a country of Europe, was, in its largest extent, bounded on the north-west by the Baltic Sea, with the ports of Dantzig, Elbing, Libau, and Windau; on the north and east by Muscovy, and the rivers Dwina and Dnieper, forming part of the frontier of the two countries; on the south by the possessions of the Turkish empire, Wallachia and Moldavia, and Hungary, separated by the Carpathian Mountains; and on the west by Silesia, and the possessions of the duchy of Brandenburg, the present kingdom of Prussia.

Before the year 1772, that is, prior to the first partition, the boundaries of Poland were not materially altered. At that period, the whole territory included under this denomination comprised more than 13,000 square geographical miles, and upwards of 15,000,000 of inhabitants. Excepting the palatinates of Podolia, some parts of Volhynia, Galicia, Sandomir, and Cracow, this tract of land presents in the greater part one immense plain, where a mountain or a hill is scarcely to be met with. But in the southern part of Poland, the ground rises to a certain degree of elevation, until it reaches the chain of the Carpathian Mountains, which at one extremity abuts on the Rhine, and at another on the Danube. The highest summit of this range is the Great Krapak, the elevation of which has been ascertained to be 10,220 feet above the level of the sea.

The Poles, considered as a nation, are not of very ancient date. Prior to the ninth century, they were divided into a multitude of independent tribes, each governed by its respective chief; and, except in cases of invasion, where the necessity of self-defence produced combination, they acknowledged no general head or chief. Like most other people, however, they lay claim to an antiquity sufficiently venerable, and trace their origin back to one of the immediate descendants of Noah, who, according to them, colonized this part of ancient Sarmatia. But the absurdity of such a claim being too obvious to be long supported, especially amongst a people who never had even a fabulous history, less extravagant chroniclers were content with assigning to Lech or Lesko, who is said to have reigned about the middle of the sixth century, the honour of their incorporation as a nation. Nor can it be doubted that even this era is much too early. As the laws of historical evidence became better understood, it was accordingly given up as untenable, and the authentic opening of Polish history has been brought down three centuries; that is, to the accession of Ziemowitz, in the year 860. Lastly, it was reserved for the Polish writers of our own time, Lelewel, Niemcewicz, Golembowski, Zielinski, and others, to abstract another century from the national existence, and to proclaim Mieczislas I as the true founder of the Polish monarchy.

The sovereigns of Poland had at first the title of dukes or generals, as if their office had been only to lead the armies into the field. The first of these is now generally allowed to have been Lech or Lecht; and to this day Poland is called by the Tartars the kingdom of Lech. Busching, however, gives a different account of the origin of the Poles. Sarmatia, he observes, was an extensive country, inhabited by a variety of nations of different names; as he supposes the Poles to be the descendants of the ancient Lazi, a people who lived in Colchis, on the Euxine; hence the Poles are sometimes called Polazi. Having crossed several rivers, they entered Posmania, and settled on the borders of the Warta, whilst their neighbours the Zechi settled on the Elbe, in the 550th year of Christ.

Of the transactions of Lech during the time he enjoyed the sovereignty we have no certain account. His successor was named Viscimar, and is generally supposed to have been the nephew of Lech. He was a warlike and successful prince, who subdued many provinces of Denmark, and built the city of Wismar, so called from the name of the sovereign. But the Danish historians take no notice of his wars with their country, nor do they even mention a prince of this name.

After the defeat of Viscimar, the nobility were upon the point of electing a sovereign, when the people, suffering under the burdens occasioned by the wars of Viscimar, unanimously demanded another form of government. At first the nobility pretended to yield, though with great reluctance; but they afterwards determined on such a form of government as threw all the power into their own hands. Twelve palatinates, or vayvodes, were chosen; and the Polish dominions divided into as many provinces. But these palatinates exercised a despotic authority within their several jurisdictions, and aggravated the misery of the people by perpetual wars; wherefore the Poles, worn out with oppression, resolved to return to their ancient form of government. For this purpose many assemblies were held; but, by reason of the opposition of the vayvodes, they all came to nothing. At last, however, the people cast their eyes upon one Cracus, whose wealth and popularity had raised him to the highest honours amongst his countrymen. According to the Poles, he was a native of Poland, and one of the twelve vayvodes; the Bohemians, however, affirm that he was a native of their country; but both agree in maintaining that he was descended from the ancient family of the Gracchi in Rome; a paternity which insured assent by reason of its absurdity. Cracus, however, is said to have signalized himself against the Franks, whom he overthrew in some desperate engagements, and afterwards founded the city of Cracow, whither he transferred the seat of his government. He did not enlarge his dominions, but he did more than this; he made his subjects happy by many excellent laws and regulations. At last, after a long and glorious reign, he was assassinated by a nobleman who aspired to the crown.

Cracus left three children; Cracus, Lech, and a daughter named Wenda. The first succeeded to the dukedom in virtue of his birthright, but was soon afterwards murdered by his brother Lech. The latter, however, did not long profit by this fratricide. His crime having been discovered, he was deposed and banished by his subjects, and his sister Wenda was declared duchess. This princess was beautiful and accomplished; and soon after she had been raised to the sovereignty, Rudiger, a German prince, sent an ambassador demanding her in marriage, and threatening war if his proposals were refused. Wenda marched in person against him at the head of a numerous army; but the event proved fatal both to Rudiger and herself. The troops of Rudiger having abandoned him without striking a blow, he killed himself in despair; and Wenda was so much concerned for his death that she is said to have drowned herself in the Vistula.

The family of Cracus having become extinct by the death of Wenda, and the Poles being again at liberty to choose a new sovereign and a new form of government, through a natural levity restored the vayvodes, notwithstanding all that they had formerly suffered from them. The conse- quences were precisely the same as before. The vayrodes abused their power; the people were oppressed; and the state was distracted between foreign wars and civil contentions. The Hungarians and Moravians had invaded Poland, and were opposed only by a handful of men almost ready to surrender at discretion. Subjugation and ruin appeared inevitable; when one Prezemislas, a private soldier, contrived a stratagem by which the numerous forces of the enemy were overthrown, and for his valour was rewarded with the dukedom. We are ignorant of the other transactions of his reign; but historians inform us that he died deeply regretted, leaving no issue.

On the death of Prezemislas several candidates appeared for the throne; but the Poles determined to prefer him who should overcome all his competitors in a horse-race. A stone pillar was erected near the capital, on which were laid all the ensigns of the ducal authority; and a herald proclaimed, that he who first arrived at that pillar from a river at some distance, named Przdnik, should obtain the prize. A Polish lord named Lech or Lesko resolved to secure the victory by artifice; for which purpose he caused iron spikes to be driven all over the course, reserving only a path for his own horse. The fraudulent design took effect; all the rest of the competitors were dismounted, some being severely hurt by their fall; and Lesko was about to be proclaimed victor, when, unluckily for him, a peasant who had found out the artifice opposed the ceremony. An examination of the fact immediately took place; Lesko was torn in pieces, and the ducal authority conferred upon the peasant.

The name of the new monarch was also Lesko. Having thus attained the sovereignty, he conducted himself with great wisdom and moderation. Though he possessed the qualities of a great warrior, and extended his dominions on the side of Moravia and Bohemia, yet his chief delight was to render his subjects happy by cultivating the arts of peace. In the decline of life he was obliged to engage in a war with Charlemagne, and is said by some to have fallen in battle; though others assert that he died a natural death, at an advanced age, when the springs of life were quite worn out.

Lesko II. was succeeded by his son Lesko III. who inherited all his father's virtues. He suppressed an insurrection in the Polish provinces; and having led his army against the Greek and Italian legions who had overrun Pannonia, he gained a complete victory over his enemies. Nor was his valour more conspicuous in the battle than his clemency in the victory. He dismissed all his prisoners without ransom, demanding no other conditions than that they should never again disturb the peace of Poland, or the allies of that kingdom. This duke is said to have been endowed with many virtues, and is charged only with the vice of incontinence. He left twenty natural children, and only one legitimate son, named Popiel, to whom he bequeathed the sovereignty. The latter removed the seat of government from Cracow to Gnesna, and was succeeded by his nephew Popiel II., then a minor.

This young king behaved with great propriety as long as he was under the tuition of others; but as soon as he had got the reins of government into his own hands the face of affairs was altered. Lesko III. had promoted his illegitimate children to the government of different provinces; and they had discharged the duties of their offices in such a manner as showed that they were worthy of the confidence reposed in them. But as soon as he came of age, Popiel, seduced by his wife, an artful and ambitious woman, removed them from their posts, treated them with the utmost contempt, and at last found means to poison them all at an entertainment. A dreadful punishment, however, is said to have awaited his treachery and cruelty; and he perished miserably, with all his house.

The nation now became a prey to civil discord, at the same time that it was harassed by a foreign enemy; and History, the state seemed to be on the verge of dissolution, when Piast was proclaimed duke in 842. The reign of Piast was the golden age of Poland. He engaged in no foreign wars; he was harassed with no domestic commotions; respect and honour met him without, abundance and contentment within. This excellent monarch, from whom those of ducal or regal dignity were called Piast, died in the year 861, and was succeeded by his son Ziemowitz, who was of a more warlike disposition than his father, and first introduced regular discipline amongst the Polish troops. He maintained a respectable army, and took great pains to acquire a perfect knowledge of the art of war. Hence he was victorious in all his battles, retook from the Germans and Hungarians all that they had gained by conquest, and, at the same time, greatly enlarged his own dominions.

After his death nothing remarkable happened in Poland Christia- till the time of Miecislas I., who attained the ducal autho- rity intro- duced by Miecislas. He was born blind, and continued so for seven years, after which he recovered his sight without using any medicine; a circumstance so extraordinary, that in those times of ignorance it was accounted a miracle. In his reign the Christian religion was introduced into Poland. The most probable account of the manner in which Christianity was introduced is, that Miecislas having by ambassadors paid his addresses to Dombrowka, daughter of the king of Bohemia, the lady rejected his offer unless he should suffer himself to be baptized. To this the duke consented, and, after having been instructed in the principles of Christianity, he was baptized. He founded the archbishoprics of Gnesna and Cracow; and appointed St Adelbert, who had been sent by the pontiff to propagate Christianity in Poland, primate of the whole kingdom. On the birth of his son Boleslas he redoubled his zeal, founding several bishoprics and monasteries, and ordering that, when any part of the Gospel was read, the hearers should half draw their swords, in testimony of their readiness to defend the faith. But he was too devout to attend to the duties of a sovereign, and suffered his dominions to be ravaged by the sovereign of Russia. Yet, with all his devotion, he could not obtain the title of king from the pope, though he had warmly solicited it. That title was afterwards conferred on his son, who succeeded to all his dominions.

Boleslas I. surnamed Chobry, or the Valiant, succeeded Boleslas I. to the sovereignty in 999. He also professed and cherished Christianity, and was a man of great valour and prudence. The first transaction of his reign, however, savoured much of the fanciful piety of those times. He removed from Prague to Gnesna the relics of a saint, which he had purchased at a considerable price. The Emperor Otho III. made a pilgrimage to the tomb of this saint, where he was hospitably received by Boleslas, whom, in return, Otho invested with the regal dignity; an act which was confirmed by the pope. But this new dignity added nothing to the power of Boleslas. He now indeed affected more state than before; his body-guards were considerably augmented; and, whenever he stirred out of his palace, he was constantly attended by a numerous and splendid retinue. In this way he inspired his people with an idea of his greatness, and also of their own importance, which was perhaps necessary for the accomplishment of a design he had formed, namely, an offensive war with Russia; but when he was on the point of setting out on this expedition, he was prevented by the breaking out of a war with the Bohemians.

The elevation of Boleslas to the regal dignity had excited the envy of the Duke of Bohemia, who having solicited the same honour for himself, had been refused; and his jealousy was further excited by the connection between Boleslas and the emperor, the former having married Rixa, the emperor's niece. Without any provocation, therefore, or giving the least intimation of his design, the Duke of Bohemia entered Poland at the head of a numerous army, committing everywhere the most dreadful devastations. Boleslas immediately marched against him, and the Bohemians retired with precipitation. Scarcity of provisions, however, and the inclemency of the season, prevented Boleslas at that time from pursuing; but as soon as these obstacles were removed, he entered Bohemia at the head of a formidable army, with a fixed resolution to inflict ample vengeance. The Bohemians were altogether unable to resist; neither had they the courage to venture a battle. So great, indeed, was the cowardice of the duke or his army, that they suffered Prague, the capital of the duchy, to be taken after a siege of two years, having never, during that time, ventured to raise the siege by attacking the Polish army. The taking of this city was quickly followed by the reduction of places of inferior note; but though Boleslas was in possession of almost all the fortresses in Bohemia, he could not believe his conquests complete until he became master of the duke's person. This unfortunate prince had shut himself up with his son in his only remaining fortress of Wissogrod, where he imagined he would be able to foil all the attempts of the Polish monarch. In this, however, he was deceived. Boleslas invested the place, and made his approaches with such rapidity, that the garrison, dreading a general assault, resolved to capitulate, and persisted in their resolution notwithstanding all the entreaties and promises of the duke. This unhappy prince therefore fell into the hands of his enemies, and had his eyes put out by Boleslas; after which his son Jaromir was sent into confinement.

From Bohemia Boleslas marched towards Moravia, and no sooner had he arrived on the frontier than the whole province submitted without a blow. He then resumed his intention of invading Russia, for which he had now a fair opportunity, by reason of a civil war which raged with violence amongst the children of the Grand Duke Vladimir. The chief competitors were Jarislas and Swiantopelk. The latter, having been defeated by his brother, was obliged to take refuge in Poland, where he used all the arguments in his power in order to induce Boleslas to avenge his cause. Boleslas having already an intention of invading that country, needed but little entreaty; and therefore marched towards Russia at the head of a numerous army, giving out that he had no other design than to revenge the injustice done to Swiantopelk. He was met on the banks of the river Bug by Jarislas at the head of an army much superior in number to his own; and for some days the Polish army was kept in check by the Russians. At last Boleslas, growing impatient, resolved to pass the river at all events; and therefore forming his cavalry in the best manner for breaking the torrent, he exposed his own person to its utmost force. Encouraged by his example, the Poles advanced breast-deep in the water to the opposite shore, whence the enemy made every resistance in their power. In spite of all opposition, however, the Poles reached the bank, and soon gained a complete victory, Jarislas being obliged to fly to Kiow. This city was immediately invested; but Jarislas retired farther into the country to recruit his army, leaving the city to its fate. The garrison made a brave defence, but were at last compelled to surrender at discretion.

Though the king of Poland had now become master of the greater part of Russia, he knew that the only means of keeping the country in subjection was by placing a natural sovereign over the inhabitants. For this reason he reinstated Swiantopelk, though his pretensions were still disputed by Jarislas. The latter had formed a flying camp, and meditated a scheme of surprising and carrying off his brother; but having failed in this attempt, he retired to Novogorod, where the attachment of the inhabitants enabled him to make some resistance, till at last he was again defeated by Boleslas, which seemed to give the finishing blow to his affairs. In the perfidious and ungrateful Swiantopelk, however, the king of Poland now experienced a more dangerous enemy than he had found in Jarislas. The Russian prince, imagining himself a dependent on Boleslas, formed a conspiracy, which had for its object nothing less than the destruction of Boleslas and his whole army. The massacre was already begun when Boleslas received intelligence of this daring and profligate scheme. The urgency of the case admitted of no delay. The king therefore mounted his horse, and having with the utmost haste assembled part of his army, fell upon the traitors with such fury that they were obliged to betake themselves to flight, and Boleslas got safe back into Poland. But in the meantime Jarislas, assembling fresh forces, pursued the Polish army; and having come up with them just as one half crossed the Borysthenes, attacked them with the utmost fury. Boleslas defended himself with the greatest resolution; but, by reason of his forces being divided, victory remained for a long time doubtful. At last, when the army had wholly crossed, the Russians were entirely put to the rout, and a terrible carnage ensued. The victory, however, though complete, was not decisive; wherefore Boleslas thought proper to continue his retreat, without attempting to conquer a country too extensive ever to be kept in subjection.

Boleslas, still unsated with victory, now meditated the conquest of Prussia, and also Pomerania, which had, in the former wars, been dismembered from Poland. His arms were attended with equal success in both attempts; indeed the terror of his name seemed to serve all the purposes of a formidable army. These, however, seem to have been designed as his last warlike enterprises; for he now applied himself to enact wholesome laws for the benefit of his people. But whilst he was thus occupied, Jarislas assembled a numerous army, with which he appeared on the frontiers of Poland. Boleslas, though now advanced in years, marched against his adversaries, and met them on the banks of the Borysthenes, where, attacking the enemy before they had time to draw up in order of battle, he totally defeated them. The Russians being seized with a panic, Jarislas was hurried away, and almost trampled to death by the fugitives. Many thousand prisoners were taken, but Boleslas released them on very easy conditions; contenting himself with an inconsiderable tribute, and endeavouring to engage the affections of the people by his kindness. This well-timed clemency produced such a happy effect, that the Russians voluntarily submitted to his jurisdiction, and became once more his subjects. Soon after this he died, in the year 1025, after having greatly extended his dominions, and, as some say, rendered his subjects happy.

Boleslas was succeeded by his son Miecislas II.; but the latter possessed none of the great qualities of his father, being indolent, corrupt, and debauched in his behaviour. In the beginning of his reign, the Russians, Bohemians, and Moravians revolted; but as the spirit and discipline introduced by Boleslas still remained in the Polish army, Miecislas found no great difficulty in reducing them again to obedience; after which, having devoted himself entirely to voluptuousness, he was seized with a frenzy, which put an end to his life in the year 1034.

The bad qualities of this prince proved very detrimental to the interest of his son Casimir, though the latter had received an excellent education, and possessed many virtues. Instead of electing him king, therefore, the Poles chose Rixa, his mother, queen-regent. But she proved tyrannical, and so partial to her countrymen the Germans, that a rebellion ensued; and she was forced to fly to Germany, where she obtained the protection of the emperor, by means of the immense treasures of Boleslas, which she had caused to be transported thither. Her insolent behaviour and consequent expulsion proved still more fatal to the affairs of Casimir than even that of his father. He was immediately driven out of the kingdom; and as a civil war took place, there appeared a great many pretenders to the crown. To the miseries thus occasioned were added those of a foreign war. The Bohemians and Russians invaded the kingdom in different places, committing the most dreadful ravages; and the consequence of these accumulated distresses was, that the nobility came at last to the resolution of recalling Casimir, and electing him sovereign.

The only difficulty was where to find the fugitive prince; for he had been gone five years, and nobody knew the place of his retreat. At length, by sending an embassy to his mother, it was found out that he had at first retired into France, where he applied closely to study at the university of Paris; that afterwards he went to Italy, where, for the sake of subsistence, he took upon him the monastic habit; and that having returned to France, he had obtained some preferment in the abbey of Clugny. Nothing now obstructed the prince's return but the sacred function with which he was invested. A dispensation was, however, obtained, by which he was released from his ecclesiastical engagements, on condition that he and all the kingdom should become subject to the capitulation tax, called Peter's pence. Some other conditions of less consequence were added, such as, that the Poles should shave their heads and beards, and wear a white linen robe at festivals, like other professors of the Catholic religion. Great preparations were also made for the reception of the young prince; and he was met on the frontier by the nobility, clergy, and forces of the nation, by whom he was conducted to Gnesna, and crowned by the primate with more than usual solemnity. He proved a virtuous and pacific prince, equal to the difficulties of his situation, worthy of the confidence of the people, and anxious to repair the evils which had so long afflicted his country. Casimir, however, evinced his courage in subduing the banditti by which the country was infested, in re-establishing order, and in restoring the dominion of the laws.

By marrying the Princess Mary, sister of the Duke of Russia, all quarrels with his most formidable enemies were for the time extinguished. In a word, the kingdom flourished during his reign, and, from the wisdom and stability of the administration, became more respectable than it could have been rendered by many victories. After a happy reign of sixteen years, he died beloved and regretted by all his subjects.

