dispersed their cavalry all over the plain, in pursuit of the fugitives. One of the lieutenants of Crassus, named Vargunteius, having separated in the night from the main body of the army, with four cohorts, missed his way, and was overtaken by the enemy. At their approach he withdrew to a neighbouring hill, where he defended himself, with great valour, till all his men were killed, excepting twenty, who made their way through the enemy, sword in hand, and got safe to Carrhae; but Vargunteius himself lost his life on the occasion.

In the mean time Surenas, not knowing whether Crassus and Cassius had retired to Carrhae or chosen a different route, in order to be informed of the truth, and take his measures accordingly, despatched a messenger, who spoke the Roman language, to the city of Carrhae, enjoining him to approach the walls, and acquaint Crassus himself, or Cassius, that the Parthian general was inclined to enter into a treaty with them, and demanded a conference. Both the proconsul and his quaestor Cassius spoke with the messenger from the walls; and, accepting the proposal with great joy, desired that the time and place for an interview might be immediately agreed upon. The messenger withdrew, promising to return quickly with an answer from Surenas. But that general no sooner understood that Crassus and Cassius were in Carrhae, than he marched thither with his whole army, and, having invested the place, acquainted the Romans, that if they expected any favourable terms, they must deliver up to him Crassus and Cassius in chains. A council of the chief officers was summoned, in which it was thought expedient to retire from Carrhae that very night, and to seek for another asylum. It was of the utmost importance that none of the inhabitants of Carrhae should be made acquainted with their design till the moment of its execution; but Crassus, whose whole conduct evidently shows that he was labouring under some strange infatuation, imparted the whole matter in confidence to one Andromachus, choosing him for his guide, and relying injudiciously on the fidelity of a man whom he scarcely knew. Andromachus immediately informed Surenas of the design of the Romans; promising, at the same time, as the Parthians did not engage in the night, to manage matters so that they should not get out of his reach before daybreak. The traitor, pursuant to his promise, led them through many windings and turnings, till at last he brought them into deep marshy grounds, where the infantry were up to the knees in mire. Cassius, suspecting that their faithless guide had led them into those swamps with no good design, refused to follow him any longer; and returning to Carrhae, took his route towards Syria, which he reached with five hundred horse. Octavius, with five thousand men under his command, being conducted by trusty guides, gained the mountains called by Plutarch and Appian Simnaei, and there intrenched himself before day-break.

As for Crassus, he was still entangled in the marshes, when Surenas, at sunrise, overtook him, and invested him with his cavalry. The proconsul had with him four cohorts and a small body of horse; and with these, in spite of all opposition, he gained the summit of another hill within twelve furlongs of Octavius, who seeing the danger that threatened his general, flew to his assistance with a small number of his men, and was soon followed by all the rest, who, charging the Parthians with great fury, disengaged Crassus, and obliged the enemy to abandon the hill. Upon the retreat of the enemy, they formed themselves into a hollow square, and, placing Crassus in the middle, made a kind of rampart round him with their bucklers, resolutely protesting, that none of the enemy's arrows should touch their general's body till they were all killed fighting in his defence. Surenas, unwilling to let his prey escape, surrounded the hill, as if he designed to make a new attack; but finding his Parthians very backward, and not doubting but the Romans, when night came on, would pursue their march, and get out of his reach, he had recourse again to artifice, and declared before some prisoners, whom he soon afterwards set at liberty, that he was inclined to treat with the proconsul of a peace, and that it was better to come to a reconciliation with Rome, than to sow the seeds of an eternal war, by shedding the blood of one of her generals.

Agreeably to this declaration, Surenas, as soon as the prisoners were released, advanced towards the hill where the Romans were posted, attended only by some of his officers, and, with his bow unbent, and open arms, invited Crassus to an interview. So sudden a change seemed very suspicious to the proconsul, who therefore declined the interview, till he was forced, by his own soldiers, to intrust his life with an enemy whose treachery they had all experienced. The legionaries flocked round him, and not only abused him in an outrageous manner, but even menaced him if he did not accept of the proposals made by the Parthian general. Seeing, therefore, that his troops were ready to mutiny, the proconsul began to advance, without arms or guards, towards the enemy, after having called the gods and all his officers to witness the violence his troops had offered him, and entreated all who were present, but especially Octavius and Petronius, two of the chief commanders, for the honour of Rome, their common mother, not to mention, after his death, the shameful behaviour of the Roman legionaries. Octavius and Petronius could not resolve to let him go alone, but attended him down the hill, as did likewise some legionaries, keeping at a distance. Crassus was met at the foot of the hill by two Greeks, who, dismounting from their horses, saluted him with great respect, and desired him, in the Greek tongue, to send some of his attendants, who might satisfy him that Surenas, and those who were with him, came without arms. Crassus then sent two brothers, of the Roscan family; but Surenas having caused them to be seized, advanced to the foot of the hill, mounted on a fine horse, and attended by the chief officers of his army. Crassus, who waited for the return of his two messengers, was surprised to see himself confronted by Surenas in person, when he least expected it. The Parthian general, perceiving, as he approached Crassus, that he was on foot, cried out, in a seeming surprise, "What do I see? a Roman general on foot, and we on horseback? Let a horse be brought for him immediately." "You need not be surprised," replied Crassus; "we are come only to an interview, each after the custom of his country." "Very well," answered Surenas, "there shall henceforth be a lasting peace between King Orodes and the people of Rome; but we must sign the articles of it on the banks of the Euphrates, for you Romans do not always remember your conventions." Crassus would have sent for a horse; but a very stately one, with a golden bit, and richly caparisoned, was brought to him by a Parthian, which Surenas presenting to him, "Accept this horse from my hands," said he, "which I give you in the name of my master King Orodes." He had scarcely uttered these words, when some of the king's officers, taking Crassus by the middle, set him upon the horse, which they began to whip with great violence before them, in order to make him quicken his pace. Octavius, offended at this insult, took the horse by the bridle; Petronius and the few Romans who were present seconded him, and all, flocking round Crassus, stopped his horse. The Parthians endeavoured to repulse them, and clear the way for the proconsul, upon which they began to jostle and push one another with great tumult and disorder. At last, Octavius, drawing his sword, killed one of the king's guards; but, at the same time, another coming behind Octavius, with one blow laid him dead at his feet. Both parties fought with great resolution, the Parthians striving to carry off Crassus, and the Romans to rescue him out of their hands. In this scuffle most of the Romans who came to the conference were killed, and amongst the rest Crassus himself, but whether by a Roman or a Parthian is uncertain. Upon his death, the rest of the army either surrendered to the enemy, or, dispersing in the night, were pursued and put to the sword. The Romans lost in this campaign at least thirty thousand men; of whom twenty thousand were killed, and ten thousand taken prisoners.

When the battle of Carrhae was fought, King Orodes was in Armenia, where he had made peace with Artabazus. Whilst the two kings were solemnizing their new alliance with expensive and public feasts, Syllaces or Syllaces, a Parthian officer, whom Surenas had sent with the news of his victory, and the head of Crassus as a proof of it, arrived in the capital of Armenia. The transports of joy which Orodes felt at this sight, and the tidings which accompanied it, are not to be expressed; and the lords of both kingdoms, who attended their sovereigns, raised loud and repeated shouts of joy. Syllaces was ordered to give a more particular and distinct account of that memorable action; and when he had done so, Orodes commanded molten gold to be poured into Crassus's mouth, thereby reproaching him But Surenas did not long enjoy the pleasure of his victory; for Orodes, jealous of his power and authority amongst the Parthians, soon afterwards caused him to be put to death. Pacorus, the king's favourite son, was placed at the head of the army, and, agreeably to his father's directions, invaded Syria; but he was driven back with great loss by Cicero and by Cassius, the only general who had survived the defeat of Crassus. After this no mention is made of the Parthians till the time of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, when the latter sent ambassadors to solicit succour against his rivals. This Orodes was willing to grant, upon condition that Syria should be delivered up to him; but as Pompey would not consent to such a proposal, the succours were not only denied, but, after the battle of Pharsalia, Orodes put in irons Lucius Hirtius, whom Pompey had again sent to ask assistance, or at least to desire leave to shelter himself in the Parthian dominions.