Boleslas II. By the happy administration of Casimir the kingdom recovered sufficient strength to carry on successful wars against its foreign enemies. Boleslas II., the son of Casimir, an enterprising and valiant prince, succeeded to the throne, and soon rendered himself so famous that three unfortunate princes took refuge at his court, having been expelled from their dominions by their rebellious subjects. These were, Jaromir, brother of Wratislav duke of Bohemia; Bela, brother of the king of Hungary; and Zaslafl, duke of Kiow, eldest son of Jarislaf, duke of Russia, and cousin to the king of Poland. Boleslas determined to redress all their grievances; but whilst he deliberated upon the most proper means of so doing, the Duke of Bohemia, dreading the consequences of Jaromir's escape, assembled an army, and, without any declaration of war, marched through the Hercynian forest, desolated Silesia, and laid waste with fire and sword the frontiers of Poland. Boleslas marched against him with a force greatly inferior; but, by dint of superior capacity, cooped up his adversary in a wood, where he reduced him to the greatest distress. In this extremity the duke sent proposals for accommodation; but these were rejected with disdain by Boleslas; upon which the former, ordering fires to be kindled in his camp, as if he designed to continue there, removed with the utmost silence in the night-time, and marching through narrow defiles, advanced several leagues before Boleslas received intelligence of his retreat. The king pursued the fugitive, but in vain; and, after ravaging the frontiers of Moravia, he returned to his own dominions. The next year Boleslas entered Bohemia with a numerous army; but the duke, unwilling to encounter such a formidable adversary, submitted to such terms as Boleslas thought proper to dictate. In these the king of Poland stipulated for certain conditions in favour of Jaromir, which he took care to see punctually executed; and he next determined to march towards Hungary, to assist the fugitive prince Bela.

This prince had for some time been solicited by a party of disaffected nobility to return, his brother, the reigning king, having, by his tyrannical behaviour, alienated the hearts of his subjects. As soon, therefore, as Boleslas had finished the war in Bohemia, he was solicited by Bela to embrace the present favourable opportunity for putting him in possession of the kingdom of Hungary. This the king readily complied with; and both princes entered Hungary, by different routes, each at the head of a numerous body. The king of that country, however, was not disconcerted by such a formidable invasion; and, being largely assisted by the emperor, advanced against his antagonists with a great army, in which there were a numerous body of Bohemians, who had come to his assistance in direct violation of the treaty subsisting between the duke and the king of Poland. A decisive battle was at length fought, in which the Germans behaved with the greatest valour, but were entirely defeated through the treachery of the Hungarians, who in the heat of the battle deserted and went over to Bela. Almost all the foreign auxiliaries were killed on the spot; the king himself was seized, and treated with such cruelty that he died of a broken heart; and Bela was placed on the throne without further opposition, except from a revolt of the peasants, which was soon quelled by the Polish army.

Boleslas, having thus succeeded in two great enterprises, Boleslas began to look upon himself as invincible; and, instead of projects designing only to assist Zaslafl, as he had at first intended, the count projected the subjugation of the whole country. He had indeed a claim to the sovereignty in virtue of his descent from Mary, queen of Poland, the sister of Jarislaf; and this he endeavoured to strengthen by marrying a Russian princess. Having, therefore, assembled a numerous and well-disciplined army, he entered the duchy of Kiow, and was there opposed by Uscheslaf, who had usurped the sovereignty, with a great body of forces. Boleslas, however, continuing to advance, the Russian prince, intimidated by the number and order of his enemies, deserted his own troops, and fled privately with a slender retinue, upon which his force dispersed. The inhabitants of the city of Kiow now called to their assistance two brothers of Uscheslaf; but these princes acting the part of mediators, procured pardon for the inhabitants from Zaslafl, their natural sovereign; and with the same facility the two princes recovered all the other dominions belonging to Zaslafl. In the mean time the king of Hungary died; a revolt immediately ensued; and the two sons of Bela were on the point of being deprived of their paternal dominions. This Boleslas no sooner heard of than he marched directly into Hungary, where, by the terror of his name alone, he re-established tranquillity, and confirmed the princes in the enjoyment of their kingdom. In the mean while Zaslafl was again driven from his territories; all the conquests that had formerly been made were lost; and his brothers became more powerful than ever. The king's vigour, however, soon disconcerted all their measures. He ravaged the territories composing two palatinates, reduced the strong city of Wolyn, and transported the booty to Poland. The campaign was finished by a battle, which proved so bloody, that though Boleslas proved victorious, his army was so weakened that he could not pursue his conquests. In the winter he made numerous levies, and returning in the spring to Kiow, reduced it by famine. But on this occasion, instead of treating the inhabitants with cruelty, he commend- ed their valour, and strictly prohibited his troops from pil- laging or insulting them; distributing provisions amongst them with the utmost liberality.

This clemency procured the highest honour to the king of Poland. But his stay here was productive of a great disaster. Kiow being the most dissolute as well as the richest city in the north, the king and his soldiers gave themselves up to the pleasures of the place. Boleslas himself affected all the state of an eastern monarch, and contracted an inclina- tion for the grossest debaucheries. This Russian Capua prov- ed almost fatal to Poland. The Hungarian and Russian wars having continued for seven years, during that time the king had never been at home, excepting for the short space of three months. In the mean time the Polish women, exas- perated at hearing that their husbands had neglected them, and connected themselves with the women of Kiow, raised their slaves to the beds of their masters; in other words, con- spired in one general scheme of prostitution, in order to be revenged for the infidelity of their husbands. Advice of this strange revolution was soon received at Kiow, where it ex- cited violent commotions. The soldiers blamed the king for their dishonour, forgetting how much they had to accuse their own conduct in giving their wives such provocation. The effect of these discontented was a general desertion, and Boleslas saw himself suddenly left almost alone in the heart of Russia; the soldiers having unanimously resolved to re- turn home, in order to take vengeance upon their wives and their paramours.

A dreadful kind of civil war now ensued. The women, knowing that they had no mercy to expect from their hus- bands, persuaded their paramours to take arms in their de- fence. They themselves fought by the side of their gal- lants with the utmost fury, and sought out their husbands in the heat of battle, in order to secure themselves from all danger of punishment by their death. They were, how- ever, on the point of being subdued, when Boleslas arrived with the few remaining Poles, assisted by an army of Rus- sians, with whom he resolved to take equal vengeance on the women, their gallants, and his own soldiers who had de- serted him. This produced a carnage more dreadful than ever. The soldiers united with their former wives and their gallants against the common enemy, and fought against Bo- leslas and the Russians with the fury of lions. At last, how- ever, the fortune of the king prevailed; the rebels were to- tally subdued; and the few who escaped the sword were tortured to death, or perished in prison.

To add to the calamities of this unhappy kingdom, the schisms which for some time had prevailed in the Church of Rome found their way also into Poland; and the animosity of parties became aggravated in proportion to the frivolous nature of their differences. But, as generally happens, the matter at length came to be a contention for wealth and power between the king and clergy. Bloodshed followed. The Bishop of Cracow was, like another Thomas a-Becket, massacred in the cathedral whilst he was performing the duties of his office. Violence filled the land, and anarchy reigned supreme. This and other crimes in a short time brought on signal vengeance. Pope Gregory VII. thun- dered out anathemas against the king, released his subjects from their allegiance, deprived him of the titles of sove- reignty, and laid the kingdom under a general interdict. To this sentence Boleslas vainly opposed his authority, and recalled the spirit which had formerly rendered him so for- midable. The minds of the people were so impressed with the power of the church, that they deemed it a less heinous crime to rise in rebellion against their sovereign than to oppose the authority of the holy see. Conspiracies were daily formed against the person and government of Boles- las; and the whole kingdom became a scene of confusion, so that the king could no longer continue with safety in his own dominions. He therefore fled with his son Miecislas, and took refuge in Hungary. But here also the holy ven- geance of the clergy pursued him, nor did they cease perse- cuting him till he was brought to a miserable end. Authors differ respecting the manner of his death. Some say that he was murdered by the clergy as he was hunting; others, that he killed himself in a fit of despair; whilst one author informs us that he wandered about in the woods of Hungary, lived like a savage upon wild beasts, and was at last devoured by dogs. The greatest number, however, allege, that being driven from place to place by the persecutions of the clerg- y, he was at last obliged to become a cook in a monastery at Carinthia, where in this mean occupation the king of Po- land ended his days, probably in peace.

The destruction of Boleslas was not sufficient to allay the im- pial resentment. It extended to the whole kingdom of Poland. Miecislas, the son of Boleslas, was not suffered to ascend the throne; the kingdom continued under a severe interdict, which could be removed only by the most abject concessions; and, besides the tax called Peter's pence, new impositions were added of the most oppressive nature; until at length the pontiff, having impoverished the country, con- sented that the brother of the deceased monarch should be raised to the sovereignty, but only with the title of duke.

This prince, named Uladislas, being of a meek disposi- tion, with little ambition, thought it his duty to acquiesce implicitly in the will of the pope. Having therefore accept- ed the terms offered, he sent an embassy to Rome, earnestly entreating the removal of the interdict. The request was granted; but all his endeavours to recover the regal dig- nity proved fruitless, the pope having, in conjunction with the emperor of Germany, conferred that honour on the Duke of Bohemia. This was extremely mortifying to Ula- dislas, but it was absorbed in considerations of the utmost consequence to himself and his dominions. Russia availed itself of the recent disturbances to throw off the yoke; and this revolt drew after it that of Prussia, Pomerania, and sev- eral other provinces. The smaller provinces, however, were soon reduced; but the duke had no sooner returned to Po- land than they again rebelled, concealing their families in impenetrable forests. Uladislas marched against them with a considerable army; but was entirely defeated, and obliged to return in disgrace. Next year, however, he had better fortune. Having led against them a more numerous army than before, he compelled them to submit, and deliver up the ringleaders of the revolt; to be punished as the duke thought proper.

But no sooner were the Pomeranians reduced, than civil dissensions took place. Shigniew, the son of Uladislas by a concubine, was placed by the discontented nobility at the head of an army to subvert his father's government, and dispute the title of Boleslas, the legitimate son of Uladis- las, to the succession. The war was terminated by the de- feat and captivity of Shigniew, who was at first confined, but afterwards released on condition that he should join his father in punishing the palatine of Cracow. Before this could be effected, however, the palatine found means to effect a reconciliation with the duke; and the young princes being displeased with this, a war ensued between them and their father. At length, however, the palatine of Cracow was banished, and the princes submitted; after which, Uladis-

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1 This prostitution or bigamy must have been all but universal, since only one lady is mentioned who had the virtue to resist the strange epidemic passion with which the Polish matrons appear to have been seized. Her name, which history has been careful to pre- serve, was Margaret, the wife of Count Nicolas de Zemboun.  duke's army, and having obtained a complete victory, took all his baggage and valuable effects. Next, to improve their victory, they laid siege to Cracow. The Russians, who had at first assisted Uladislas, now abandoned him, and evacuated Poland. This obliged him to shut himself up in Cracow, whence, finding the inhabitants little disposed to stand a siege, he retired into Germany to solicit assistance. But in the mean time the city of Cracow surrendered, Uladislas was formally deposed, and his brother Boleslas raised to the supreme authority.

The new duke began his administration with an act of generosity towards his brother Uladislas, whom he conferred the duchy of Silesia, which was thus separated from, and has never since been re-annexed to Poland. But this had no other effect upon Uladislas than putting him in a condition to raise fresh disturbances; and he now found means to persuade the Emperor Conrad to invade Poland. Boleslas, however, so harassed and fatigued his army by marches, ambuscades, and skirmishes, that he was soon obliged to return to his own country; and for some years Poland enjoyed profound tranquillity. During this interval Henry entered on a crusade; and though he lost almost his whole army in that enthusiastic undertaking, yet he is celebrated, by the superstitious writers of the age, as the bulwark of the church, and one of the greatest Christian heroes.

Soon after the return of Henry, Poland was invaded by the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa, who had been persuaded to make the attempt by Uladislas and his wife Christina. The number of the imperialists was so great, that Boleslas and his brothers did not think proper to oppose them in the open field; they contented themselves with cutting off the convoys, placing ambuscades, harassing them on their march, and keeping them in perpetual alarm by false attacks and skirmishes. With this view the three brothers divided their forces, laid waste the country before the enemy, and burned all the towns and cities which were in no condition to stand a siege. Thus the emperor, advancing into the heart of a desolated country, where he could not subsist, was at last reduced to such a situation that he found himself obliged to solicit a conference with Boleslas. The latter was too prudent to irritate him by an unseasonable haughtiness, and therefore went to the German camp, attended only by his brothers and a slight guard. This instance of confidence proved so agreeable to the emperor, that a treaty was soon entered into, and confirmed by a marriage between Adelheid, niece of the emperor, and Miecislav, duke of Posen.

Boleslas having thus happily escaped from imminent danger, resolved to attempt the conquest of Prussia, the inhabitants of which were still heathens. Having unexpectedly invaded the country with a very numerous army, he succeeded in his enterprise. Great numbers of infidels were converted, and many churches erected; but no sooner had Boleslas withdrawn, than the inhabitants returned to their old religion. Upon this Boleslas again advanced against them with a formidable power; but being betrayed by some Prussians whom he had taken into his service and raised to posts of honour, his army was led into defiles and almost entirely cut off. Duke Henry was killed, whilst Boleslas and Miecislav escaped with great difficulty.

This misfortune was quickly followed by another. The children of Uladislas now laid claim to all the Polish dominions which had been possessed by their father, and the greater part of which had been bestowed upon Casimir; and they were supported in their pretensions by a great number of discontented Poles, together with a considerable body of German auxiliaries. Boleslas, finding himself unable to withstand his enemies by force, had recourse to negotiation, by which he gained time to recruit his army and repair his losses. An assembly of the states was then held, before which the duke fully refuted the claims of the children of Uladislas; and, to take away all pretence for renewing the civil discords of Poland, they were a second time invested with the duchy of Silesia, which for the time put an end to all disputes. After this, Boleslas applied himself to promote the happiness of his subjects, and continued thus occupied until the period of his death, which happened in the year 1174.

On the death of Boleslas, the states raised his brother Miecislav to the ducal throne. But the moment that Miecislav ceased to be a subject he became a tyrant, and the slave of almost every vice; so that in a short time he was deposed, and his brother Casimir elected in his stead.

Casimir was a prince remarkable for his justice and benevolence. He set himself about securing peace and establishing tranquillity in all parts of his dominions. He redressed grievances, suppressed exorbitant imposts, and assembled a general Diet, in which it was proposed to rescue the peasants from the tyranny of the nobility. This last was an affair of such consequence, that the duke hesitated to engage in it of his own authority, even though supported by the clergy. Yet it proved less difficult than had been imagined to persuade the nobility to relinquish certain privileges of a kind extremely detrimental. Influenced by the example of their sovereign, they immediately granted all that he required; and, to secure this concession in favour of the peasants, the archbishop of Gnesen thundered out anathemas against all who should endeavour to reclaim the privileges they had just renounced; whilst, to give still greater weight to this decision, the acts of the Diet were transmitted to Rome, and formally confirmed by the pope. But though the nobility in general consented to the partial retrenchment or limitation of their power, it occasioned discontent amongst some, who for this reason immediately became the partisans of the deposed Miecislav. That unfortunate prince was now reduced to such indigence, that his brother Casimir, affected by the accounts he had received, proposed, in an assembly of the Diet, to resign the sovereignty in favour of Miecislav. To this proposition, however, the states replied in the most peremptory manner; desiring him never again to mention the subject to them, lest they should be under the necessity of deposing him; and intimating their determination that his brother should never more have the dominion of Poland. Casimir, however, was so much concerned on account of his brother's misfortunes, that he tried every method to relieve him, and even connived at the arts that were practised by some discontented noblemen to restore him. But this generous and amiable conduct was repaid by the grossest ingratitude. Miecislav used every art to wrest from his brother the whole of his dominions, and actually conquered the provinces of Mazovia and Cujavia; but of these he was soon dispossessed, and only some places in Lower Poland were left him. Nor was this all. On occasion of a report that Casimir had been poisoned in an expedition into Russia, he surprised the city of Cracow. But the citadel refused to surrender, and his hopes were entirely blasted by the return of Casimir himself. The last action of this amiable prince was the conquest of Russia, which he effected rather by the reputation of his wisdom and generosity than by the force of his arms. The people of that country voluntarily submitted to a prince so famed for his benevolence, justice, and humanity. Soon after his return he died at Cracow, lamented as the best prince that had ever filled the throne of Poland.

Casimir left one son, named Lesko, an infant; but the Civil states, dreading the consequences of a long minority, hesitated to appoint him sovereign. At last, however, Lesko was nominated, chiefly through the interest he had obtained by reason of his father's virtues. The consequence was precisely what might have been expected. Miecislav formed an alliance against him with the Dukes of Oppeln, Pomerania, and Breslau; and having raised all the men in Lower Poland fit to bear arms, took the road to Cracow with a numerous army. On the banks of the river Mozgarva a sanguinary conflict ensued; but both sides were so much weakened that they were forced to retire for some time, in order to repair their losses. Miecislas was first ready for action, and therefore had the advantage. But he thought proper to employ artifice rather than force; and having attempted in vain to corrupt the guardians of Lesko, he entered into a compact with the Princess Helen, his mother. Representing in the strongest manner the miseries which would ensue from her refusal of the conditions he proposed, he stipulated to adopt her sons Lesko and Conrad as his own; to surrender the province of Cujavia for their present support; and to declare them heirs to all his dominions. The principal nobility opposed this accommodation; but it was accepted by the duchess in spite of all their remonstrances; and Miecislas was once more put in possession of the capital, after having taken a solemn oath to execute punctually every article of the treaty.

It is not to be supposed that a prince of such a perfidious disposition as Miecislas would pay much regard to the obligations of a simple contract. It was a maxim with him, that a sovereign is no longer obliged to observe his oath than whilst it is neither safe nor beneficial to break it. Having therefore got all the power into his hands, he behaved in the same manner as if no treaty with the Duchess Helen had ever subsisted. The princess, perceiving herself duped, formed a strong party, and having excited a general insurrection, the rebellion proved successful. Miecislas was expelled from Cracow, and on the point of being reduced to his former indigence, when he found means to foment a quarrel between the duchess and the palatine of Cracow, and thus once more turned the scale in his favour. The forces of Miecislas now became superior, and he regained possession of Cracow; but did not long enjoy his prosperity. He fell a victim to intemperance, and Lesko was restored to the sovereignty in the year 1206.

The government of Lesko was the most unfortunate of any of the sovereigns of Poland. In his time the Tartars made an irruption into that country, and everywhere committed the most cruel ravages. At last they came to an engagement with the Poles, assisted by the Russians, and, after an obstinate conflict, obtained a complete victory. This incursion, however, terminated as precipitately as it had commenced. Without any apparent reason, they retired, just as the whole kingdom was preparing to submit; but the devastations they had committed produced a famine, which was soon followed by a plague that depopulated one of the most populous countries of the north. In this unhappy situation of affairs, death ended the misfortunes of Lesko, who was assassinated by his own subjects. A civil war followed his death; and the history of Poland is for some time so confused that it is difficult to say who was his successor. During this unfortunate state of the country, the Tartars made a second irruption, laid all waste before them, and were advancing towards the capital, when they were attacked and defeated with great slaughter by the palatine of Cracow, with only a handful of men. The power of the enemy, however, was not broken by this victory. Next year the Tartars returned, and committed barbarities such as can scarcely be imagined. Whole provinces were ravaged, and every one of the inhabitants massacred. They were returning, laden with spoil, when the palatine fell upon them a second time, but not with the same success as before. After a most obstinate engagement, he was defeated, and all Poland thus laid open to the ravages of the barbarians. The nobility fled into Hungary, and the peasants sought an asylum amongst rocks and impenetrable forests. Cracow, being thus left entirely defenceless, was soon taken, pillaged, and burnt; after which the barbarians, penetrating into Silesia and Moravia, desolated these countries, destroying Breslau and other cities. Nor did Hungary escape the fury of their barbarity. The king having given battle to the Tartars, was defeated with great slaughter, and had the mortification to see his capital laid in ashes, and above one hundred thousand of his subjects perish by fire and sword. The arms of the Tartars proved invincible. Nothing could withstand the prodigious force they brought into the field, and the fury with which they fought. Fixing their headquarters on the frontiers of Hungary, they spread their devastations on every side, with a celerity and success that threatened the destruction of the whole empire, as well as that of the neighbouring kingdoms.

Poland was reduced to this dreadful situation when Boleslas, surnamed the Chaste, obtained the sovereignty. But the Teutonic order, so far from putting an end to the troubles, only superadded a civil war to the other calamities with which the country was afflicted. Boleslas was opposed by his uncle Conrad, the brother of Lesko, who was provoked at becoming the subject of his own nephew. Having assembled a powerful army, he gained possession of Cracow, assumed the title of Duke of Poland, and might possibly have kept possession of the sovereignty, had not his avarice and pride offended equally the nobility and the peasants. Hence they unanimously invited Boleslas, who had fled into Hungary, to return home and head the insurrection which now broke out in every quarter. On his arrival, he was joyfully received in the capital. But Conrad still headed a powerful party; and it is reported that on this occasion the knights of the Teutonic order were first called into Poland, to dispute the pretensions of Boleslas. All endeavours of Conrad, however, proved unsuccessful. He was defeated in two pitched battles, and forced to live in a private situation; though he never ceased to harass his nephew, and make fresh attempts to recover the crown. Of the reign of Boleslas, however, we have little information, except that he made a vow of perpetual continency, and imposed the same on his wife; that he founded nearly forty monasteries; and that after a long reign he died in 1279, having previously adopted Lesko, duke of Cujavia, and procured a confirmation of his choice by the free election of the people.

The reign of this last prince was one continued scene of foreign and domestic trouble. On his accession he was attacked by the united forces of Russia and Lithuania, assisted by the Tartars; but he had the good fortune to defeat them, and the confederate barbarians in a pitched battle. By this Lithuanian victory the enemy were obliged to quit the kingdom; but Lesko was so much weakened, that civil dissensions immediately afterwards ensued, and increased to such a degree that he was obliged to fly to Hungary, the common resource of distressed Polish princes. The inhabitants of Cracow alone remained firm in their duty; these brave citizens having stood all the fatigue and danger of a tedious siege, until they were at last relieved by Lesko at the head of a Hungarian army, who defeated the rebels, and restored to his kingdom a legitimate government. But scarcely had he re-ascended the throne when the united forces of the Russians, Tartars, and Lithuanians made a second irruption into Poland, and desolated the country with the most savage barbarity. Their forces were now rendered more terrible than ever by their having along with them a vast number of large dogs trained to join in their attacks. With an army much inferior, however, Lesko obtained a complete victory, the Poles being animated by all the fury of despair. Soon after this, Lesko died, with the reputation of a wise, warlike, but, on the whole, an unfortunate prince.

As this prince died without issue, his crown was contested; a civil war again ensued; and the affairs of the state continued in a very declining condition till the year 1296, when Prezemislas, the duke, resumed the title of king. However, they did not revive in any considerable degree till the year 1305, when Uladislas Lokietek, who had seized the throne in 1300, and afterwards been driven out, was restored. The first transaction of his reign was a war with the Teutonic knights, who, during the recent disturbances, had usurped the greater part of Pomerania. They had been settled in the territory of Culm by Conrad, duke of Mazovia, but soon extended their dominion over the neighbouring provinces, and had even obtained possession of the city of Dantzig, where they massacred a number of Pomeranian gentlemen in cold blood; an atrocity which so terrified the neighbouring towns, that they submitted without a struggle.

The knights were commanded by the sovereign pontiff to renounce their conquests; but they set at nought all his thunders, and even suffered themselves to be excommunicated rather than part with their acquisitions. As soon as this happened, the king marched into the territories of the Marquis of Brandenburg, who had pretended to sell to the Teutonic knights a right to those countries, although he had none to them himself. Uladislas next entered the territory of Culm, which he laid waste with fire and sword; and although opposed by the joint forces of the marquis, the knights, and the Duke of Mazovia, he obtained a complete victory, after a desperate and bloody engagement.

Without following up the blow, however, he returned to Poland, where he recruited his army; and being reinforced by a body of auxiliaries from Hungary and Lithuania, he dispersed the enemy's forces, and a second time ravaged all the dominions of the Teutonic knights. Had he improved this advantage, he might easily have exterminated the whole order, or at least reduced them so low that they could never again have caused disturbances in the state. But he suffered himself to be soothed and cajoled by the promises which they made, without any design of keeping their engagements, and concluded a treaty under the mediation of the kings of Hungary and Bohemia. In a few months, however, he was convinced of the perfidy of the knights, who not only refused to evacuate Pomerania, as had been stipulated in the treaty, but even endeavoured to extend their usurpations, and for this purpose assembled a very considerable army. Uladislas, enraged at their treachery, once more took the field, and gave them battle with such success, that four thousand knights were left dead on the ground, and thirty thousand auxiliaries killed or taken prisoners. Yet though the king had it once more in his power to destroy the whole order, he satisfied himself with obtaining the territories which had occasioned the war, after which he spent the remainder of his life in tranquillity and peace.

Uladislas was succeeded by his son Casimir III. surnamed the Great. Having in a single campaign subdued the province called Black Russia, he turned his arms against Mazovia, which he overran with great rapidity, and annexed as a province to the crown. He then applied himself to domestic affairs, and was the first who introduced a written code of laws into Poland. He was a most impartial judge, a rigid observer of justice, and the most submissive to the laws of any potentate mentioned in the history of Europe. The only vice with which he is charged is that of incontinence; but even this the clergy declared to be a venial sin, amply compensated by his other virtues, particularly the great liberality which he showed to the clerical order. Casimir was a great patron of industry as well as an eminent legislator, and through his encouragement numbers flocked into his kingdom from various parts of Germany. He fortified many of his chief towns, which he also embellished; whilst colleges, hospitals, churches, and other public buildings, attested alike his genius, his magnificence, and his patriotism. His reign is considered as the golden age of Poland.

Casimir was succeeded in 1370 by his nephew Louis, king of Hungary; but as the Poles looked upon him as a foreign prince, they were not happy under his administration. Indeed a coldness between this monarch and his people took place even before he ascended the throne; for in the pacta conventa, to which the Polish monarchs were obliged to swear, a great number of unusual articles were inserted. This probably was the reason why he left Poland almost as soon as he had been crowned, carrying with him the crown, sceptre, globe, and sword of state, to prevent the Poles from electing another prince during his absence. He left the government in the hands of his mother Elizabeth, who would have been agreeable to the people had she possessed sufficient capacity for government. At that time, however, the state of Poland was too disturbed to be governed by a woman. The country was overrun with robbers and other gangs of villains, who committed the most horrid disorders; the kingdom was likewise invaded by the Lithuanians; the province of Black Russia had revolted; and the land was universally filled with disension. The Poles, displeased to see their towns occupied by Hungarian garrisons, sent a message to the king, informing him that they thought he had been sufficiently honoured in being elected king of Poland himself, without suffering the kingdom to be governed by a woman and his Hungarian subjects. Upon this Louis raised a numerous army, intending to subdue the refractory spirit of his subjects. His first operations were directed against the Russians, whom he defeated, and again reduced to subjection. He then turned his arms against the Lithuanians, expelled them from the kingdom, and re-established public tranquillity. Instead of being satisfied with this, however, and removing the Hungarian garrisons, he introduced many more, and raised Hungarians to all the chief offices of government. His credit even went so far as to get a successor nominated who was disagreeable to the whole nation, namely, Sigismund, marquis of Brandenburg. After the death of Louis, however, this election was set aside; and Hedwig, daughter of Casimir the Great, was proclaimed queen.

This princess married Jagellon, duke of Lithuania, who was converted to Christianity, and baptized by the name of Uladislas. By this marriage, the duchy of Lithuania, as well as the vast provinces of Samogitia and Black Russia, were annexed to the crown of Poland. Such a formidable accession of power excited the jealousy of the Teutonic knights. They were sensible that Uladislas was now bound to undertake the reduction of Pomerania, and revenge all the injuries which Poland had sustained for a great number of years; and from his first accession, considering this monarch as their greatest enemy, they endeavoured to prevent his designs, by effecting a revolution in Lithuania in favour of his brother Andrew. The prospect of success was the greater, as most of the nobility were discontented with the marriage; and Uladislas had proposed to effect a revolution in religion. Two armies, therefore, marched suddenly towards the frontiers of the duchy, which they penetrated; laying waste the whole country, and seizing upon some important fortresses, before the king of Poland had any notice of the matter. As soon as he received advice of these ravages, Uladislas raised forces with the utmost celerity, which he committed to the care of his brother Skirgello; who, having defeated the Teutonic knights, obliged them to abandon all their conquests.

Having secured the tranquillity of Poland, Uladislas visited Lithuania, attended by a great number of the clergy, in order to convert his subjects. This he effected without much difficulty; but he left the care of the duchy to his brother Skirgello, a man of a cruel, haughty temper, and who immediately began to abuse his power. Along with him the king sent his kinsman Vitowda, a prince of a generous, brave, and amiable disposition, to be a check upon his conduct; but the barbarity of Skirgello soon obliged this prince to take refuge amongst the Teutonic knights. For some time, however, he did not assist the knights in their designs against his country; but having in vain applied to the king for protection, he at last joined in the schemes formed by the knights for the destruction of Poland. Entering Lithuania at the head of a numerous army, he took the capital by storm, burned part of it, and destroyed fourteen thousand persons in the flames, besides a great number who were massacred in attempting to make their escape. The upper part of the city, however, was vigorously defended, so that the besiegers were at last obliged to abandon all thoughts of making themselves masters of it, and to content themselves with desolating the adjacent country. The next year Vitowda renewed his attempts upon the city, but with the same want of success; though he got possession of some places of less importance. As soon, however, as an opportunity offered, he came to an accommodation with the king, who conferred on him the government of Lithuania. During the first years of his government, he bestowed great attention on domestic affairs; but at last his impetuous valour prompted him to engage in a war with Tamerlane, after the victory gained by the latter over Bajazet the Turkish emperor. Prior to this time Vitowda had been at war with the neighbouring Tartars, and had been constantly victorious. Uladislas, however, dissuaded him from attacking the whole strength of the nation under such a celebrated commander as Tamerlane; but Vitowda was obstinate in his determination to fight. He encountered an army of four hundred thousand Tartars under Ediga, Tamerlane's lieutenant, with only a tenth part of their number, and the battle continued for a whole day; but at last Vitowda was surrounded by the numbers of his enemy, and in the utmost danger of being cut in pieces. However, he cleared his way with prodigious slaughter on both sides, and came off without a total defeat, having killed a number of the enemy equal to the whole of his own army.

During the absence of Vitowda, the Teutonic knights had penetrated into Lithuania, committing everywhere dreadful ravages. On his return he attacked and defeated them, making an irruption into Livonia, to punish the inhabitants of that country for the assistance which they had given to the Teutonic order. This was succeeded by a long series of wars between Poland and Prussia, in which it became necessary for Uladislas himself to take the field. The knights having now got possession of Samogitia, Mazovia, Culm, Silesia, and Pomerania, Uladislas resolved to punish them before they became too powerful; and with this view he assembled an army composed of several different nations. He then penetrated into Prussia; took several towns; and was advancing to Marienburg, the capital of Pomerania, when he was met by the army of the Prussian knights, who determined to hazard a battle. When the engagement began, the Poles were deserted by all their auxiliaries, and obliged to stand the brunt of the battle. But the courage and conduct of their king so animated them, that after a most desperate struggle, they obtained a complete victory; near forty thousand of the enemy being killed in the field, and thirty thousand taken prisoners. This terrible overthrow, however, was less fatal to the affairs of the Prussian knights than might have been expected. Uladislas did not improve his victory, and a peace was concluded upon easier terms than his adversaries had any reason to hope for.

Uladislas V. died in 1435, and was succeeded by his son Uladislas VI., at that time only nine years of age. He had scarcely ascended the throne, when the kingdom was invaded by the Tartars, who defeated the general of the Polish forces; and, committing everywhere dreadful ravages, returned to their own country loaded with booty. A few years afterwards the nation was involved in a war with Amurath, the sultan, who threatened to break into Hungary. But before all things were prepared for the young king taking the field, a strong body of auxiliaries was despatched under John Hunniades, waywode of Transylvania, to oppose the Turks, and likewise to support the election of Uladislas to the crown of Hungary. This detachment surprised the Turkish army near the river Morava, and defeated Amurath with the loss of thirty thousand men; after which Hunniades retook all the places which had been conquered by Amurath; the sultan was forced to sue for peace, and Uladislas was raised without opposition to the crown of Hungary. A treaty was concluded, by which the Turks promised to relinquish their designs upon Hungary, to acknowledge the king's right to that crown, and to give up all their conquests in Bosnia and Servia. This treaty was sealed by mutual oaths; but Uladislas broke it at the persuasion of the pope's legate, who insisted, that now was the time for humbling the power of the infidels, and produced a special commission from the pope, absolving the king from the oath he had taken at the late treaty. The result of this perfidy was, that Uladislas was entirely defeated and killed at Varna, and the greater part of his army cut in pieces.

Uladislas VI. was succeeded by Casimir IV., whose reign the Teutonic knights were subdued, and obliged to yield up the territories of Culm, Michlow, and the duchy of Pomerania, together with the towns of Elbing, Marienburg, Talkmuth, Schut, and Christburg, to the crown of Poland. On the other hand, the king restored to them all the other conquests he had made in Prussia; granted a seat in the Polish senate to the grand-master; and endowed him with other privileges, on condition that, six months after his accession, he should do homage for Prussia, and take an oath of fidelity to the king and republic. This success raised the spirits of the Polish nation, which had drooped ever since the battle of Varna. The Diet did not, however, think proper to renew the war against the Turks.

About this time the crown of Bohemia having become vacant, and the people being desirous of being governed by Bohemia one of the princes of Poland, the barons were induced to bestow the crown upon Uladislas, eldest son of Casimir, in spite of opposition to the intrigues of the king of Hungary. Not satisfied with this acquisition, however, Uladislas took advantage of the dissensions in Hungary, in order to unite that crown to his own, which he also effected, and thereby greatly augmented his power, though not the happiness of his people. Numerous foreign expeditions had exhausted the treasury, and oppressed the peasants with taxes; the gentry were greatly diminished by a number of bloody engagements; agriculture was neglected, and the country almost depopulated. But before a proper remedy could be applied for these evils, Casimir died in 1492. In the reign of this prince, the deputies of the provinces first appeared at the Diet, and assumed to themselves the legislative power; all laws before that time having been framed by the king in conjunction with the senate.

During the succeeding reigns of John Albert and Alexander, the affairs of Poland fell into decline, the kingdom Sigismund, being harassed by continual wars with the Turks and Tartars. But they were retrieved by Sigismund I., who ascended the throne in 1507. This monarch, having reformed some internal abuses, set about rendering the kingdom as formidable as it had formerly been. He first quelled an insurrection which broke out in Lithuania; after which, he drove the Walachians and Moldavians out of Black Russia, and defeated the Russians in a pitched battle, with the loss of thirty thousand men. In this engagement he was obliged to cause his cavalry to swim across the Borysthenes in order to begin the attack, whilst a bridge was preparing for the infantry. These orders were executed with astonishing celerity, notwithstanding the rapidity of the stream, the steepness of the banks, and the enemy's opposition. The onset was led by the Lithuanians, who were directed to retreat gradually, with a view of drawing the enemy within reach of the cannon. This the Russians mistook for a real flight; and as they were pursuing with eagerness, Sigismund opened his line to the right and left, pouring in grape-shot from the artillery with dreadful success. The Russian general, and several noblemen of the first distinction, were taken prisoners, whilst the whole loss of the royal army did not amount to three hundred men.

After this victory, the king turned his arms against the Teutonic knights, who had elected the Marquis of Brandenburg as their grand-master; whilst this prince not only refused to acknowledge the sovereignty of the crown of Poland, but even invaded the Polish territories. Sigismund marched against him, and gained possession of several important places in Brandenburg; but as he was pursuing his conquests, the marquis, reinforced by fourteen thousand Germans led by the Duke of Schonenburg, ventured to lay siege to Dantzig, after having ravaged the neighbouring country. The Dantzigers, however, defended themselves so bravely, that the besiegers were soon obliged to relinquish their enterprise; whilst in their retreat they were attacked by a strong detachment of Polish cavalry, who made prodigious havoc amongst them, compelling the wretched remains to take shelter in Pomerania, where they were massacred by the peasants. Soon after this the marquis was obliged to submit to the clemency of the conqueror. To secure him in his interest, however, Sigismund granted him half the province of Prussia as a secular duke, dependent on the crown of Poland.

In the reign of Sigismund, the kingdom of Poland may be considered as having attained its greatest pitch of glory. This monarch possessed, in his own person, the republic of Poland, the great duchies of Lithuania, Smolensko, and Saveria, besides vast territories lying beyond the Euxine and the Baltic; whilst his nephew Louis possessed the kingdoms of Bohemia, Hungary, and Silesia. But this glory received a sudden check in 1548, by the defeat and death of Louis, who perished in a battle fought with Solymann the Great, sultan of the Turks. The daughter of this prince married Ferdinand of Austria, an alliance by which the dominions of Hungary, Bohemia, and Silesia, became inseparably connected with the hereditary dominions of the Austrian family. This misfortune is believed to have hastened the death of Sigismund; though, being then in the eighty-fourth year of his age, he could not, by the ordinary course of nature, have lived long. He did not, however, survive the news many months, but died of a lingering disorder, leaving behind him the character of a complete general, an able politician, a good prince, and one of the strongest men in the north.

Sigismund Augustus, who succeeded his father Sigismund I., proved also a very fortunate prince. At that time the most violent and bloody wars were carrying on in Germany, and indeed throughout other parts of Europe, on account of religion; but Sigismund wisely avoided interfering in these disputes. He would not admit into his dominions any of those divines who were taxed with holding heterodox opinions, nor even allow his people the liberty of corresponding with them; yet he never persecuted, nor employed any other means for the preservation of the state than those of a well-conducted and regular policy. Instead of disputing with his subjects about speculative opinions, Sigismund applied himself diligently to the reforming of abuses, enforcing the laws, enriching the treasury, promoting industry, and redeeming the crown-lands where the titles of the possessors appeared illegal. Out of the revenue recovered in this manner he raised a formidable standing army without laying any additional tax upon his subjects; and though he preferred peace to war, he was always able to punish those who offered indignities to his person or his crown.

His knowledge of the art of war was soon tried in a contest with the Russians, who, encouraged by the disputes which had subsisted between the Teutonic knights and the archbishop of Riga, cousin of Sigismund, had made an irruption into Livonia. The province was at that time divided between the knights and the prelate; and the Russians, under pretence of assisting the former, had seized great part of the dominions of the latter. The archbishop had recourse to his kinsman the king of Poland, who, after fruitless efforts to accommodate matters, marched towards the frontiers of Livonia with an army of a hundred thousand men. The knights were in no condition to resist such a formidable power; and therefore, deserting their allies, they put themselves under the protection of the king of Poland. But the czar, John Basilides, though deserted by the knights, did not lose his courage; nay, he even insolently refused to return any answer to the proposals of peace made by Sigismund. His army consisted of three hundred thousand men, with whom he imagined himself able to reduce all Livonia, in spite of the utmost efforts of the king of Poland; but having met with some checks in that quarter, he directly invaded Poland with his whole army. At first he carried everything before him; but the Poles soon made a vigorous opposition; and the Russians, though everywhere defeated, still continued their incursions, which Sigismund at last revenged by invading Russia in his turn.

These mutual desolations and ravages at last made both parties desirous of peace, and a truce for three years was agreed on; but during the continuance of the armistice the king of Poland died, and with him was extinguished the house of Jagellen, which had governed Poland for nearly two hundred years. On the death of Sigismund, Poland became a prey to intestine divisions; and intrigues were set on foot at the courts of Vienna, France, Saxony, Sweden, and Brandenburg, each of them endeavouring to establish a prince of their own nation on the throne of Poland. The result of all this was, that the kingdom became one universal scene of corruption, faction, and confusion. The members of the Diet consulted only their own interest, and were ready on every occasion to sell themselves to the best bidder. The Protestants had by this time got a considerable footing in the kingdom; and thus religious disputes were intermingled with political ones. One good effect, however, flowed from this confusion. A law was passed, by which it was enacted that no difference in religious opinions should occasion any contention amongst the subjects of the kingdom; that all the Poles, without discrimination, should be capable of holding public offices and trusts under the government; and that the future kings should swear expressly to cultivate the internal tranquillity of the realm, and to cherish without distinction their subjects of all persuasions.