Cesar is said to have meditated a war against the Parthians, which, in all probability, would have proved fatal to them. His death delivered them from this danger. But, not long afterwards, the eastern provinces, being grievously oppressed by Marc Antony, rose in arms, and, having killed the tax-gatherers, invited the Parthians to join them in driving out the Romans. The latter readily accepted the invitation, and crossed the Euphrates with a powerful army under the command of Pacorus, and Labienus a Roman general of Pompey's party. At first they met with great success, and overran all Asia Minor, reducing the countries as far as the Hellespont and the Ægean Sea, and likewise subduing Phoenicia, Syria, and even Judea. They did not however long enjoy their new conquests. For, being elated with their victories, and despising the enemy, they engaged Ventidius, Antony's lieutenant, before Labienus had time to join them, and sustained a complete defeat. This so disheartened the army of Labienus, that they all abandoned him; and he himself, being thus obliged to wander from place to place in disguise, was at last taken and put to death at Cyprus. Ventidius, pursuing his advantage, gained several other victories; and at last entirely defeated the Parthian army under Pacorus, cutting almost the whole of them in pieces, and the prince himself amongst the rest. He did not, however, pursue this victory as he might have done, being afraid of giving umbrage to Antony, who had already become jealous of the great honour gained by his lieutenant. He therefore contented himself with reducing those places in Syria and Phoenicia which the Parthians had taken in the beginning of the war, until Antony arrived to take the command of the army upon himself.

Orodes was almost distracted with grief on receiving the dreadful news of the loss of his army, and the death of his favourite son. However, when time had restored the use of his faculties, he appointed Phrahatas, the eldest but the most wicked of all his children, to succeed him in the kingdom, admitting him at the same time to a share of the sovereign authority. The consequence of this was, that Phrahatas very soon attempted to poison his father with hemlock; but this, contrary to expectation, proving a cure for the dropsy, which an excess of grief had brought upon the king, the unnatural son caused him to be stifled in bed; and soon afterwards not only murdered all his own brothers, thirty in number, but also cut off the rest of the royal family, not sparing even his own eldest son, lest the discontented Parthians should place him, as he was already of age, upon the throne.

Many of the chief lords of Parthia, intimidated by the cruelty of Phrahatas, retired into foreign countries. Amongst these was Moneses, a person of great distinction, as well as of skill and experience in war. This man, having fled to Antony, soon gained his confidence, and was by him easily prevailed upon to engage in a war against his countrymen. But Phrahatas, justly dreading the consequences of the defection of such a person, sent a solemn embassy to invite him home upon such terms as he should think fit to accept; an offer which greatly provoked Antony, though he did not prevent him from returning, lest others should thereby be discouraged from coming over to him. He therefore dismissed him with great civility, sending ambassadors at the same time to Phrahatas to treat of a peace. Thus he hoped to divert the attention of the Parthian monarch from making the necessary preparations for war, and that he should be able to fall upon the despot in the spring, when he was in no condition to offer resistance. But in this he was greatly disappointed; for on his arrival at the Euphrates, which he intended to pass, in order to enter the Parthian dominions on that side, he found all the defiles so well guarded, that he found it expedient to enter Media, with a design first to reduce that country, and then to penetrate into Parthia.

This plan had been suggested to him by Artabazus, king of Armenia, who in the end betrayed him; for instead of conducting the army the straight way from Zeugma on the Euphrates, to the Araxes, which separated Media from Armenia, and which was about five hundred miles distant from the place whence he first set out, Artabazus led him over the rocks and mountains, so that the army had marched above a thousand miles before they had reached the borders of Media, where they intended to begin the war. Thus they were not only greatly fatigued, but had not sufficient time, the year being far spent, to carry into effect the design which they had come to put in execution. However, as Antony was impatient to get back to Cleopatra, he left behind him most of the baggage of the army, and three hundred waggons loaded with battering rams and other military engines for sieges; appointing Statianus, one of his lieutenants, with a body of ten thousand men, to guard them, and to bring them, by slow marches, after the army. With the rest of the forces he marched more than three hundred miles, without allowing his men any respite till he arrived at Praspa or Phrahatia, the capital of Media, which he immediately invested. But the Parthians, well knowing that he could not make any progress without his military machines, passed by his army, in order to attack Statianus; which they did with so much success, that the body commanded by him were to a man cut off; and all their military engines taken, amongst which was a battering ram eighty feet in length.