Whilst the candidates for the throne were severally attempting to support their own interest in the best manner they could, John Crasowski, a Polish gentleman of great merit, but diminutive stature, had just returned from France, whither he had travelled for improvement. His humour, wit, and diverting size, had rendered him universally agreeable at the court of France, and in a particular manner engaged the esteem of Catharine de' Medici, which the little Pole had the address to make use of for his own advantage. He owed many obligations to the Duke of Anjou, whom out of gratitude, he represented in such favourable terms that the Poles began to entertain thoughts of making him their king. These sentiments were confirmed and encouraged by Crasowski, who returned into France by order of several leading men in Poland, and acquainted the king and queen-mother that nothing was wanting except the formality of an embassy to procure the crown for the Duke of Anjou, almost without opposition. Charles IX., king of France, at that time also promoted the scheme; being jealous of the Duke of Anjou's popularity, and willing to have him re- moved to as great a distance as possible. The parties accordingly came to an agreement, in which it was stipulated that the Duke of Anjou should maintain the laws, liberties, and customs of the kingdom of Poland, and of the grand duchy of Lithuania; that he should transport all his effects and annual revenues in France into Poland; that the French monarch should pay the late king Sigismund's debts; that he should maintain a hundred young Polish gentlemen at his court, and fifty in other places; that he should send a fleet to the Baltic to assist Poland against the Russians; and, lastly, that Henry should marry the Princess Anne, sister of the late king Sigismund, though this article Henry refused to ratify till his return to Poland. Everything being thus settled, the young king quitted France, attended by a splendid retinue, and was accompanied by the queen-mother as far as Lorraine. He was received by his subjects on the frontiers of Poland, and conducted to Cracow, where he was soon afterwards crowned.1 The affections of the Poles were soon engaged by the youth and accomplishments of Henry; but scarcely had he been seated on the throne, when, by the death of Charles IX., he became heir to the crown of France. Being informed of this by repeated messages from Catharine, he repented his having accepted the crown of Poland, and resolved to leave it for that of France. But being sensible that the Poles would oppose his departure, he kept his intentions secret, and watched an opportunity of stealing out of the palace in disguise during the night-time. The Poles, as might well be expected, were irritated at being thus abandoned, from the mere motive of interest, by a prince whom they had so much loved and honoured. Parties were despatched after him by different roads; and Zamoski, a nobleman who headed one of these parties, overtook him some leagues distant from Cracow. All the prayers and tears of that nobleman, however, could not prevail on Henry to return; he rode post to Vienna, and then passed into France by the way of Italy.

In the mean time the Poles were so much exasperated against Henry and his nation, that all the French in Cracow would have been massacred if the magistrates had not placed guards in the streets. Henry, however, had foreseen the consequences of his flight, and therefore endeavoured to apologise for his behaviour. But nothing could satisfy the Poles, who now acquainted their king, that if he did not immediately return, they would be obliged to divest him of the royal dignity, and to choose another sovereign. Henry began to excuse himself on account of the wars in which he was engaged, and promised to send men of unexceptionable integrity to govern Poland till he should return. But no excuses were accepted; and on the 15th of July 1575, he was in full Diet solemnly divested of the regal dignity, and the throne declared vacant.

After the deposition of Henry, commotions and factions again occurred, but the contending parties were now reduced to two; one who supported the interest of Maximilian, emperor of Germany; and the other, who were for electing the Princess Anne, and marrying her to Stephen Batory, prince of Transylvania. The latter prevailed through the courage of one gentleman, who, in imitation of the power assumed by the Roman tribunes, stood up in the full senate, and opposed the proclamation of Maximilian, declaring that his election was violent and illegal. In this situation of affairs, it was obvious that strength and celerity must determine which election was legitimate; and both parties wrote to the princes whose cause they had espoused, entreating them to hasten with all possible expedition to take possession of the throne. Batory proved the more alert; for whilst Maximilian was disputing about certain conditions which the Poles required for the security of their privileges, he entered Poland, married the princess, and was crowned on the 1st of May 1576. No opposition was made to the authority of Batory, except by the inhabitants of Dantzic, who adhered to the interest of Maximilian, even after he was dead, and had the presumption to demand from the king an oath acknowledging their absolute freedom and independence. Batory referred them to the senate, declaring that he had no right to give up the privileges of the republic; but he admonished the citizens to avoid all occasion of a civil war, which must necessarily terminate in their disadvantage. The obstinate citizens, however, construing the king's lenity into fear, shut the gates against the ambassador, seized upon the fortress of Grebin, and published a manifesto against the king and the republic. The king, incensed at these proceedings, marched against Grebin, retook the castle, and ravaged certain territories belonging to the people of Dantzic; who, on the other hand, retaliated by burning to the ground a monastery named Oliva, to prevent the Poles from taking possession of so important a position. Batory now renewed overtures of accommodation, but to no purpose. The people of Dantzic were deaf to these proposals; and it was not until after suffering severely that they were at length induced to submit.

The war with Dantzic had no sooner been ended than the cruelty of king directed his whole strength against the czar of Muscovy, who had laid siege to Revel, and made himself master of several important cities in Livonia. The czar behaved everywhere with the greatest cruelty, slaughtering without distinction all who were able to bear arms, and abandoning the women and children to the brutality of the Tartars who served in his army. The Russians were allowed to proceed in this manner till the whole province of Livonia, excepting Riga and Revel, had suffered the barbarities of this insulting conqueror. But at length, in 1578, a body of forces was despatched into the province; the towns of Wender and Dvinaburg were surprised; and an army sent by the czar to surprise the former was defeated. At this time the Muscovites were not the only enemies who opposed the king of Poland and oppressed Livonia. That unhappy province was also invaded by the Swedes, who professed themselves to be enemies equally to both parties, and who in cruelty were scarcely inferior to the Russians themselves. The king, however, was not daunted by the number of his adversaries. Having made great preparations, and called to his assistance Christopher, prince of Transylvania, with all the standing forces of that country, he took the field in person against the Muscovites, and laid siege to Polocz, a town of great importance, situated on the river Dwina. The Russians no sooner heard of the approach of the Polish army than they resolved to put all the citizens to death, thinking by this means to strike terror into the enemy. When Batory came near the town, the most shocking spectacle presented itself. The river appeared dyed with blood, and a vast number of human bodies, fastened to planks, and terribly mangled, were carried down the stream. But this barbarity, instead of intimidating the Poles, irritated them to such a degree that nothing could resist them. Finding that their cannon made little impression upon the walls of the city, which were constructed of wood, they advanced to the assault with burning torches in their hands, and would soon have reduced the fortifications to ashes, had not a violent storm of rain prevented them. The design, however, was put in execution as soon as the rain slackened; and the Russian barbarians were obliged to sur-

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1 Henry of Valois, afterwards Henry III. of France, when he was elected king of Poland, was the first who swore to the celebrated pacta conventa, a document containing certain obligations on the part of the king in regard to the liberties of the nation. render at discretion. It reflects the highest honour on Batory, that, notwithstanding the dreadful instances of cruelty which he had before his eyes, he did not suffer his soldiers to retaliate. Indeed the atrocities committed by the Russians on this occasion seem almost to have authorized any revenge that could possibly have been taken.

After the reduction of Poloz, Batory continued the war, and with great success. Two detachments from the army penetrated the enemy's country by different roads, wasted all before them to the gates of Smolensko, and returned with the spoils of two thousand villages which they had pillaged and destroyed. In the mean time the Swedes and Poles thought proper to come to an accommodation; and though John, king of Sweden, was at that time prevented from bearing his share of the war, yet Batory reduced such a number of cities, and committed such devastations in the Russian territories, that the czar was obliged to sue for peace, which he obtained on condition of relinquishing Livonia, after having thrown away the lives of more than four hundred thousand of his subjects in attempting to conquer it.

Batory being thus freed from a most destructive and cruel war, applied himself to the internal government of his kingdom. He regulated the Polish cavalry in such a manner that they became formidable to the Turks and other neighbouring nations; and this is the military establishment to which the Poles have given the name of quartierne, because a fourth part of the revenue was employed in supporting them. Batory sent this body of cavalry towards the frontiers of Tartary, to check the incursions of the barbarians inhabiting that country; and by its means the Ukraine, a vast tract of desert country, was filled with flourishing towns and villages, and became a strong barrier against the Turks, Tartars, and Russians. The last memorable action of Batory was his attaching to Poland the Cossacks, whom he civilized and instructed in the arts of war and peace. All kinds of manufactures at that time known in Poland were likewise established amongst the Cossacks; the women were employed in spinning and weaving woollen cloths, whilst the men were taught agriculture, and other arts proper for masculine cultivation.

Whilst Batory was employed in this manner, the Swedes broke the convention into which they had entered with Poland, and were on the point of obtaining possession of Riga. To this, indeed, Batory himself had given occasion, by attempting to impose the Catholic religion upon the inhabitants, after having promised them entire liberty of conscience; a proceeding which so irritated them, that they revolted, and were on the point of admitting a Swedish garrison into the city, when the king became informed of what was going forward. He resolved to take a most exemplary vengeance on the inhabitants of Riga; but before he could execute his intention, he died, in 1586, the fifty-fourth year of his age, and tenth of his reign.

The death of Batory involved Poland in fresh troubles. Four candidates appeared for the crown; the princes Ernest and Maximilian of the house of Austria, Sigismund prince of Sweden, and Theodore czar of Muscovy. Each of these had a separate party; but Sigismund and Maximilian managed matters so cleverly, that in 1587 both of them were elected. The result was a civil war, in which Maximilian was defeated and taken prisoner; and thus without opposition Sigismund III., surnamed Vasa, became master of the throne of Poland. He waged a successful war with the Tartars, and was otherwise prosperous; but though he succeeded to the crown of Sweden, he found it impossible for him to retain both kingdoms, and he was formally deposed from the Swedish throne. In 1610 he conquered Russia, and placed his son on the throne of that country; but the Polish conquests of that country have always been short-lived. Accordingly, the young prince was soon afterwards deposed; and the Russians not only regained their liberty, but began to make encroachments on Poland itself. A very unfortunate war also took place with Sweden, which was now governed by the great Gustavus Adolphus; but the particulars of that contest, with the other exploits of that renowned warrior, are elsewhere related. At last Sigismund, worn out with cares and misfortunes, died in 1629.

After Sigismund's death the affairs of Poland seemed to revive a little under Uladislus VII., who obliged the Russians to sue for peace, and Sweden to restore some of her conquests; but an attempt being made to abridge the liberty of the Cossacks, they revolted, and gave the Poles several terrible defeats; nor did the war terminate in the lifetime of Uladislus, who died in 1648. His successor, John Casimir, concluded a peace with these dangerous enemies; but the war was soon after renewed; and whilst the kingdom was distracted between the hostility of the Cossacks and the discontents of its own inhabitants, the Russians took the opportunity of invading and pillaging Lithuania.

In a little time afterwards, the whole kingdom was subdued by Charles Gustavus, successor to Christina, queen of Sweden. Happily for Poland, however, a rupture took place between the courts of Sweden and Copenhagen, and the Poles were thereby enabled to drive out the Swedes in 1657. This was succeeded by civil wars and contests with Russia, which so much vexed the king that he resigned the crown in 1668. For two years after the resignation of Casimir, the kingdom was filled with confusion; but on the 17th of September 1760, one Michael Koributh Wisnowiecki, collaterally descended from the house of Jagellon, though in a very mean situation at that time, was chosen king. His reign continued only for three years, during which time John Sobieski, a celebrated Polish general, gave the Turks a dreadful overthrow, though their army consisted of more than three hundred thousand men; and if this blow had been followed up, the Cossacks would not only have been entirely subdued, but very advantageous terms might have been obtained from the sultan. Of that vast multitude of Turks, no more than fifteen thousand made their escape, the rest being all either killed or taken. However, the Polish soldiers, being only bound by the laws of their country to stay a certain time in the field, refused to pursue this signal victory, and suffered the king to make peace on any terms he could procure.

Wisnowiecki died before the news of this transaction reached Cracow; and after his death a new scene of confusion ensued, till at last the fortune of John Sobieski prevailed, and he was elected king of Poland in 1674. A most magnanimous and heroic prince, it was he who, by his valour and good conduct, retrieved the affairs of Poland, and entirely checked the progress of the Turks westward. These barbarians were everywhere defeated; but notwithstanding his great qualities, Poland was now so thoroughly corrupted, and pervaded by such a spirit of disaffection, that the latter part of this monarch's reign was involved in troubles, through the ambition and contention of some powerful noblemen. Sobieski died in 1696, and with him the glory of Poland descended into the tomb.

Most violent contests took place about the succession, but the recital of these would far exceed our limits. At last Frederic Augustus, elector of Saxony, prevailed; but as some of the most essential ceremonies were wanting in his coronation, because the primate, who was in an opposite interest, would not perform them, he found it extremely difficult to keep his subjects in proper obedience; and, to add to his misfortunes, having engaged in a league with Denmark and Russia against Sweden, he was attacked with irresistible fury by Charles XII. Though Augustus had not been betrayed, as indeed he almost always was, he was by no means a match for the ferocious Swede. The particulars of this war, however, as they form great part of the exploits of that northern hero, more properly fall to be related under the head of Sweden. Here, therefore, we shall only observe, that Augustus was reduced to the humiliating necessity of renouncing the crown of Poland on oath; and even of congratulating his rival Stanislas upon his accession to the throne. But when the power of Charles was broken by his defeat at Pultowa, the fortune of Augustus again prevailed; Stanislas was driven out; and the former, being absolved from his oath by the pontiff, resumed possession of the throne of Poland.

Since that time the Polish nation has made no figure, except in the history of political iniquity. Surrounded by great and ambitious powers, it has sunk under the pressure, and now scarcely exists as a nation. On the 5th of October 1763, Augustus III., elector of Saxony and king of Poland, died, and was succeeded by Count Poniatowski, a Polish grandee, who, on the 7th of September 1764, was proclaimed king by the name of Stanislas Augustus, and crowned on the 25th of November the same year. During the interregnum which took place between the death of Augustus III. and the election of Stanislas, a decree had been passed by the convocation-diet of Poland, with regard to the Dissidents, as they were called, or dissenters from the Catholic faith, by which they were prohibited the free exercise of their religion, and excluded from all offices and places under the government. On this occasion several of the European powers interposed, and the courts of Russia, Prussia, Great Britain, and Denmark, tendered remonstrances to the Diet; but notwithstanding these, the decree was confirmed by the coronation-diet held soon after the king's election.

On the 6th of October 1766, an ordinary Diet was assembled. Here declarations from the courts above mentioned were presented to his Polish majesty, requiring the re-establishment of the Dissidents in their civil rights and privileges, and the peaceable enjoyment of their modes of worship secured to them by the laws of the kingdom, which had been observed for two centuries. These privileges, it was alleged, had been confirmed by the treaty of Oliva, concluded by all the northern powers, and could not now be altered except by the consent of all the contracting parties. The Catholic party contended strongly for a confirmation of some decrees against the Dissidents, made in the years 1717, 1723, and 1736. The deputies from the foreign powers replied, that those decrees had passed in the midst of intestine troubles, and were contradicted by the formal protestations and express declarations of those powers. At last, after a violent contest, the matter was referred to the bishops and senators for their opinion; and upon a report from them, the Diet came to a resolution that they would maintain the Dissidents in all the rights and prerogatives to which they were entitled by the laws of their country and by treaties; and that as to their complaints with regard to the exercise of their religion, the college of archbishops and bishops, under the direction of the prince primate, would endeavour to remove all those difficulties in a manner conformable to justice and charity. In the mean time, the court of Russia, resolved to enforce her remonstrances, marched a body of troops to within a few miles of Warsaw. These resolutions of the Diet were by no means agreeable to the Dissidents. The latter dated the beginning of their sufferings from the year 1717. Referring their grievances to the archbishops and bishops was looked upon as a measure the most unreasonable that could be imagined, as that body of men had always been their opponents, and in fact the authors of the evils which had befallen them. When matters came to be considered in this view, an additional body of Russians, to the number of about fifteen thousand, entered Poland.

The Dissidents, being now pretty sure of the protection of foreign powers, entered, on the 20th of March 1767, into two confederacies, at Thorn and Sluck. One of these was signed by the Dissidents of Great and Little Poland, and the other by those of the grand duchy of Lithuania. The purpose of these confederacies was, an engagement to exert themselves in the defence of their ancient privileges, and the free exercise of their religion; professing at the same time the utmost loyalty to the king; and resolving to send to him a deputation to implore his protection. They even invited those of the Catholic communion, and all true patriots, to unite with them in maintaining the fundamental laws of the kingdom, the peace of religion, and the rights of men in society. They also claimed, by virtue of public treaties, the protection of the powers who were guarantees of their liberties, namely, Russia, Sweden, Great Britain, Denmark, and Prussia. And they protested, that they had no intention of acting to the detriment of the Roman Catholic religion, which they duly respected, but only asked liberty for their own, and the re-establishment of their ancient rights. The three cities of Thorn, Elbing, and Dantzig, acceded to the confederacy of Thorn on the 10th of April; as did the duke and nobles of Courland to that of Sluck on the 15th of May. In the mean time the empress of Russia and the king of Prussia continued to issue forth new declarations in favour of the Dissidents; and the Russian troops in Poland were gradually augmented to thirty thousand men. Great numbers of other confederacies were also formed in different parts of the kingdom; but these at first took little part in the affair of the Dissidents. They complained chiefly of the administration of public affairs, in which they alleged that innovations had been introduced, and were therefore for some time called Confederations of Malcontents. All these confederacies published manifestos, in which they recommended to the inhabitants to receive and treat the Russian troops as the defenders of the liberties of Poland.

The different confederacies of malcontents formed in the General twenty-four districts of Lithuania united at Wilna on the 23rd of June; and that general confederacy re-established Prince Radziwill, who had married the king's sister, in his liberty, estates, and honour, of which he had been deprived in 1764 by the states of that duchy. On the 23rd of June Prince Radziwill was chosen grand marshal of the general confederacy of all Poland, which then began to be called the National Confederacy, and was said to be composed of seventy-two thousand noblemen and gentlemen. The general confederacy now took such measures as appeared most proper for strengthening their party. They sent to the several waywodes of the kingdom, requiring that all the gentlemen who had not signed the confederacy should do it immediately; that all the courts of justice should subsist as formerly, but not judge any of the confederates; that the marshals of the crown should not pass any sentence without the participation of at least four of the confederates; and that the marshals of the crown and the treasurers should be immediately restored to the possession of their respective rights. In the mean time the Catholic party were not idle. The bishop of Cracow sent a letter to the Diet assembled at Warsaw on the 13th of August, in which he exhorted them to arm their nuncios with courage, by giving them orthodox and pious instructions, that they might not grant the Dissidents new advantages beyond those which were secured to them by the constitutions of the country and the treaties with foreign powers. The pope also sent briefs to the king, the great chancellor, the nobility, the bishops of the kingdom, and to the prince primate, with such arguments and exhortations as were thought most calculated to ward off the impending danger. Councils in the mean time were frequently held at the bishop of Cracow's palace, where all the prelates at Warsaw assembled. On the 26th of September 1767 the confederacy of Dissidents was united with the general confederacy of malcontents in the palace of Prince Radziwil, who on that occasion expressed great friendship for the Dissidents. In a few days afterwards the Russian troops in the capital were reinforced, and a considerable body of them was posted at about five miles distance.

On the 5th of October an extraordinary Diet was held. But the affair of the Dissidents met with such opposition, that it was thought necessary to adjourn the meeting till the 12th, during which interval every expedient was used to gain over those who opposed Prince Radziwil's plan. This was, to appoint a commission furnished with full power to enter into conference with Prince Repnin, the Russian ambassador, concerning the affairs of the Dissidents. But notwithstanding all the pains taken, the meeting of the 12th proved exceedingly tumultuous. The bishops of Cracow and Kiow, with some other prelates, and several magnates, declared that they would never consent to the establishment of such a commission; and at the same time they spoke with more vehemence than ever against the pretensions of the Dissidents. Some of the deputies replied with great warmth; and this occasioned such animosities, that the meeting was again adjourned till the 16th.

On the 18th the bishops of Cracow and Kiow, the palatine of Cracow, and the starost of Domski, were carried off by Russian detachments. The crime alleged against them, in a declaration published next day by Prince Repnin, was, that they had been wanting in respect to the dignity of the empress of Russia, by attacking the purity of her intentions towards the republic; though she was resolved to continue her protection and assistance to the general confederacy united for preserving the liberties of Poland, and correcting all the abuses which had been introduced into the government of that country.

It was probably owing to this violent proceeding of the Russians that Prince Radziwil's plan was at last adopted, and several new regulations were made in favour of the Dissidents. These innovations, however, soon produced a civil war, which at last ended in the ruin of the kingdom. In the beginning of the year 1768, a new confederacy was formed in Podolia, a province bordering on Turkey; it was afterwards called the Confederacy of Bar, and the intention of it was to abolish, by force of arms, the new constitutions, particularly those in favour of the Dissidents. The members of the new confederacy likewise expressed great indignation at the carrying away the bishops of Cracow, Kiow, and others, and still detaining them in custody.

Podolia was reckoned the fittest place for the purpose of the confederates, who imagined that the Russians could not attack them there without giving umbrage to the Ottoman court. Similar confederacies, however, were quickly entered into throughout the kingdom. The clergy excited all ranks of men to exert themselves in defence of their religion; and so effectual did their exhortations prove, that even the king's troops could not be trusted to act against these combinations. The empress of Russia threatened the new confederates as disturbers of the public tranquillity, and declared, that if they persisted, her troops would act against them. It was some time, however, before the Russian troops were considerably reinforced; nor did they at first seem inclined to act with the vigour that they might have exerted. A good many skirmishes soon occurred between the contending parties, in which the confederates were for the most part defeated. In one of these encounters, the latter being worsted, and hardly pressed, a number of them passed the Dniester and took refuge in Moldavia. This province had formerly belonged to Poland, but was now subject to the grand signor. The Russians, however, pursued their enemies into Moldavia; but in order to prevent any offence being taken by the Porte, Prince Repnin wrote to the Russian resident at Constantinople, that the conduct of the Russian colonel who commanded the party was quite contrary to the orders of his court, and that he would therefore be dismissed.

Great cruelty was in the mean time exercised against the Warbe Dissidents where there were no Russian troops to protect them. Towards the end of October 1768, Prince Martin Lubomirski, one of the southern confederates, who had been driven out of Poland, and had taken shelter with some of his adherents amongst the mountains of Hungary, caused a manifesto to be posted up on several of the churches of Cracow, in which he invited the nation to a general revolt, assuring them of the assistance of the Ottoman Porte, with whom he pretended to have concluded a treaty. The unhappy kingdom of Poland became the first scene of this war, and in a short time it was reduced to the most deplorable situation. In the end of the year 1768, the peasants of the Greek faith in the Ukraine took up arms, and committed the greatest ravages, having, as they pretended, been threatened with death by the confederates unless they would become Roman Catholics. Against these insurgents the Russians employed their arms, and made great numbers of them prisoners. The rest took refuge amongst the Haidamacks, by whom they were soon joined, and in the beginning of 1769 they entered the Ukraine, committing everywhere the most horrid massacres. Here, however, they were at last defeated by the Polish troops, at the same time that several of the confederacies in Poland were severely chastised. Soon afterwards, the khan of the Crime Tartars having been repulsed with loss in an attempt on Servia, entered the Polish territories, where he left frightful marks of his inhumanity; which, with the cruelties exercised by the confederates, induced the Polish Cossacks of Bracław and Kiovia, amounting to near thirty thousand effective men, to join the Russians, in order to defend their country against these destroyers. Matters continued much in the same state during the rest of the year 1769; and in 1770 skirmishes frequently occurred between the Russians and confederates, in which the latter were almost always worsted; but they took care to revenge themselves by the most barbarous cruelties on the Dissidents, wherever they could find them. In 1770, a considerable number of the confederates of Bar, who had joined the Turks, and been excessively ill used by them, came to an accommodation with the Russians, who took them under their protection upon very moderate terms. In the mean time agriculture had been so much neglected, that the crop of 1770 proved deficient. This encouraged a number of desperadoes to associate, who, under the denomination of Confederates, were guilty of still greater excesses than those who had been under some kind of regulation; and thus a great part of the country was at last reduced to a mere desert, the inhabitants being either exterminated, or carried off to stock the remote Russian plantations.

In the year 1771, the confederacies, which appeared to have been extinguished, sprung up afresh, and increased to a great degree. This was occasioned by their having been secretly encouraged and supplied with money by France. A great number of French officers also engaged as volunteers in their service; and having introduced discipline amongst their troops, they acted with greater vigour than formerly, sometimes proving more than a match for their enemies. But these gleams of success served only to light them on to their ruin. The Russians were reinforced and properly supported. The Austrian and Prussian troops entered the country, advancing on different sides; and in a short time the confederates found themselves entirely surrounded by enemies, who seemed to have nothing less in view than an absolute conquest of the country, and sharing it amongst themselves.

Before matters came to this crisis, however, the confederates had formed a design of assassinating the king, on account of his supposed attachment to the Dissidents. A Polish nobleman, named Pulaski, a general in the army of the confederates, was the person who planned the enterprise; and the conspirators who carried it into execution were about forty in number, headed by three chiefs, named respectively Łukawski, Strawenski, and Kosinski. These chiefs had been engaged and hired for the purpose by Pulaski, who obliged them to swear in the most solemn manner, either to deliver the king alive into his hands, or, in case that was found impossible, to put him to death. On the 2d of September they obtained admission into Warsaw, unsuspected and undiscovered. On Sunday night, the 3d of September 1771, a few of these conspirators remained in the skirts of the town; but the others repaired to the place of rendezvous, the street of the Capuchins, where his majesty was expected to pass about his usual hour of returning to the palace. The king had been to visit his uncle Prince Czartoryski, grand chancellor of Lithuania, and was on his return from thence to the palace between nine and ten o'clock. He was in a coach, accompanied by at least fifteen or sixteen attendants, besides an aide-de-camp in the carriage. Scarcely was he at the distance of two hundred paces from Prince Czartoryski's palace, when he was attacked by the conspirators, who commanded the coachman to stop on pain of instant death. They fired several shots into the carriage, and almost all the other persons who preceded and accompanied his majesty were dispersed; the aide-de-camp having also abandoned him, and attempted to conceal himself by flight. Meanwhile the king had opened the door of his carriage with the design of effecting his escape under cover of the night, which was extremely dark, when the assassins seized him by the hair, exclaiming in Polish, "We have thee now; thy hour is come." One of them discharged a pistol at him, so very near that he felt the heat of the flash; whilst another cut him across the head with his sabre, which penetrated to the bone. They then laid hold of him by the collar, and mounting on horseback, dragged him along the ground between their horses at full gallop for nearly five hundred paces through the streets of Warsaw. But finding that he was incapable of following them on foot, and that he had already almost lost his respiration from the violence with which they had dragged him, they set him on horseback, and then redoubled their speed for fear of being overtaken. When they came to the ditch which surrounds Warsaw, they obliged him to leap his horse over the obstacle.

They had no sooner crossed the ditch than they began to rifle the king, tearing off the order of the Black Eagle of Prussia, which he wore round his neck, and the diamond cross attached to it. Having thus plundered him, a great number of the assassins retired, probably intending to notify to their respective leaders the success of their enterprise, and the king's arrival as a prisoner. Only seven remained with him, of whom Kosinski was the chief. The night was exceedingly dark; they were absolutely ignorant of the way; and, as the horses could not keep their legs, they obliged his majesty to follow them on foot. They continued to wander through the open meadows, without following any certain path, and without getting to any distance from Warsaw. After some time, they again mounted the king on horseback, two of them holding him on each side; and in this manner they were proceeding, when his majesty, finding they had taken the road which led to a village called Burakow, warned them not to enter it, because there were some Russians stationed in that place, who might probably attempt to rescue him. From the time they had passed the ditch, they repeatedly demanded of Kosinski, their chief, if it was not yet time to put the king to death; and these demands were reiterated in proportion to the obstacles and difficulties they encountered, till they were suddenly alarmed by a Russian patrol or detachment. Instantly holding council, four of them disappeared, leaving the king with the other three, who compelled him to walk on. Scarcely a quarter of an hour after, a second Russian guard challenged them anew. Two of the assassins then fled, and the king remained alone with Kosinski. His majesty, exhausted with the fatigue which he had undergone, implored his conductor to stop, and suffer him to take a moment's repose. Kosinski refused, at the same time informing him, that beyond the wood they should find a carriage. They continued their walk till they came to the door of the convent of Bielany. Kosinski appeared lost in thought. "I see you are at a loss which way to proceed," said the king. "Let me enter the convent of Bielany, and do you provide for your own safety." "No," replied Kosinski; "I have sworn."

They proceeded till they came to Mariemont, a small palace belonging to the house of Saxony, not above half a league from Warsaw. Here Kosinski betrayed some satisfaction at finding where he was, and the king still demanding an instant's repose, he at length consented. They sat down together on the ground, and the king employed these moments in endeavouring to soften his conductor, and induce him to favour or permit his escape. His majesty represented the atrocity of the crime he had committed in attempting to murder his sovereign, and the invalidity of an oath taken to perpetrate so heinous an action. Kosinski lent attention to this discourse, and began to betray some symptoms of remorse. The king pursued the advantage he had gained, overcame the fears of Kosinski, and was at length reconducted to the capital. Upon his return to Warsaw he was received with the utmost demonstrations of joy. But neither the virtues nor the popularity of the sovereign could allay the factious spirit of the Poles, nor prevent the dismemberment of his kingdom.

The partition of Poland was first projected by the king First part of Prussia. Polish or Western Prussia had long been an object of his ambition. Exclusively of its fertility, commerce, and population, its local situation rendered it highly valuable to that monarch; it lay between his German dominions and Eastern Prussia, and, whilst in the possession of the Poles, it cut off at their will all communication between them. The period had now arrived when the situation of Poland seemed to promise the easy acquisition of this valuable province. Frederic, however, pursued it with all the caution of an able politician. On the commencement of the troubles, he showed no eagerness to interfere in the affairs of this country; and although he had concurred with the empress of Russia in raising Stanislas Augustus to the throne of Poland, yet he declined taking any active part in his favour against the confederates. Afterwards, when, in 1769, the whole kingdom became convulsed with civil commotions, and desolated by the plague, he, under pretence of forming lines to prevent the spreading of the infection, advanced his troops into Polish Prussia, and occupied the whole of that district. Though now completely master of the country, and by no means apprehensive of any formidable resistance from the disunited and distracted Poles, yet, as he was well aware that the security of his new acquisition depended upon the acquiescence of Russia and Austria, he planned the partition of Poland. He communicated the project to the emperor, either upon their interview at Nies in Silesia in 1769, or in that of the following year at Nienstadt in Austria, and from him the overture met with a ready concurrence. To induce the empress of Russia to acquiesce in the same project, he dispatched to St Petersburg his brother Henry, who suggested to the empress, that the house of Austria was forming an alliance with the Porte, with which she was then at war; that if such alliance took place, it would create a most formidable combination against her; that, nevertheless, the friendship of that house was to be purchased by acceding to the partition; that, upon this condition, the emperor was willing to renounce his connection with the grand signior, and would suffer the Russians to prosecute the war with- History, out interruption. Catharine, anxious to push her conquests against the Turks, and dreading the interposition of the emperor in that quarter; perceiving, likewise, from the intimate union between the courts of Vienna and Berlin, that it would not be in her power, at the present juncture, to prevent the intended partition; closed with the proposal, and selected no inconsiderable portion of the Polish territories for herself. The treaty was signed at St Petersburg in the beginning of February 1772, by the Russian, Austrian, and Prussian plenipotentiaries. It would be tedious to enter into a detail of the pleas urged by the three powers in favour of their several demands; nor would it be less uninteresting to lay before the reader the answers and remonstrances of the king and senate, as well as the appeals to the other states which had guaranteed the possessions of Poland. The courts of London, Paris, Stockholm, and Copenhagen, remonstrated against these usurpations; but remonstrances without assistance could be of no effect. Poland submitted to the dismemberment, not without the most violent struggles; and now for the first time that unhappy country felt and lamented the fatal effects of faction and discord.

A Diet being demanded by the partitioning powers, in order to ratify the cession of the provinces, it met on the 19th of April 1773; and such was the spirit of the members, that notwithstanding the deplorable situation of their country, and the threats and bribes of the three powers, the partition-treaty was not carried through without much difficulty. For some time the majority of the nuncios appeared determined to oppose the dismemberment, and the king firmly persisted in the same resolution. The ambassadors of the three courts enforced their requisitions by the most alarming menaces, and threatened the king with deposition and imprisonment. They also gave out by their emissaries, that in case the Diet continued refractory, Warsaw should be pillaged. This report was industriously circulated, and made a sensible impression upon the inhabitants. By menaces of the same sort, by corrupting the marshal of the Diet, and by bribes, promises, and threats, the members were at length prevailed on to ratify the dismemberment.

The partitioning powers, however, did less injury to the republic by dismembering its fairest provinces, than perpetuating the principles of anarchy and confusion. Under pretence of amending the constitution, they confirmed all its defects, and took effectual precautions to render this unhappy country incapable of ever emerging from the deplorable state into which it had fallen; as was seen in the failure of the most patriotic attempt ever made by a king to reform the constitution of his kingdom.

The kings of Poland were anciently hereditary and absolute, but afterwards became elective and limited. In the reign of Louis, towards the end of the fourteenth century, several limitations were imposed on the royal prerogative. In that of Casimir IV., who ascended the throne in 1446, representatives from the several palatinates were first called to the Diet; the legislative power till then having been lodged in the states, and the executive in the king and senate. On the decease of Sigismund Augustus, it was enacted by law, that for the future the choice of a king should perpetually remain free and open to all the nobles of the kingdom; and this law was accordingly observed, to the great injury of the kingdom.

As soon as the throne became vacant, all the courts of justice, and other parts of the machine of government, remained in a state of inaction, and the authority was transferred to the primate, who, in quality of interrex, had in some respects more power than the king himself; and yet the republic took no umbrage at this, because he had not time to render himself formidable. He notified the vacancy of the throne to foreign princes, which was in effect proclaiming that a crown was to be disposed of; he issued the universalia, or circular letters for the election; he gave orders to the starosts, a sort of military officers who had great authority, and whose proper business it was to levy the revenue, to keep a strict guard upon the fortified places, and enjoined the grand generals to do the same upon the frontiers, towards which the army marched.

The place of election was the field of Vola, at the gates of Warsaw; and all the nobles of the kingdom had a right of voting. The Poles encamped on the left side of the Visula, and the Lithuanians on the right, each under the banners of their respective palatinates. The field of election was surrounded by a ditch provided with three gates; one to the east for Great Poland, another to the south for Little Poland, and a third to the west for Lithuania. In the middle of the field was erected a great building of wood, named the szoga, or hall of the senate. All who aspired openly to the crown were expressly excluded from the field of election, that their presence might not constrain the voters. The king must be elected nemine contradicente, by all the suffrages without exception. The law which prescribed unanimity was founded upon this principle, that when a great family adopts a father, all the children have a right to be pleased. The idea seems plausible in speculation; but if it were rigorously adhered to, Poland could never have had such thing as a lawful king. They therefore gave up a real unanimity, and contented themselves with the appearance or semblance of concord.

No election could possibly be carried on with more order, decency, and appearance of freedom. The primate in few words recapitulated to the nobles on horseback the respective merits of the candidates; he exhorted them to choose the most worthy, invoked heaven, gave his blessing to the assembly, and remained alone with the marshal of the Diet, whilst the senators dispersed themselves into the several palatinates to promote an unanimity of sentiment. If they succeeded, the primate himself went to collect the votes, at the same time naming again all the candidates. "Szoda," answered the nobles, "that is the man we choose;" and instantly the air resounded with his name, together with cries of viva, and the noise of pistols. If all the palatinates agreed in their nominations, the primate got on horseback, and then, the profoundest silence succeeding to the greatest noise, he asked three times if all were satisfied, and, after a general approbation, three times proclaimed the king; upon which the grand marshal of the crown repeated the proclamation three times at the three gates of the camp.

Before the king was proclaimed, the pacta contrata were read aloud to him, which, on his knees at the altar, he swore to observe. This contract, which had been drawn up, methodized, and approved by the senate and nobility, was deemed the great charter of Poland. It provided that the king should not attempt to encroach on the liberty of the people, by rendering the crown hereditary in his family; that he should preserve all the customs, laws, and ordinances respecting the freedom of election; that he should ratify all treaties subsisting with foreign powers, which were approved by the Diet; that it should be his chief study to cultivate peace, preserve the public tranquillity, and promote the interest of the realm; that he should not coin money except in the name of the republic, or appropriate to himself the advantages arising from coinage; that in declaring war, concluding peace, making levies, hiring auxiliaries, or admitting foreign troops upon any pretext within the Polish dominions, the consent of the Diet and senate should be necessary; that all offices and preferments should be given to the natives of Poland and Lithuania, and that no pretence should excuse or palliate the crime of introducing foreigners into the king's council or the departments of the republic; that the officers of his majesty's guards should be Poles or Lithuanians, and that the colonel should absolutely be a native of Poland, and of the order of nobility; that all the officers should be subordinate to the authority of the marshal; that no individual should be invested with more employments than the law allows; that the king should not marry without the approbation of the senate; that the sovereign should never apply his private signet to acts and papers of a public nature; that the king should dispose of the offices both of the court and of the republic, and regulate with the senate the number of forces necessary for the defence of the kingdom; that he should administer justice by the advice of the senate and his council; that the expenses of his civil list should be the same with those of his predecessors; that he should fill up all vacancies in the space of six weeks; that this should be his first business in the Diet, obliging the chancellor to publish his appointments in due form; that the king should not diminish the treasure kept at Cracow, but, on the contrary, endeavour to augment it, as well as the number of the crown jewels; that he should not borrow money without the consent of the Diet; that he should not equip a naval force, without the consent and full approbation of the republic; that he should profess the Roman Catholic faith, and promote, maintain, and defend it, throughout all the Polish dominions; and, finally, that all their several liberties, rights, and privileges, should be preserved to the Poles and Lithuanians in general, and to all the districts and provinces contained within each of these great divisions, without change, alteration, or the smallest violation, except by the consent of the republic. To these articles a variety of others were added, according to circumstances and the humour of the Diet; but what has been recited formed the standing conditions, which were scarcely ever altered or omitted.

The Diet of Poland was composed of the king, the senate, bishops, and the deputies of the nobility or gentry of every palatinate, called, in their collective capacity, comitia tota, that is, when the states assembled in the city without arms and horses; or comitia pulchra, when they met in the fields armed, as during an interregnum, at the Diet of election. It was a prerogative of the crown to assemble the Diet at any particular place, except on occasion of a coronation, which the custom of the country required should be celebrated at the capital. For a number of years, indeed, the Diet assembled regularly at Warsaw; but, on complaints being made by the Lithuanians, it was agreed that every third Diet should be held at Grodno. When it was proposed to hold a general Diet, the king, or, in case of an interregnum, the primate, issued writs to the palatines of the several provinces, specifying the time and place of the meeting. A sketch likewise was sent of the business to be deliberated on by the assembly; the senate was consulted in this particular, and six weeks were allowed the members to prepare themselves for the intended session. It is remarkable, that the Diet never sat more than six weeks in the most critical conjunctures and pressing emergencies; nay, they have been known to break up in the middle of an important debate, and to leave the business to a future meeting. This custom has been justly esteemed one of the greatest defects of the Polish constitution; but it probably owed its origin to convenience, and was afterwards superstitiously observed from whim and caprice. On receipt of the king's writ, the palatine communicated the meeting of the Diet to all the castellans, starosts, and other inferior officers and gentry within his jurisdiction; requiring them to assemble on a certain day to elect deputies, and take into consideration the business specified in the royal summons. These meetings were called petty diets, dietines, or lenitage, in the language of the country, every gentleman possessing three acres of land having a vote, and matters being determined by a majority; whereas in the general Diet decrees were only valid when the whole body was unanimous. Every palatinate had three representatives, though the business devolved on one called a nuncio, who was elected on account of his ability and experience; and the other two were added only to give weight to this leading member, and by their magnificent appearance do honour to the palatinate which they represented. As these deputies, since the reign of Casimir III., had seats in the Diet, it naturally divided the general assembly into two bodies, the upper and lower; the one being composed of the senate, the superior clergy, and the great officers; and the other of the representatives of the palatinates, who prepared all business for the superior body.

The first business of the assembly was to choose a marshal, upon which occasion the debates and tumults often ran high. After his election the marshal kissed the king's hand, and the chancellor, as the royal representative, reported the matter to be deliberated by the Diet. Then the marshal acquainted the king with the instructions the deputies had received from their constituents, the grievances which they would have redressed, and the abuses they required to be remedied. He likewise requested his majesty to fill up the vacant offices and benefices according to law; and he was answered by a formal speech from the chancellor, who reported the king's inclination to satisfy his people, as soon as he had consulted his faithful senate. In certain customs observed by the Polish Diet, there was something peculiarly absurd and preposterous. One in particular merits attention. Not only was an unanimity of voices necessary to pass any bill, and constitute a decree of the Diet, but every bill likewise required to be unanimously assented to, or none could take effect. Thus, if out of twenty bills one happened to be opposed by a single voice, called the liberum veto, all the rest were thrown out, and the Diet had met, deliberated, and debated, during six weeks, to no purpose whatever.

To add to the inconveniences which attended the composition of the Diet of Poland, a spirit of venality and deputies, and a general corruption, had seized all ranks and degrees in that assembly. There, as in some other countries, the cry of liberty was kept up for the sake of private interest. Deputies came with a full resolution of profiting by their patriotism, and not lowering their voice without a gratification. Determined to oppose the most salutary measures of the court, they either withdrew from the assembly, and protested against all that should be transacted in their absence, or else excited such a clamour as rendered it necessary for the court to silence them by some lucrative pension, donation, or employment. Thus the business of the assembly was not only obstructed by its own members, but frequently by largesses from neighbouring powers, and sometimes by the liberality of an open enemy, who had the art of distributing his money with discretion.