Notwithstanding this disaster, Antony continued the siege of Praspa; but was daily harassed by sallies of the garrison from within, and by the enemy's army without. At last, finding it impossible to make himself master of the city, he began to think of a retreat, when his provisions were almost exhausted. But as he had to march three hundred miles through the enemy's country, he thought proper first to send ambassadors to the Parthian monarch, acquainting him that the Roman people were willing to allow him a peace, provided he would restore the standards and prisoners taken at Carrhae. Phrahatas received the ambassadors sitting upon a golden throne; and, after having bitterly inveighed against the avarice and unbounded ambition of the Romans, told them that he would not part with the standards and the prisoners, but that if Antony would immediately raise the siege of Praspa, he would suffer him to retire unmolested.

Antony, who was reduced to great straits, no sooner received this answer than he broke up the siege, and marched towards Armenia. However, Phrahatas was not so good as his word; for the Romans were attacked on their march by the enemy no fewer than eighteen times, and were thrice in the utmost danger of being cut off. As a famine also raged in the Roman army, they began to desert to the enemy; and indeed Antony would probably have been left alone, had not the Parthians, in a very cruel as well as impolitic manner, murdered all those who fled to them, in sight of the rest. At last, after having lost thirty-two thousand men, and being reduced to such despair that he was with difficulty prevented from laying violent hands on himself; he reached the river Araxes; when his men, finding themselves out of the reach of the enemy, fell down on the ground, and kissed it with tears of joy.

Antony was no sooner gone than the kings of Media and Parthia quarrelled about the booty which they had taken; and, after various contests, Phraates reduced all Media and Armenia. Elated with his conquests, he then oppressed his subjects in such a cruel and tyrannical manner that a civil war broke out, in which the competitors were alternately driven out and restored, until the middle of the first century, when one Vologeses, the son of Gortarzes, a former king, became peaceable possessor of the throne. He carried on some wars against the Romans, but with indifferent success, and at last gladly consented to a renewal of the ancient treaties with that powerful people.

From this time the Parthian history presents nothing remarkable until the reign of the Emperor Trajan, when the Parthian king, by name Cosroes, infringed the treaty with Rome, by driving out the king of Armenia. Upon this Trajan, glad of any pretence to quarrel with the Parthians, immediately hastened into Armenia. His arrival there was so unexpected that he reduced almost the whole country without opposition, and took prisoner Parthamasis, the king, who had been set up by the Parthians. After this he entered Mesopotamia, took the city of Nisibis, and reduced to a Roman province the whole of that wealthy country.

Early in the spring of the following year, Trajan, who had withdrawn to winter quarters in Syria, again took the field, but was warmly opposed by Cosroes. The Roman emperor found him encamped on the banks of the Euphrates, with the design of disputing his passage, which in fact he did with so much vigour, that Trajan, after having several times attempted to ford the river, and been always repulsed, was obliged to cause boats to be built on the neighbouring mountains, which he privately conveyed thence on carriages to the water, and having in the night-time formed a bridge with them, his army passed the next day, though not without great loss and danger, the Parthians harassing his men all the time with incessant showers of arrows. Having gained the opposite bank, he advanced boldly into Assyria, the Parthians flying everywhere before him, and made himself master of Arbela; and thence he pursued his march, subduing, with incredible rapidity, countries where the Roman standard had never before been displayed. Babylon voluntarily submitted to him, and Babylon itself was, after a vigorous resistance, taken by storm; so that he became master of all Chaldea and Assyria, the two richest provinces of the Parthian empire. From Babylon he marched to Ctesiphon, the metropolis of the Parthian monarchy, which he besieged, and at last reduced. But whilst Trajan was thus making war in the heart of the enemy's country, Cosroes, having recruited his army, marched into Mesopotamia, with the design of recovering that country, and cutting off all communication between the Roman army and Syria. On his arrival in that province the inhabitants flocked to him from all parts; and most of the cities, having driven out the garrisons left by Trajan, opened their gates to him. The emperor, however, detached Lucius and Maximus into Mesopotamia to keep in awe such cities as had not revolted, and to open a communication with Syria. Maximus was met by Cosroes, and having ventured a battle, his army was entirely defeated, and himself killed. But Lucius being joined by Euricius and Clarissus, two other commanders sent by Trajan with fresh supplies, gained considerable advantages over the enemy, and retook the cities of Nisibis and Seleucia, which had revolted.

Trajan, seeing himself thus possessed of all the best and most fruitful provinces of the Parthian empire, but at the same time being well aware that he could not, without vast expense, maintain his conquests, or keep in subjection so fierce and warlike a people, at so great a distance from Italy, resolved to place over them a king of his own choice, who should hold the crown of him and his successors, and acknowledge them as his lords and sovereigns. With this view he repaired to Ctesiphon, and having there assembled the chief men of the nation, he crowned one of the royal family, by name Parthamaspates, king of Parthia, obliging all those who were present to engage to pay him allegiance. Thus the Parthians were at last subdued, and their kingdom made tributary to Rome. But they did not long continue in this state of subjection. For no sooner had they heard of Trajan's death, which happened shortly afterwards, than they drove Parthamaspates from the throne, and, recalling Cosroes, openly revolted against Rome. Hadrian, who was then commander-in-chief of all the forces in the East, and soon afterwards acknowledged as emperor by the army, did not wish, although he was at that time in Syria with a very numerous army, to engage in any new war with the Parthians; but contented himself with preserving the ancient limits of the empire, without any ambitious prospects of further conquests. He therefore abandoned those provinces beyond the Euphrates which Trajan had conquered, withdrew the Roman garrisons from Mesopotamia, and fixed the Euphrates as the boundary of the empire in those parts, posting his legions along the banks of that river.

Cosroes died after a long reign, and was succeeded by his eldest son Vologeses. In the reign of the latter, the Alani, having broken into Media, which was then subject to the Parthians, committed great devastations, but were prevailed upon, with rich presents sent them by Vologeses, to abandon that kingdom, and return home. Upon their retreat, Vologeses, having no enemy to contend with at home, fell unexpectedly upon Armenia, surprised the legions, and, having cut them in pieces, entered Syria, defeated Attilus Cornelius, governor of that province, and advanced without opposition to the neighbourhood of Antioch, putting everywhere the Romans, and those who favoured them, to the sword. The Emperor Verus, by the advice of his colleague Antoninus, surnamed the Philosopher, having left Rome, hastened into Syria; and having driven the Parthians out of that province, ordered Statius Priscus to invade Armenia, and Cassius to enter the Parthian territories, and carry the war into the enemy's country. Priscus made himself master of Artaxata, and in one campaign drove the Parthians out of Armenia. Cassius, on the other hand, having in several encounters defeated Vologeses, reduced in four years all those provinces which had formerly submitted to Trajan; took Seleucia, and burned and plundered the cities of Babylon and Ctesiphon, with the stately palaces of the Parthian monarchs; and struck terror into the most remote provinces of that empire.

However, Verus, who had never stirred from Antioch and Daphne during the whole time of the war, took upon him the lofty titles of Parthicus and Armenicus, as if he had acquired them in the midst of his pleasures and banteries. After the revolt and death of Cassius, Antoninus the Philosopher repaired to Syria to settle the affairs of that province. On his arrival he was met by ambassadors from Vologeses, who having recovered most of the provinces subdued by Cassius, and being unwilling either to part with them or to engage in a new war, solicited the emperor to confirm him in the possession of them; promising to hold them of him, and to acknowledge the sovereignty of Rome. To these terms Antoninus readily agreed, and a peace was accordingly concluded between the two empires. Upon the death of Vologeses, the son of his brother Sardanapalus, and grandson of Cosroes, who bore the same name, was raised to the throne. He sided with Niger against the Emperor Severus, who, having settled matters at home, marched with all his forces against him; and advancing to the city of Ctesiphon, whither he had retired, laid close siege to that metropolis. Vologeses made a gallant defense, but the city was at length taken by assault. The king's treasures, with his wives and children, fell into the emperor's hands; but Vologeses himself had the good luck to make his escape. Severus, however, had no sooner crossed the Euphrates than Vologeses recovered all the provinces which he had reduced, except Mesopotamia. These expeditions cost the Romans a great amount of blood and treasure, without yielding any advantages in return. Vologeses was soon afterwards engaged in a war still more troublesome and destructive, with his brother Artabanus, who, encouraged by some of the discontented nobles, attempted to rob him of the crown, and to place it on his own head. Vologeses gained several victories over his rebellious subjects, but died before he could restore the empire to its former tranquility.