Perhaps the most respectable department of the Polish government was the senate, composed of the bishops, palatines, castellans, and ten officers of state, who derived a right from their dignities of sitting in that assembly, and amounting in all to a hundred and forty-four members, who were styled "senators of the kingdom," or "counsellors of the state," and had the title of excellency, a dignity supported by no pension or emoluments necessarily annexed to it. The senate presided over the execution of the laws, and was the guardian of liberty, the judge of right, and the protector of justice and equity. All the members, except the bishops, who were senators ex officio, were nominated by the king, and took an oath to the republic before they were permitted to enter upon their functions. Their honours continued for life. At the general Diet they sat on the right and left of the sovereign, according to their dignity, without regard to seniority. They were the mediators between the monarch and the subject, and, in conjunction with the king, ratified all the laws passed by the nobility. As a senator was bound by oath to maintain the liberties of the republic, it was thought no disrespect to majesty that they reminded the prince of his duty. They were his counsellors, and this freedom of speech constituted an inseparable prerogative of their office.

Such was the constitution of Poland before being remodelled by the partitioning powers. That it was in all respects a very bad one, needs no proof whatever. But those foreign reformers did not improve it. For two centuries at least, the Poles had with great propriety denominated their government a republic, because the king was so exceedingly limited in his prerogative that he resembled more the chief of a commonwealth than the sovereign of a powerful monarchy. That prerogative, already too confined to afford protection to the peasants, groaning under the tyranny of the nobles, was, after the partition-treaty, still further restrained by the establishment of the Permanent Council, which was vested with the whole executive authority, leaving to the sovereign nothing but the name. The permanent council consisted of thirty-six persons, elected by the Diet out of the different orders of nobility; and though the king, when present, presided in it, he could not exert a single act of power without the consent of the majority of persons, who might well be called his colleagues.

That the virtuous and accomplished Stanislas should have laboured to extricate himself and the great body of the people from such unparalleled oppression, and that the more respectable portion of the nation should have wished to give to themselves and their posterity a better form of government, was surely very natural and very meritorious. The influence of the partitioning powers was indeed exerted to render the king contented with his situation. His revenues, which before did not exceed L100,000, were now increased to three times that sum. The republic likewise agreed to pay his debts, amounting to upwards of L400,000. It also bestowed on him, in hereditary possession, four starosties or governments of castles, with the districts belonging to them, and reimbursed him for the money which he had laid out on account of the state. It was likewise agreed that the revenues of the republic should be raised to thirty-three millions of florins, or nearly two millions sterling; and that the army should consist of thirty thousand men. Soon after the conclusion of peace with Turkey, the empress of Russia also made the king a present of 250,000 rubles, as a compensation for that part of his dominions which had fallen into her hands.

These bribes, however, were not sufficient to blind the penetration of Stanislas, nor to cool the ardour of his patriotism. He laboured for posterity, and with such apparent success, that on the 3d of May 1791, a new constitution of the government of Poland was established by the king, together with the confederate states assembled in double number to represent the Polish nation. That this constitution was perfect, we are far from asserting; but it was probably as much so as the inveterate prejudices of the nobles would admit of. It deviated as little as possible from the ancient forms, and consisted of eleven articles respecting the government of the republic, to which were added twenty-one sections, regulating the dieties or primary assemblies of Poland.

The first article of this constitution established the Roman Catholic faith, with its various privileges and immunities, as the dominant national religion; but to all other people, of whatever persuasion, it secured peace in matters of faith, and the protection of government. The second article guaranteed to the nobility or the equestrian order all the privileges which it enjoyed under the kings of the house of Jagellon. The third and fourth articles granted to the free royal towns internal jurisdictions of their own; and exempted the peasants from slavery, declaring every man free as soon as he set his foot on the territory of the republic. The fifth article, after declaring, that in civil society all power should be derived from the will of the people, enacted that the government of the Polish nation should be composed of three distinct powers; the Legislative, in the states assembled; the Executive, in the king and the council of inspection; and the Judicial power, in the jurisdictions existing or to be established. The sixth and seventh articles, as being of more importance, we shall state the substance of at greater length.

According to the former, the Diet, or the legislative power, was to be divided into two houses, viz. the House of Nuncios or deputies, and the House of Senate, where the king was to preside. The former, being the representative and central point of supreme national authority, was to possess the pre-eminence in the legislature; therefore all bills were to be decided first in this house.

Within the competency of the House of Nuncios were included all general laws, constitutional, civil, and criminal, besides perpetual taxes; matters concerning which the king was to issue his propositions by the circular letters sent before the dieties to every palatinate and to every district for deliberation, and which, coming before the house with the opinions expressed in the instructions given to their representatives, should be taken the first for decision. Next, particular laws, viz. temporal taxes; regulations of the mint; contracting public debts; creating nobles, and other casual recompenses; reparation of public expenses, both ordinary and extraordinary; concerning war and peace, with the ratification of treaties both political and commercial; all diplomatic acts and conventions relative to the laws of nations; examining and acquitting different executive departments, and similar subjects arising from the accidental exigencies and circumstances of the state; in all which the propositions coming directly from the throne into the house of nuncios, were to have a preference in discussion before the private bills.

In regard to the House of Senate, it was to consist of the bishops, palatines, castellans, and ministers, under the presidency of the king, who should have but one vote, and the casting voice in case of parity, which he might give either personally or by a message to the house. Its power and duty were clearly defined. First, every general law that passed formally through the house of nuncios was to be sent immediately to this, which either accepted or suspended it till further national deliberation, by a majority of votes, as prescribed by law. If accepted, it became a law in all its force; if suspended, it might be resumed at the next Diet, and if it was then agreed to again by the house of nuncios, the senate must submit to it. Secondly, in every particular law or statute of the Diet touching the matters above specified, as soon as it had been determined by the house of nuncios, and sent up to the senate, the votes of both houses should be jointly computed, and the majority, as described by law, should be considered as the will of the nation. Those senators and ministers who, from their share in the executive power, were accountable to the republic, had no active voice in the Diet, but might be present in order to give necessary explanations to the states.

These ordinary legislative Diets were to have an uninterrupted existence, and be always ready to meet. The length of sessions was to be determined by the law concerning Diets. If convened upon some urgent occasion out of ordinary session, they were only to deliberate on the subject which occasioned such a call, or on circumstances which might arise out of it. No law or statute enacted by such ordinary Diet could be altered or annulled by the same. The majority of votes was to decide everything and everywhere; therefore the liberum veto was utterly abolished, together with all sorts of confederacies and confederate Diets, as contrary to the spirit of the constitution, as undermining the government, and as being ruinous to society. The framers of this constitution, willing to prevent violent and frequent changes in the national constitution, yet consi- dering the necessity of perfecting it after experiencing its effects on public prosperity, determined the period of every twenty-five years for an extraordinary constitutional Diet, to be held for the revision of the constitution, and making such changes and alterations as might be found requisite.

The seventh article proceeds on the principle that the most perfect government cannot exist or endure without an effectual executive power. The happiness of the nation depends on just laws, but the good effects of laws flow only from their execution. The framers of this constitution, therefore, having secured to the Polish nation the right of enacting laws for themselves, the supreme inspection over the executive power, and the choice of their magistrates, intrusted to the king and his council the highest power of executing the laws. This council was to be called Straz, or the Council of Inspection. The duty of such executive power was to watch over the laws, and to see them strictly executed according to their import, even by means of public force, should it be found necessary. All departments and magistrates were bound to obey its directions. This executive power could not assume the right of making laws, or of interpreting them. It was expressly forbidden to contract public debts; to alter the repartition of the national income, as fixed by the Diet; to declare war; to conclude definitively any treaty, or any diplomatic act; it was only allowed to carry on negotiations with foreign courts, and facilitate temporary occurrences, always with reference to the Diet.

The crown of Poland was declared to be elective in regard to families, and it was so settled for ever. But it was resolved to adopt hereditary succession to the throne. Therefore it was enacted and declared that, after the expiration of the present king's life, the elector of Saxony should reign over Poland, and in his person should the dynasty of future kings of Poland commence.

Every king, on his accession to the throne, was to take a solemn oath to God and the nation, to support the present constitution, and to fulfill the pacta conventa. The king's person was sacred and inviolable. As no act could proceed immediately from him, he could not in any manner be responsible to the nation; he was not an absolute monarch, but the father and the head of the people; and his revenues, as fixed by the pacta conventa, were to be sacredly preserved. All public acts, the acts of magistrates, and the coin of the kingdom, were to bear his name. He had the right of pardoning those who were condemned to death, except the crimes were against the state; and in time of war he had the supreme command of the national forces, but he might appoint the commanders of the army, with the consent of the states. The nomination to all offices and dignities was vested in him.

The king's Council of Inspection was to consist of the primate as the head of the clergy, and the president of the commission of education, or the first bishop in ordine; of five ministers, viz. those of police, justice, war, finances, and foreign affairs; of two secretaries to keep the protocols, one for the council, and another for the foreign department; but both without a decisive vote. The hereditary prince, on coming of age, and having taken the oath to preserve the constitution, might assist at all sessions of the council, but could have no vote therein. The marshal of the Diet had also a right to sit in this council, without taking any share in its resolves, in order that he might call together the Diet, always existing; for, should he deem the convocation of the Diet absolutely necessary, and should the king refuse to do it, the marshal was bound to issue his circular letters to all nuncios and senators, aducing real motives for such meeting. The cases demanding such convocation of the Diet were the following: First, in a pressing necessity concerning the law of nations, and particularly in case of a neighbouring war; secondly, in case of an internal commotion, menacing the country with revolution, or of a collision between magistrates; thirdly, in an evident danger of general famine; fourthly, in the orphan state of the country, by demise of the king, or in case of the king's dangerous illness. All the resolutions of the council of inspection were to be examined by the rules above mentioned.

If it should happen that two thirds of secret votes in both houses demanded the changing of any person, either in the council, or any executive department, the king was bound to nominate another; and when these ministers were denounced and accused before the Diet, of any transgression of positive law, they were answerable with their persons and fortunes. Such impeachments being determined by a simple majority of votes, collected jointly from both houses, were to be tried immediately by the comital tribunal, where the accused were to receive their final judgment and punishment if found guilty, or to be honourably acquitted on sufficient proof of innocence.

In order to form a necessary organization of the executive power, there were established separate commissions connected with the above council, and subject to its ordinance. These were commissions of education, of police, of war, and of treasury.

The eighth article regulated the administration of justice. It constituted primary courts of justice for each province, or district, composed of judges chosen at the diet; and appointed higher tribunals, one being erected in each of the three provinces into which the kingdom was divided, with which appeals might be lodged from the primary courts. It likewise appointed for the trial of persons accused of crimes against the state, one supreme general tribunal for all classes, called a comital tribunal, or court composed of persons chosen at the opening of every Diet. The ninth article provided a regency during the king's minority, in case of his settled alienation of reason, or upon the emergency of his being made a prisoner of war.

The regulation of the dietines contained nothing that can be interesting to a British reader, except what related to the election and duties of nuncios or representatives to the duties of general Diet. And here it was enacted, that persons having a right to vote must all be nobles of the equestrian order; that is, all hereditary proprietors of landed property, or possessed of estates by adjudication for a debt, paying territorial tax to government; brothers inheriting estates before they have shared their succession; all mortgagees who paid a hundred florins of territorial tax per year from their possessions; and all life-holders of lands paying territorial tax to the same amount. All nobles in the army possessed of such qualifying estates had a vote in their respective districts in time of peace, and when absent on leave during war; and legal possession was understood to qualify when it had been acquired and actually enjoyed for twelve calendar months previously. Persons who had no right to vote were those of the equestrian order that were not actually possessed of a property as described in the foregoing article; such as held royal, ecclesiastical, or noble lands, even with right of inheritance, but on condition of some duty or payment to their principals; gentry possessing estates on feudal tenure, called ordynacie, as being bound to certain personal service thereby; all renters of estates that had no other qualifying property; those that had not attained eighteen years of age; persons criminis notati, and those that were under a decree passed in default, even in the first instance, for having disobeyed any judicial court.

Every person of the equestrian order that paid territorial tax to government for his freehold, let it be ever so small, eligible and was eligible to all elective offices in his respective district, noteligible. Gentlemen actually serving in the army, even possessed of landed hereditary estate, must have served six complete years before they could be eligible to the office of nuncio only. But this condition was dispensed with in favour of those that had before filled some public function. Whoever was not personally present at the dietine; whoever had not completed twenty-three years of age; whoever had not been in any public function, nor passed the biennial office of a commissary in the orderly commission; those that were not exempted by law from obligations of scarta bella-tus, which subjected all newly-nobilitated persons to certain civil restrictions until the next generation; and, lastly, all those against whom might be objected a decree in contumaciam in a civil cause, were not eligible.

Such were the heads of the Polish constitution established by the king and the confederates in 1791. It will not bear a comparison with systems which have been matured by long experience; but it is surely infinitely superior to the motley form of government which, for a century previous, rendered Poland a perpetual scene of war, tumult, tyranny, and rebellion. Many of the corrupt nobles, however, perceiving that it would curb their ambition, deprive them of the base means which they had long enjoyed of gratifying their avarice by setting the crown to sale, and render it impossible for them to continue with impunity their tyrannical oppression of the peasants, protested against it, and withdrew from the confederates. This was nothing more than what might have been expected, or than what the king and his friends undoubtedly expected. But the malcontents were not satisfied with a simple protest; they preferred their complaints to the empress of Russia, who, ever ready on all occasions, and on the slightest pretence, to invade Poland, poured her armies into the republic, and surrounding the king and the Diet with ferocious soldiers, compelled them, by the most indecent menaces, to undo their glorious labour of love, and to restore the constitution as settled after the partition-treaty.

On the 21st of April 1792, the Diet received the first notification from the king, of the inimical and unjust intentions of Russia. He informed them that, without the shadow of pretence, this power had determined to invade the territory of the republic with an army of sixty thousand men. This formidable force, commanded by Generals Solikof, Michelson, and Koszalkowski, was afterwards to be supported by a corps of twenty thousand, and by the troops then acting in Moldavia, amounting to seventy thousand. The king, however, professed that he was not discouraged; and he declared his readiness to put himself at the head of the national troops, and to terminate his existence in a glorious contest for the liberties of his country. Then, and not before, the Diet decreed the organization of the army, and its augmentation to a hundred thousand. The king and the council of inspection were invested with unlimited authority in everything that regarded the defence of the kingdom. Magazines were ordered to be constructed when it was too late, and quarters to be provided for the army. The Diet and the nation rose as one man to maintain their independence. All private animosities were obliterated, all private interests were sacrificed; the greatest encouragements were held forth to volunteers to enroll themselves under the national standard; and it was unanimously decreed by the Diet that all private losses should be compensated out of the public treasury.

On the 18th of May the Russian ambassador delivered a declaration worthy of such a cause. It asserted that this wanton invasion, which was evidently against the sense of almost every individual Pole, was intended solely for the good of the republic. It censured the precipitancy with which the new constitution had been adopted, and ascribed the ready consent of the Diet to the influence of the mob of Warsaw. It represented the constitution as a violation of the principles on which the Polish republic was founded; complained of the licentiousness with which the sacred name of the empress was treated in some speeches of the members; and concluded by professing, that on these accounts, and in behalf of the emigrant Poles, her imperial majesty had ordered her troops to enter the territories of the republic. At the moment when this declaration was delivered to the Diet, the Russian troops, accompanied by Counts Potocki, Rzewuski, Branicki, and a few Polish renegades, appeared upon the frontiers, and, before the close of the month, entered the territories of the republic in several columns.

The spirit manifested by the nobility was truly honourable to that body. Some of them delivered in their plate to the mint. Prince Radziwil engaged voluntarily to furnish ten thousand stand of arms, and another noble offered to provide a train of artillery. The courage of the new and hastily embodied soldiers corresponded with the patriotism of their chiefs. Prince Poniatowski, nephew of the king, was appointed commander-in-chief; and though his force was greatly inferior to the enemy, it must be confessed that he made a noble stand.

The perfidy, the meanness, and the duplicity manifested by Prussia on this occasion is probably without a parallel in history. By the treaty of defensive alliance, solemnly contracted between the republic of Poland and the king of Prussia, and ratified on the 23rd of April 1790, it is expressly stipulated, that the contracting parties shall do all in their power to guarantee and preserve to each other reciprocally the whole of the territories which they respectively possess; that, in case of menace or invasion from any foreign power, they shall assist each other with their whole force, if necessary; and that if any foreign power whatever should presume to interfere in the internal affairs of Poland, his Prussian majesty would consider this as a case falling within the meaning of the alliance, and assist the republic according to the tenor of the above article, that is, with his whole force. What, then, was the pretext for violating this treaty? It was this, that the empress of Russia had shown a decided opposition to the order of things established in Poland on the third of May 1791, and was provoked by Poland presuming to put herself into a posture of defence. It is ascertained, however, by the most authentic documents, that nothing was effected on the 3rd of May 1791, to which Prussia had not previously assented, and which she did not afterwards sanction; and that Prussia, according to the assertion of her own king, did not intimate a single doubt respecting the revolution till several months after it had taken place; in short, to use the king's own words as explanatory of his double politics, "not till the general tranquillity of Europe permitted him to explain himself." Instead, therefore, of assisting Poland, Prussia insultingly recommended to Poland to retrace her steps; in which case, she said that she would be ready to attempt an accommodation in her favour. But this attempt was never made, and probably never intended; for the empress pursued her measures without opposition.

The duchy of Lithuania was the great scene of action in War little progress before the middle of the month of June. On the 10th of that month, General Judycki, who commanded a detachment of the Polish troops between Mire and Swierzna, was attacked by the Russians; but, after a combat of some hours, he obliged them to retire with the loss of five hundred men dead on the field. The general was desirous of profiting by this advantage, by pursuing the enemy, but was prevented by a violent fall of rain. On the succeeding day, the Russians rallied again to the attack; and it then too fatally appeared that the Poles, being young and undisciplined, were unable to contend with an inferior force against experienced troops and able generals. By a masterly manoeuvre, the Russians contrived to surround their antagonists, at a moment when the Polish general supposed that he had obliged the enemy to retreat; and though the field was contested with the utmost valour by the troops of the republic, they were at length compelled to give way, and to retire towards Nieswiesz.

On the 14th another engagement took place near Lubar, on the banks of the river Sluez, between a detachment of the Russian grand army and a party of Polish cavalry despatched by Prince Joseph Poniatowski to intercept the enemy. The patriotic bravery of the Poles proved victorious in this contest; but upon reconnoitring the force of the enemy, the prince found himself incapable of making a successful stand against such superior numbers. He, therefore, gave orders to strike the camp at Lubar, and commenced a precipitate retreat. During their march, the Polish rear was harassed by a body of about four thousand Russians. The Polish army next directed its course towards Zielime, where meeting, on the 17th, with a reinforcement from Zaslow, it halted to give battle to the enemy. The Russians were upwards of seventeen thousand strong, with twenty-four pieces of cannon, and the force of the republic much inferior. After a furious contest, from seven in the morning till five in the afternoon, the Russians were at length obliged to retreat, and leave the field of battle in possession of the patriots.

Notwithstanding these exertions, the Poles were obliged gradually to retire before their numerous and disciplined enemies. Nieswiesz, Wilna, Minsk, and several other places of less consequence, fell one after another into their hands. On a truce being proposed to the Russian general Kochowski, the proposal was haughtily rejected; whilst the desertion of vice-brigadier Rudnicki and some others, who preferred dishonour to personal danger, proclaimed a tottering cause. The progress of the armies of Catharine was marked with devastation and cruelty; whilst such was the aversion of the people, both to the cause and the manner of conducting it, that, as they approached, the country all around became a wilderness, where scarcely a human being was to be seen.

In the mean time, a series of petty defeats, to which the inexpertness of the commanders, and the intemperate valour of newly-raised troops, appear to have greatly contributed, served at once to distress and dispirit the defenders of their country. Prince Poniatowski continued to retreat; and on the 17th of July, his rear being attacked by a very superior force, it suffered a considerable loss, although the skill and the courage of General Kosciuszko enabled him to make a most respectable defence. On the 18th, a general engagement took place between the two armies. The Russian line extended opposite Dubienka, along the river Bug, as far as Opalin; and the principal column, consisting of fourteen thousand men, was chiefly directed against the division of General Kosciuszko, which consisted only of five thousand men. After a most vigorous resistance, in which the Russians lost upwards of four thousand men, the troops of the republic were compelled to give way before the superior numbers of the enemy, and to retire further into the country.