Artabanus, who had a numerous army at his devotion, did not now meet with any opposition in seizing the vacant throne, although Tiridates had a better title to it, as being his elder brother. He had scarcely settled the affairs of his kingdom, when the Emperor Caracalla, desirous to signalize himself, as several of his predecessors had done, by some memorable exploit against the Parthians, sent a solemn embassy to their king, desiring his daughter in marriage. Artabanus, overjoyed at this proposal, received the ambassadors with all possible marks of honour, and readily complied with their request. Soon afterwards Caracalla sent a second embassy to acquaint the king that he was coming to solemnize the nuptials; upon which Artabanus went to meet him, attended with his principal nobility and his best troops, all unarmed. But this peaceable train no sooner approached the Roman army, than the soldiers, on a signal given them, fell upon the king's retinue, and made a most terrible slaughter of the unarmed multitude, Artabanus himself escaping with very great difficulty. Caracalla having by this abominable treachery gained great booty, and, as he thought, no less glory, wrote a long boastful letter to the senate, assuming the title of Parthicus, as he had before done that of Germanicus, for murdering, in a similar manner, some of the German nobility.

Artabanus having resolved to make the Romans pay dear for their inhuman and barbarous treachery, raised the most numerous army that had ever been known in Parthia, crossed the Euphrates, and entered Syria, which he ravaged with fire and sword. But Caracalla being murdered before this invasion, Macrinus, who had succeeded him, met the Parthians at the head of a mighty army, composed of many legions, and all the auxiliaries of the states of Asia. The two armies no sooner came in sight of each other than they engaged with the utmost fury. The battle lasted two days, both Romans and Parthians fighting so obstinately, that night only parted them, without any apparent advantage on either side. The field of battle was covered with dead bodies; about forty thousand, including both Romans and Parthians, having fallen in the conflict. Nevertheless Artabanus was heard to say that the battle was only begun, and that he would continue it till either the Parthians or Romans were cut in pieces to a man. But Macrinus, being apprised that the king came highly enraged against Caracalla, and dreading the consequences which would attend the destruction of his army, sent a herald to Artabanus, acquainting him with the death of Caracalla, and proposing an alliance between the two empires. The king, understanding that his great enemy was dead, readily embraced the proposal, upon condition that all the prisoners who had been so perfidiously taken by Caracalla should be immediately restored, and a large sum of money paid to defray the expenses of the war.

As Artabanus on this occasion had lost the flower of his army, Artaxerxes, a Persian of mean descent, but of great courage and experience in war, revolted against the Parthians, and, having prevailed on his countrymen to join him, attempted to recover the sovereign power, which, he said, they had been unjustly deprived of; first by the Macedonians, and afterwards by the Parthians their vassals. Upon the news of this revolt, Artabanus marched with the whole strength of his kingdom to suppress it; but being met by Artaxerxes at the head of an army no less powerful, a bloody battle ensued, which is said to have lasted three days. At length the Parthians, though they behaved with the utmost bravery, and fought like men in despair, were forced to yield to the Persians, who were commanded by a more experienced leader. Most of their troops were cut off in the flight; and the king himself having been taken prisoner, was soon afterwards put to death by order of Artaxerxes. In this fatal engagement, the Parthians having lost both their king and their army, were forced to submit to the conqueror, and become the vassals of a nation which had been subject to them for the space of four hundred and seventy-five years.