This unequal contest was at last prematurely terminated. The king, whose benevolent intentions were, perhaps, overpowered by his mental imbecility, and whose age and infirmities, probably, rendered him unequal to the difficulties and dangers which must attend a protracted war, instead of putting himself at the head of his army, determined at once to surrender at discretion. On the 23rd of July he summoned a council of all the deputies at that moment in Warsaw, and laid before them the last despatches from the empress, which insisted upon total and unreserved submission. He pointed out the danger of a dismemberment of the republic, should they delay to throw themselves upon the clemency of the empress, and to entreat her protection. He also mentioned the fatal union of Austria and Prussia with Russia, and the disgraceful supineness manifested by every other court in Europe. Four citizens, the intrepid Malachowski, and the Princess Sapieha, Radziwil, and Solten, vehemently protested against these dastardly proceedings; and the following evening a company of gentlemen from the different provinces attended for the same purpose. The assembly immediately waited upon these four distinguished patriots, and returned them their acknowledgements for the spirit and firmness with which they had resisted the usurpations of despotism. The submission of the king to the designs of Russia was no sooner made known than Poland was bereft of all her best and most respectable citizens. Malachowski, as marshal of the Diet, and Prince Sapieha, grand marshal of Lithuania, entered on the journals of the Diet strong protests against these proceedings, and declared solemnly that the Diet legally assembled in 1788 was not dissolved.

On the second of August a confederation was formed at Warsaw, of which the renegade Potocki was chosen marshal. The acts of this confederation were evidently designed to restore the ancient abuses, and to place the country under the aggravated oppression of a foreign yoke. It is remarkable, however, that at the very moment when Poland was surrendering its liberties to its despotic invaders, the generous sympathy of Great Britain was evinced by a liberal subscription, supported by the most respectable characters in the nation, of every party and of every sect, for the purpose of assisting the king and the republic to maintain their independence; and though the benevolent design was frustrated, yet the fact remains on record as a noble testimony of the spirit by which Britons are animated in the cause of freedom, of the indignation which fills every heart in this empire at the commission of injustice, and of the liberality with which all are disposed to assist those who suffer from the oppression of tyrants.

Not satisfied with restoring the old wretched constitution, the empress of Russia seized upon part of the territory which, at the last partition, she and her coadjutors had left to the republic; and her ambassador entering into the Diet with a crowd of armed men, compelled the king and that assembly to grant the form of legality to her usurpations. The nation, however, did not submit.

In February 1794 General Kosciuszko appeared in the neighbourhood of Cracow with a small force of armed peasants. He beat some detachments of Russians and Prussians, compelled them to evacuate Cracow, and there proclaimed the constitution of 1791. Everywhere the people and the nobles flew to arms. The Russians, who occupied Warsaw with fifteen thousand men, began to seize suspected persons, and demanded possession of the arsenal. But at that moment the news arrived of a defeat sustained by a corps of six thousand Russians, with the loss of a thousand killed, and their general, Woronzow, made prisoner. Encouraged by this event, the people rose on the garrison, and after forty-eight hours' hard fighting, drove them out, with the loss of six thousand killed, three thousand prisoners, and fifty pieces of cannon. The whole country was now in arms. Russia and Prussia, however, sent a hundred and ten thousand men into Poland. Kosciuszko, pressed by superior forces, made an able retreat upon Warsaw. The king of Prussia, after besieging the city during three months, was compelled to retire towards his own territories with the loss of twenty thousand men. Here he was harassed for some time by Madalinsky with a small corps of cavalry. Kosciuszko, relieved from the Prussians, marched against the new Russian armies, which, during the siege of Warsaw, had reconquered Lithuania and Volhynia. But the battle of Nozylicz, on the 10th of October 1794, in which the Poles fought with heroic resolution against overpowering numbers, proved fatal to their unhappy country. Kosciuszko was made prisoner and carried to St Petersburg, where he languished in a dungeon until the death of Catharine. Russians, after this event, united their forces and marched upon Warsaw, where the Poles had named Wawrzecky general-in-chief. He had only ten thousand men to oppose to fifty thousand, but an obstinate resistance was nevertheless offered. The last remains of the national army were concentrated at Praga, on the right bank of the Vistula, immediately opposite Warsaw; but they were soon broken by the furious charges of the Russian general Suvaroff, who gratified his natural cruelty by the most frightful carnage. The fate of Poland was now decided. After the capture of Praga, Warsaw capitulated. Nine thousand Poles fell in the fight; thirty thousand persons of all ages and either sex were destroyed in cold blood; and thirty thousand more, who still refused to submit, were suffered to leave the place, and afterwards hunted down by the soldiery. The most distinguished chiefs were carried away to distant provinces; and the wretched king was sent to Russia, where he ended his days in 1798.

The two powers were proceeding to divide the remaining provinces between them, when Austria interfered, and declared that she would not permit the destruction of Poland unless she received a share. At that moment it was not thought prudent to raise up a new enemy; and Austria obtained a considerable addition of territory, without having struck a blow or expended a florin. The negotiation continued till 1795, when the definitive treaty of partition was signed, which closed a series of transactions unparalleled for perfidy, cruelty, and infamy in the history of Europe. Austria received Cracow, with the country lying between the Pilitsa, the Vistula, and the Bug. Prussia had the capital, with the territory as far as the Niemen. The lion's share, as usual, fell to Russia. After an existence of near ten centuries, the republic was thus erased from the list of nations. No people on earth, perhaps, have ever shown so much personal bravery as the Poles. Their whole history indeed is full of wonderful victories. But with such a vicious frame of society as we have already described, the most chivalrous valour, and the most splendid military successes, could avail nothing. It could not enforce obedience to the laws, nor maintain domestic tranquillity; it could not preserve the proud nobles from dissipation, nor prevent them from receiving bribes to repair their shattered fortunes; it could not restrain the powers which lavished the means of corruption from interfering in the affairs of the kingdom; it could not dissolve the union of these powers with the malcontents at home; it could not infuse vigour into a government corrupted by foreign gold, nor avert the invasion of foreign armies to support the factious and rebellious; it could not, while divided against itself, uphold the independence of the nations against foreign and domestic treason; in a word, it could not effect impossibilities, and though it might dazzle by its glory, it could not counteract those slow but sure-working causes which determined the inevitable doom of Poland.

The extinction of the Polish republic afforded ample scope for political declamation. The tribunes of France, the parliament of England, and the press of both countries, resounded with eloquent invectives against the perfidy and violence of the partitioning powers, and general sympathy was awakened in favour of a people whose great actions were entitled to admiration, whilst their misfortunes moved our commiseration. But complete impunity awaited the despilers of that unhappy country. The troubled state of affairs throughout Europe did not permit any power to interfere in behalf of the oppressed. A selfish and shortsighted policy paralysed every arm, and chilled every heart. The great cause of public justice and national independence found no advocates, whilst the attention of all was absorbed in a narrow and confined struggle for their own preservation. The three potentates were therefore enabled to perfect their common wickedness without the slightest hindrance; to repress the indignant efforts of the sufferers; to crowd their prisons with the best and bravest, who had either distinguished themselves in the recent struggle, or had ventured to express dissatisfaction with the new state of things; to disarm the inhabitants of the great towns, and to establish formidable garrisons of foreign troops, who were ready to crush the very first attempt at insurrection.

The Poles had no longer a country to fight for or defend; they had lost everything but honour and the feeling of revenge. They carried all they had left, namely, their valour, into the market, and soon entered into a compact with republican France. At Cracow was formed a secret confederation, the members of which offered to the French Directory to sacrifice their lives at the first call of the republic. Nor was this a vain or futile offer. Hundreds of the warlike nobles, escaping from bondage at home, proceeded to Venice or to Paris, and under Dombrowski, their brave leader, were formed Polish legions, in aid of the newly-created Italian republics, and ready to act wherever their services might be required. Their pay and subsistence were to be furnished by the Italian states; they preserved their national arms and dress; and, taking as their motto that all freemen are brothers, they fully participated in that daring spirit which then shook Europe to its centre. That they were allured by the prospect which had been held out to them of their country's restoration, is well known; and if their faith was rather the measure of their own ardent hopes than the result of any rational or well-grounded conviction, it may at least be pleaded in their favour, that the unfortunate are naturally credulous, and that a true Pole can never eradicate from his heart the belief that all his fondest wishes will one day be gratified. But be this as it may, their martial prowess contributed essentially to the success of the republican cause. Their number was increased by fresh recruits, which more than compensated the casualties of the field; their brilliant valour shone resplendent in every battle where they were engaged; patriotism and revenge alike nerved their arms for the conflict. But they soon had occasion to distrust the fair professions of the republican hero. When anxious, by his means, to preserve an entrance to the congress of Rastadt for a representative of Poland, they were coolly told that the hearts of all friends of liberty were for the brave Poles, but that time and destiny alone could restore them as a nation. Still they did not despair. If the day of regeneration was deferred, might it not yet arrive, perhaps at no distant period, when a more favourable conjuncture of circumstances would render it impossible for the French government any longer to evade urging their claims? Where justice, and freedom, and independence were concerned, they could not believe that fortune would always frown on their cause, or that iniquity in high places would secure for itself an immunity from all retribution.

The connection of the Polish legions with France exhibited the same unvaried picture of gallant services performed, and of hope deferred. Their loyalty was sustained by a strong passion for military fame; to them the tent was their home, the battle-field their country; and though they suffered severely, particularly during the absence of Napoleon in Egypt, yet they repaired their losses with astonishing promptitude, and, in the year 1801, amounted to fifteen thousand. But their blood flowed in vain. In every treaty which their valour had been instrumental in winning, their services were overlooked, and their country was forgotten. In Italy and on the Danube, Generals Dombrowski and Kniaziewicz, with their legions, represented the Polish nation, and maintained its ancient renown in arms, though to little purpose, as far as regarded their country. For five years, their bravery proved unavailing, in as far as concerned the main object for which they had fought and bled.

But with the year 1806 new hopes began to revive. The brilliant campaign of that year, the simultaneous victories of Jena and Auerstadt, and the advance of the French army into Poland, seemed an earnest of future success, a sure pledge of approaching restoration. A general burst of enthusiasm followed. Polish regiments were organized with amazing rapidity, and the approach of Kosciuszko was proclaimed. On the 27th of November, Napoleon entered Posen in triumph; in December Warsaw received him with not less enthusiasm; a commission of government was immediately organized; and as his purpose was announced, his armies were recruited by thousands of the best troops in Europe. The battle of Eylau had been a mere butchery, unproductive of any result; but on the field at Friedland, Dombrowski had given signal proofs of his own talents and the valour of the heroes he commanded; and the opening of the negotiations at Tilsit was hailed by the Poles as the dawning of a bright and auspicious futurity. But the result proved that they had been far too sanguine in their anticipations. Napoleon, in effect, though not probably in intention, betrayed them, and at the same time lost the opportunity of erecting a powerful barrier against the encroachments of Russia. Instead of restoring the kingdom of Poland in something like its ancient power and dimensions, he contented himself with forming a small portion of his conquests into the grand duchy of Warsaw, which he united with Saxony.

The duchy of Warsaw, thus established, consisted of the departments of Posen, Kalisch, Plock, Warsaw, Lomza, and Bydgoszcz, with a population somewhat exceeding two millions. With this shred and mockery of a country the Poles were highly dissatisfied. They had been taught to expect that the ancient kingdom, if not Lithuania itself, would become irrevocably their own; and their mortification may therefore be conceived on finding that Prussia was to retain several palatinates, that Austria was guaranteed in her Polish possessions, that the provinces east of the Bug were to remain in the power of Russia, and that a considerable portion of the ancient republic west of that river, as far as the department of Bialystok, was ceded in perpetual sovereignty to the czar. Still the establishment of this duchy was probably intended as a point of departure in a new order of things, the ultimate term of which should be the restoration of Poland. By the new constitution, the Catholic religion was declared to be the religion of the state; but ample toleration, and even a community of civil rights, were allowed to the Dissidents. Serfage was abolished. In the king of Saxony, as grand duke of Warsaw, was vested the initiative of all bills or projects of law, the selection of senators, the nomination of the presidents of the dietes and the communal assemblies, and the appointment of all officers, civil and military; and the Code Napoleon was subsequently admitted as the basis of all judicial proceedings.

Something had thus been gained, though the arrangement was far from being satisfactory; indeed, by some the peace of Tilsit was regarded as the grave of all their hopes. But the greater number, reposing an unexhausted faith in the justice of their cause, consoled themselves with the belief that eventually Poland would be recalled into political existence, and her independence re-established upon a sure foundation. Accordingly, in the war with Austria in 1809, they rendered the most important services to Napoleon. They conquered Galicia, without the smallest aid from France; they reduced Cracow and the adjoining territory; they regained possession of the capital, which the archduke had temporarily occupied; and they humbled their enemies on every side. What their own arms had won, they conceived that they had a right to retain, and they regarded as inevitable the incorporation of these conquests with their infant state. But they were destined to be speedily deceived. Not a foot of ground were they allowed to retain in Galicia; and half of their other conquests between the capital and the Austrian frontier was wrested from their hands. Four departments were indeed incorporated with the grand duchy, viz. Cracow, Pradom, Lublin, and Siedlec. This acquisition, however, afforded but a small compensation for the sacrifices which had been made, the forcible loans which had been raised, the lives which had been wasted, and the misery which afflicted every class of the inhabitants. In truth, the policy pursued by Napoleon in regard to the Poles bore traces of doubt and hesitation; it was always timid, seldom judicious, never generous. He had not the courage to break through the entanglements of diplomacy, by which his inclinations were fettered, and to do a great act of retributive justice, leaving the consequences to Providence. He suffered himself to be paralyzed by conflicting pretensions, and sacrificed his own glory to conciliate powers who took the earliest opportunity of betraying him.

Nevertheless, when the war with Russia became inevitable, Napoleon, with the view of interesting the Poles in his behalf, had recourse to all the arts of popular excitement, and, strange as it may seem, with his usual success. The more reflecting portion, wearied out and disgusted, refused to be again deluded. "We are flattered when our services are required," said they. "Is Poland always to be fed on hope alone?" The mass, however, swayed by their feelings, listened to the representations of the imperial agents, and a great body of Poles took the field, whilst a general confederation of nobles declared the republic restored, the declaration being signed by the king of Saxony, in whose house the hereditary monarchy was to be vested. But the enthusiasm thus excited proved short-lived. The reply of Napoleon to the Polish deputation, which had followed him to Wilna, at once dissolved the spell, by showing the deputies that he had guaranteed to the Emperor Francis the integrity of the Austrian possessions in Poland. Illyria therefore could not, as they had hoped, be exchanged for Galicia; and as to Lithuania, Napoleon not only considered, but even proclaimed it a hostile country, and treated it accordingly. But still the deputation erred egregiously in giving up all for lost. Everything depended on the success of the expedition, which would have enabled Napoleon to give the law to Austria as well as to Russia; and hence, when he exhorted them to fight for their own independence, and assured them that if all the palatinates combined they might reasonably expect to attain their object, he gave them advice which they would have done well to follow. At a moment so critical he could not give Austria a fair pretence for betraying him on the occurrence of the very first reverse; this would indeed have been the height of folly in one who had risked everything upon the issue of a single campaign. But, on the other hand, the success of the expedition must have proved highly beneficial to Poland; and, in chilling the national enthusiasm at this time, the deputation were innocently instrumental in inflicting the greatest evils on their unhappy country.

This is not the place to dwell on the unexampled disasters of the Russian campaign, which were greatly aggravated by the apathy of the Poles, and their refusal to co-operate in covering the retreat of the French army. The details are in the memory of all. The work of Napoleon was destroyed; the grand duchy of Warsaw ceased to exist; the king of Saxony was stripped at once of it and of a portion of his hereditary dominions; the allied, who were also the partitioning powers, again took possession of the towns which they had held previous to the invasion of Napoleon; and in this state matters remained, awaiting the meeting of a congress, which was to assemble to decide, amongst other things, the fate of this unhappy country.

The negotiations which commenced with the downfall of Napoleon, and were completed by the treaty of Paris in 1814, necessarily embraced the future condition of Poland, which, though then occupied by Russian troops, had from previous cession to France become a fit subject of arrange- meant, not for the eventual benefit of Russia alone, but for that of the whole European commonwealth. Public opinion, the interests of rulers, and the sympathies of the governed, were all in favour of the re-establishment of the kingdom in its ancient integrity; and the side of justice, policy, and humanity was powerfully advocated by France and England, whose ministers regarded the Polish question as one in comparison of which all others were of but secondary importance. But neither of these powers, nor both of them united, were in a situation to control the views of those interested in maintaining the state of things created by the successive dismemberments of Poland. France, exhausted by long wars, and now restricted within her ancient limits, had no longer a voice potential in the decision. Britain, with the right of remonstrance, which her minister freely exercised, was in no condition to brave two great military powers; and although Austria not only expressed a desire for Polish independence, but a readiness to surrender part of her Galician provinces in order to endow the new kingdom, yet all this might have been easily counteracted by the predominant influence of Russia and Prussia. At that period, indeed, the Emperor Alexander displayed or affected a spirit of liberality, which appears to have owed its origin to various circumstances; but whether he was sincere or the contrary, "an accident," as Madame de Stael described him, or merely the impersonation of hypocrisy and porphyry, it was certain the genius of the Russian system would govern the ultimate determinations of his policy on a subject of so much importance to his empire.

At this juncture, however, Napoleon escaped from Elba, and the whole question assumed a new phasis. In the common danger, Poland was scarcely remembered; and the czar, finding that his aid would be indispensable in the approaching contest, was enabled to insist on a measure which he had long contemplated, namely, the union of the grand duchy with Russia as a separate kingdom. The facility with which he carried his object proves the alarm that had been occasioned by the re-appearance of Napoleon, and the anxiety felt to adopt any measure calculated to prevent Polish partisanship from swelling the ranks of the invader. It was therefore decided that the grand duchy of Warsaw should be attached to the empire of Russia, under the name of the kingdom of Poland, and that it should be governed by separate institutions. "The duchy of Warsaw, with the exception of those provinces and districts which are otherwise disposed of, is united to Russia. It shall be irrecoverably bound to the Russian empire by its constitution, to be enjoyed by his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, his heirs and successors, for ever." Such are the expressions employed in an article relating to this point in the treaty of Vienna. The two sovereignties were united by the constitution alone, and not otherwise. This was the connecting link which bound them together. Austria and Prussia acceded to a similar arrangement, and also agreed to confer on their Polish subjects a national representation and national institutions. The concessions required by public opinion were made, and certain bases were solemnly sanctioned by the treaty of Vienna.

These were four in number. In the first place, Galicia and the salt-mines of Wieliczka were restored to Austria. Secondly, the grand duchy of Posen, forming the western palatinates bordering on Silesia, and containing a population of about eight hundred thousand souls, was surrendered to Prussia; which power was also confirmed in the conquests made at the period of the first partition. Thirdly, the city and district of Cracow, about twenty geographical miles in extent, and containing a population exceeding an hundred thousand souls, was formed into a free and independent republic, under the guarantee of the three powers. Fourthly, the remainder of ancient Poland, comprising the chief part of the recent grand duchy of Warsaw, with a population of about four millions, reverted to Russia, and Him was to form a kingdom irrecoverably bound, by the constitution which the czar had engaged to confer upon it, to the Russian empire. "The kingdom of Poland," said the Emperor Alexander, "shall be united to the empire of Russia by the title of its own constitution, on which I am desirous of founding the happiness of the country." Thus a part of Poland was re-established as a separate state, by the act of all the powers of Europe; and although the emperor of Russia was to be king of that state, still the independence and separate existence of the kingdom were not only recognised in the fullest manner, but at the same time solemnly guaranteed.

The new kingdom of Poland was proclaimed on the 20th June 1815, and on the 24th of December following a constitutional charter was granted to the Poles. The articles of this charter, by which Poland became united to Russia, were of so liberal a nature as to astonish all Europe. According to some, they prove that, at the time of their promulgation, Alexander was no enemy to liberal institutions. But the more probable supposition seems to be, that the earnest and loyal interposition of Great Britain and France, favoured by the declared disposition of Austria, and strengthened by the public opinion of Europe, had more effect on the mind of the czar than any presumed inclination towards liberal institutions, of which he afterwards became the most uncompromising opponent. The principle articles, which are now only matter of history, were as follow.

The Catholic religion was declared to be the religion of the state; but all dissidents were placed on a footing of perfect equality as to civil rights, with the professors of the established faith. The liberty of the press was recognised in its fullest extent. It was provided that no subject could be arrested prior to judicial conviction. The inviolability of person and property was, in the strictest sense, guaranteed. All public business was to be transacted in the Polish language; and all offices, civil or military, were to be held by natives alone. The national representation was to be vested in two chambers, one of senators and another of deputies. The power of the crown was not greater than seemed necessary to give due weight to the executive. All kings of Poland were to be crowned at Warsaw, at the same time swearing to maintain the full observance of the charter; and during the absence of the sovereign for the time being, the chief authority was to be vested in a lieutenant and council of state. The great public departments of the state were to be presided over by responsible ministers. The legislative power was vested in the king and the two chambers; an ordinary Diet to be held every two years, and to sit thirty days, and an extraordinary Diet to be convened whenever this should be judged necessary by the king. No member of the Diet could be arrested during a session, except for great offences, and not even then without the concurrence of the assembly. The deliberations of the Diet extended to all projects submitted to it by the ministry, affecting the laws and the whole routine of internal administration. The deliberations of the Diet were to be public, except when committees were sitting. All projects of law originated with the council of state, and were laid before the chambers by order of the king; such projects, however, being previously examined by committees of both houses. In the case of all projects or bills, the majority of votes was to decide. The senators were to be nominated by the king, and to exercise their functions during life. The deputies, a hundred and twenty-eight in number, were seventy-seven for as many districts, and fifty-one for communes, or about double the number of senators. To become a member of the second or lower chamber, the qualifications were, citizenship, the age of thirty, possession of some portion of landed property however small, and the payment in annual contributions to the state of a hundred Polish florins. No public functionary was eligible to a seat without the consent of the head of his department. The nobles of each district were to meet in dieties for the purpose of electing one of their body to the general Diet, and returning two members to the palatine assemblies, all dieties being convoked by the king. The class of electors was numerous, comprising, first, all landowners, however small, who paid any contribution towards the support of the state; secondly, every manufacturer or shopkeeper possessing a capital of ten thousand florins; thirdly, all rectors and vicars; and, lastly, all artists or mechanics distinguished for talent. The electors required to be enrolled, and to have attained the age of twenty-one years. The tribunals were to be filled with judges partly nominated by the king, and partly elected by the palatinates; the former being appointed for life, and removable only for misconduct, or judicial iniquity, in the discharge of their functions.

Such were the principal provisions of the charter which was thus conferred on the Poles, and received by them as the first instalment of that restitution which they hoped would one day be made effectual and complete. Its greatest defect consisted in the incompetency of either chamber to propose laws, the initiative being confined exclusively to the executive, or the king and the council of state, and an effectual check thereby applied to legislative amelioration. Nor was any provision made in the charter for the establishment of trial by jury, an institution which, however suitable to our habits and modes of thinking, may not have been equally so to those of the Poles. But it is nevertheless certain that Alexander, on his return from witnessing the prosperity of this country, which he attributed in part to our judicial system, ordained the establishment of trial by jury throughout Poland within six months; being in this carried by mere impulse, without any regard to the fitness or unfitness of the institution to the wants, habits, and prejudices of the people amongst whom he proposed to naturalize it. It is not thus that national benefits are really conferred, or that new systems can ever be advantageously introduced.

From the re-establishment of the kingdom in 1815, until the year 1820, the affairs of Poland were conducted apparently in conformity with the constitution. The benefits of the government had to a certain extent disarmed the prejudices and antipathies of the people; the opposition to ministers in the lower chamber was comparatively trifling; the emperor's lieutenant, Count Zayonczek, a Pole, endeavoured to attach the Poles to his sway; and Alexander, congratulating himself on the liberal policy which he had adopted towards his new subjects, declared in full senate at Warsaw, that he only waited to try the effect of the free institutions he had given them, in order to extend those institutions over all the regions which Providence had placed under his sway. But all this fair promise proved hollow and deceptive. From the very first there had been perpetual breaches in the constitution; and after the Spanish revolution of 1820, followed as it speedily was by the establishment of the Holy Alliance, all disguise was thrown aside, and an attempt made to suppress entirely the spirit of national independence in Poland. Count Zayonczek was only nominally the king's lieutenant. The real power was invested in the Grand Duke Constantine, who held the appointment of commander-in-chief of the army. This personage, who played so conspicuous a part in the affairs of Poland, is deserving of notice, in consequence of the position in which he was placed. Although possessed of considerable talents, he was, in fact, an untamed tiger, giving way on all occasions to the most violent paroxysms of passion. He had a strong sense of the rights of his order, and held as nought the feelings of every other class. As soon, therefore, as he found that his brother was no longer the liberal patron of constitutional rights, he gave the most unrestrained license to his natural violence and caprice. The outrages ascribed to him display a mixture of ferocity, cruelty, and cowardice, altogether unparalleled. With him no right was respected, and no condition safe. Females were insulted, abused, sometimes kicked; shaving the heads of such women as displeased him was a common occurrence; and to this was added tarring and feathering, a favourite recreation of the commander-in-chief, whose delight it was to witness these barbarities. He kept in his employment a legion of spies; and the liberty or life of every man was at the mercy of a common informer. With him suspicion was a sufficient warrant to exclude the proof of innocence, and accusation led at once to conviction.

But whilst acts of private oppression were calling forth all that hatred of Russia which is the birthright of every Pole, political tyranny was superadded, as if it were desirable to concentrate upon one point the entire indignation of a brave and devoted people. The liberty of the press was abolished, and a censorship established, in violation of article sixteenth of the constitutional charter. This was effected by an ordinance dated the 31st of July 1819; and not long afterwards the patriotic association formed by General Dombrowski, who had modelled it almost after the recommendation of Alexander, was suppressed, and a military commission appointed, which tried and condemned civilians without any of the prescribed formalities. "What have we to hope," exclaimed Dombrowski; "what have we not to fear?" This very day might we not tremble for the fate which may await us to-morrow?" Meanwhile, the secret police pursued its fatal career, and arbitrary arrests, followed by hidden condemnations, the banishment of many and the imprisonment of more, signalized its hateful activity. The university of Wilna was also visited with severity by the agents of this dreaded institution. Twenty of its students were seized, and subjected to different punishments. Nor were those of Warsaw treated with greater leniency. A state-prison was likewise erected in the capital, and its dungeons were soon crowded with inmates, victims of the execrable system adopted by the government. Nor were these the only grievances of which the people had reason to complain. Although the constitutional charter had provided that Russian troops, when required to pass through Poland, were to be maintained at the sole charge of the Russian treasury, yet for years they had been stationed at Warsaw, and paid by the inhabitants of the capital, whom they were employed to overawe. Further, independently of the violations of individual liberty, the difficulty of procuring passports, the misapplication of the revenue to other objects than those for which it had been raised (as the maintenance of the secret police), and the nomination of men as senators, without the necessary qualifications, or any other merit than that of being mere creatures of the government, were infractions of the charter as wanton as they were intended to be humiliating. But the worst of all yet remains to be told. In the dieties Russian money and influence were unblushingly employed to procure the return to the general Diet of such members only as were known to care less for the honour of their country than the advancement of their own fortunes. Instead of a Diet being held every two years, in accordance with article eighty-seventh of the charter, none was convoked from 1820 to 1825, and only one from the year 1825 until after the accession of Nicolas in 1829. Finally, an ordinance issued as early as 1825 had abolished the publication of the debates in the two chambers; and on one occasion, the most distinguished members of opposition were forcibly removed from Warsaw the night preceding the opening of the Diet. Add to all this the constant irritation produced by the ungovernable temper and consequent excesses of Constantine; the useless but vexatious manoeuvres he introduced into the army; his rigorous mode of exercise, exceeding the ordinary measure of human strength and endu- It has been matter of some surprise to foreigners that the discontented Poles did not take advantage of the Russo-Turkish war to erect the standard of independence. The reverses experienced by the Russian army on the Danube in the campaign of 1828, were so great, that an insurrection in Poland at that critical and perilous moment would have had almost every chance in its favour. But at that period the plan of the Poles had evidently not been matured. That it was even so in November 1830 may reasonably be doubted. In fact, no preparations seem to have been made, and when the explosion actually took place, it was wholly unexpected by the leading patriots, who conceived that the propitious moment had not yet arrived. At the same time it must be confessed, that the French Revolution of July 1830 produced an almost electric effect on the whole Polish nation, and, by its daring character and its splendid success, disposed the initiated to anticipate the time for a general rising. Besides, it is generally believed that emissaries from Warsaw had held confidential meetings with the leaders of the Revolution of July, and were instigated to rouse their countrymen by the promise of immediate aid from the government of the citizen king; and that such aid was confidently relied on by the Polish patriots themselves, must be known to all who have conversed with those who acted a prominent part in the national insurrection, and seems to be further confirmed by the universal impression of the people. Two other circumstances also contributed to accelerate the catastrophe. The army began to entertain a notion, not altogether unfounded, that it was to be removed to the south of Europe, to assist in extirpating freedom in France and other countries; and that its place was to be supplied by a native Muscovite force. The students of the military school likewise found ample cause of apprehension in the previous arrest of several of their number, upon suspicion of being connected with secret associations, which had for their object to promote a general rising. The repugnance of the army to the service intended for them; the apprehensions of the students, who had everything to fear from the grand duke, should he try their companions by martial law, as he had threatened to do, and most probably meditated; the conviction that the whole populace of the capital were friendly to the project of an insurrection; the secret encouragement held out by France; the eagerness of the enterprising to court danger for its own sake; the number of those who had personal wrongs or insults to avenge; and, lastly, the presumed, or rather the certain, approbation of the free in all countries towards the insurrection itself, if not towards the time and the circumstances: all these, therefore, concurred to hasten the opening of the great tragedy, the enacting of which all Europe regarded with such deep and thrilling interest.

The first object of the actors in this enterprise was to seize the person of the grand duke, their most obnoxious enemy, and to detain him as a hostage for their own safety in the event of failure. The students of the military school were the voluntary leaders of the movement, which burst forth on the 29th of November 1830. Early in the evening of that day, several of them repaired to their barracks, in accordance with a preconcerted plan; and having addressed their comrades, summoned them to take up arms. The call thus made was instantly obeyed. On their way to the residence of Constantine, who had established himself at the palace of Belvedere, in the outskirts of the city, their number was increased by the students of the university, and the young men attending the public schools. Constantine had no troops about his residence, but at a short distance from it were the barracks of three regiments of Russian guards. The hour chosen for the attack was seven o'clock, and at that time the assailants proceeded to the bridge of Sobieski, where the main body posted themselves, whilst some of the most determined pressed forward to complete their object. They forced their way into the palace, where they were first opposed by the director of the police, Lubowidzki, who, on being wounded, took to flight. Next they encountered the Russian general, Gendre, a man obnoxious for his cruelties and crimes, who was killed in the act of resisting. Lastly, when on the point of reaching the bedchamber of the grand duke, whom the alarm had just awakened from his evening siesta, they were stopped by a valet, Kochanowski, who, closing a secret door, thus enabled his master to escape undressed through a window. Constantine fled to his guards, who instantly turned out. Disappointed in their prey, the devoted band rejoined their companions at the bridge of Sobieski, where they had been awaiting the result of the attack on the palace. On finding that their first object had failed, they now resolved to gain the city, and at once proclaim a general insurrection. Their retreat was opposed by the Russian guards, close to whose barracks it was necessary to pass. But such was the spirit which animated them, such were the skill and courage they displayed, that they killed three hundred of their opponents, and triumphantly effected their retreat. On reaching the city, they instantly liberated every state-prisoner, and were joined by the school of engineers and the students of the university. A party entered the only two theatres which were open, calling out, "Women, home; men, to arms." Both requisitions were instantaneously complied with. The arsenal was next forced, and in less than two hours from the first movement, so electrical was the cry of liberty, forty thousand men of all descriptions were in arms. The sappers and the fourth Polish regiment declared early in favour of the insurrection; and by eleven o'clock the remainder of the Polish troops in Warsaw, with the exception of two regiments of guards whom Constantine had forced along with him, espoused the popular cause, declaring that their children were too deeply compromised to be abandoned. Never perhaps was any popular movement more universal or more triumphant.

By the morning of the 30th of November the commotion had subsided, and the results could be calmly surveyed. Besides the troops of the line which had joined the patriots, nearly thirty thousand citizens had taken up arms, and now swelled their dense ranks. In twelve hours the revolution had been begun and completed. In vain did the grand duke, who lay without the walls, meditate the recovery of the intrenchments and fortifications. His isolated though desperate efforts to re-enter the city were repulsed with serious loss; and finding it hopeless to contend with the mass opposed to him, he not only desisted from all further attempts of the kind, but removed to a greater distance from the walls. In the excitement consequent on this extraordinary commotion, no one will be surprised to learn that, notwithstanding the regularity with which every part of it was conducted on the part of the principal actors, some excesses were committed. But these were neither many in number nor aggravated in character; and although some Russians lost their lives, as did also several Poles, who were known to have been on terms of intimacy with Constantine, yet these men courted their fate by recklessly intermingling amongst an excited population when their passions were inflamed by the heat of battle, the tumult of victory, and the feverish excitement of revolution.

The functionaries of the government having abandoned their posts, an administrative council was immediately form- ed to preside over the destinies of the new state. It consisted of men distinguished for their talents, their character, or their services, and numbered among its members Czartoryski, Radziwiłł, Niemcewicz, Chłopicki, Pac, Kochoński, and Lelewel. But no good resulted from this heterogeneous assemblage of persons professing moderate and ultra opinions, or what may be called Whigs and Radicals. The former were not men made for revolutions, though in this instance they obtained the direction of the movement; and, in the hope of accommodation, which, from the first, was desperate, they allowed the grand duke to retire under a convention, when they might have captured his entire army, and detained himself as a hostage. At first they evidently entertained no intention of throwing off their allegiance to the czar. All their proclamations run in his name, and their claims were confined to a due execution of the charter. On the part of the provisional government, however, this seems to have been the very excess of weakness. Men who engage in revolutions, if they hope or wish to succeed, should, when they draw the sword, throw away the scabbard. Besides, as nothing less than unconditional submission would gratify the czar, it is obvious that negotiation was at once a waste of time, and a confession of indecision. The next blunder of the council was in the opposite direction. As their patriotism appears to have risen with their success, they at length insisted on the incorporation of Lithuania, and the other Polish provinces subject to Russia, with the kingdom; and, as if this had not been enough, they some months afterwards declared the throne vacant, an act which, upon their own principles, was equally rash and impolitic. But, what was worst of all, they lost precious time. The force of the first impulsion was wasted. The great and sudden outburst of national enthusiasm was allowed to exhaust itself. Russia had been braved at a time when all her energies might be concentrated to enforce submission; when neither foreign war nor domestic disturbance distracted her councils or divided her means; yet, so far from profiting by the only advantage resulting from the wild improvisation so rapidly nationalized, the provisional government acted as if their sole object had been to forego the chances which the national movement had, in the first instance, accumulated in their favour.

But all these errors were nobly redeemed. When it appeared that negotiation was vain, and that nothing but unconditional submission would satisfy the czar, they gallantly prepared themselves for the unequal struggle. Their plans were evidently not matured. Neither from Lithuania, nor from any of the other Polish provinces incorporated with Russia, did they receive the aid on which they had relied; yet the honours of the first campaign were exclusively their own. Their efforts were stupendous, and their bravery was worthy the age of Bolesław and Sobieski. The laurels which Diebitsch Zabalkanski had reaped in his campaign against the Turks, protected by mountains and fortresses, were blighted and withered in the plains of Poland. On the 25th of February 1831, his dense masses, first brought into contact with the patriotic forces at Grochow, recoiled from the shock, after one of the most unequal and sanguinary conflicts of modern times. March was illustrated by the victories of Dembiewielki and Wawr; and in May was fought the celebrated battle of Ostrolenka, where, after performing prodigies of valour, the Polish army retired from the field, unpursued, towards Modlin. In the mean time, Diebitsch had perished, the victim of disease, chagrin, and fatigue. Paskewitsch, distinguished by his Armenian campaigns, succeeded, and, following the example of his predecessor Suwarof, concentrated all his means for an attack on the capital. On the 5th, 6th, and 7th of September was fought the ever-memorable battle of Warsaw, which ended in the defeat of the patriot forces, and the loss of that city, after a struggle unparalleled in history. This blow proved decisive. European interference had been hoped for, but in vain; the faith of treaties had been appealed to without effect; the interests and the sympathies of the civilized nations of the west and the south had been invoked to no purpose. A powerful force still remained, and, for a time at least, a partisan warfare might have been carried on; but thus abandoned to its own resources, Poland must at last have yielded to her gigantic antagonist. That country had no mountain fastnesses, where her children, when overpowered by numbers, might take shelter; it had no fortresses capable of arresting and breaking the force of her assailants. Nothing could have saved her but a prompt and active interposition, founded on the treaty of Vienna; and such was the situation of France and England at the time, that neither judged it safe or expedient to interfere, otherwise than by remonstrance. What then remained, but the miserable alternative of submission or annihilation?

The Poles did submit. With reluctance they laid down those arms, which they had taken up in the hope of reconquering their national independence, and which they had so gloriously employed in many a hard-fought field. But all former experience of Muscovite vengeance could scarcely have prepared them for the miseries which have since been accumulated, in new and fearful forms, on their unhappy country. To say nothing of proscription and confiscation, her plains have been covered with ruins, her resources exhausted, her industry and commerce destroyed; abundance has given place to wretchedness and want; the countenances of her children, once so happy, are now wan, squalid, and despairing; she has no longer a name or a place amongst the nations; her language, her literature, and her history cannot any more be publicly taught in her schools; terror reigns throughout all her borders; and the victorious czar, using the utmost license of success, has even attempted to break down the ineffaceable distinctions of race, in the hope of destroying that sentiment of nationality which is part of the inheritance of every Pole. And all this has been done, or is now doing, in the face of the public guarantee of the powers of Europe, if not without remonstrance, at least without any effectual opposition, and with a systematic perseverance and determination which in time must produce a marked and decisive change in the national character of the people.

The history of the little republic of Cracow forms an appropriate sequel to that of the unhappy kingdom of Poland. That small state, created by the treaty of Vienna, and having its independence guaranteed by the same general compact, enjoyed the constitution which had been conferred on it by the three powers, until the year 1835, when, on the most frivolous pretences, it was occupied by the troops of these powers. A greater outrage against every principle of public law or public faith was never probably perpetrated. But, as in the case of the kingdom of Poland, the crime has been committed with complete impunity; and we are now given to understand that the military occupation of the republic is to be followed by its dissolution, and the last remnant of Polish independence thus annihilated. This proceeding needs no comment expository of its real character. It is an act of naked despotism, done in defiance of the other powers of Europe, and in open contempt of the most sacred principles of public law and public justice.

**Statistical View of Poland.**

**Population.**

The valuable work of Mr Stanislas Plater, published at Posen in one volume octavo, under the title of *The Geography of the East of Europe*, gives the best and most elaborate statistical description of all parts of the ancient kingdom of Poland that has yet appeared. There have been more recent works (Mr Plater's having appeared in 1825), but we are not aware of the existence of any on which the same reliance can be placed. It is accordingly from it that the following particulars have, in a great measure, been compiled.

1. In West Prussia, formed by the first partition of Poland under Frederick II., we find, on a space of 400 square Polish miles, a population of 700,000 inhabitants, viz., 350,000 Poles, 330,000 Germans, and 20,000 Jews; of whom 320,000 are Catholics, 350,000 Protestants, 20,000 Israelites, and 10,000 Mennonites. West Prussia is divided into two subdivisions; that of Dantzig, which contains eight districts, and that of Marienwerder, which comprises thirteen.

2. The grand duchy of Posen, as it now exists, with the boundaries of the surrounding states as fixed by the treaty of Vienna, contains, on 540 square miles, a population of 980,000 inhabitants, viz., 640,000 Poles, 270,000 Germans, and 70,000 Jews, of whom 580,000 are Catholics, 330,000 Protestants, and 70,000 Israelites. The grand duchy of Posen is divided into two subdivisions; that of Posen, which includes seventeen districts, and that of Bromberg, comprising ten districts.

3. The kingdom of Galicia, as at present annexed to the Austrian dominions, on a space of 1500 square miles, contains 4,000,000 inhabitants, viz., 1,700,000 Poles, 1,800,000 Rusniaks, 150,000 Walsques, 50,000 Germans, and 300,000 Jews, of whom 1,450,000 are Catholics, 2,000,000 Greek Catholics, 200,000 Russo-Greeks, 20,000 Protestants, and 300,000 Israelites. The kingdom of Galicia is divided into nineteen districts.

4. The republic of Cracow, whilst it existed, contained, on a space of twenty square miles, a population of 120,000 inhabitants.

5. The kingdom of Poland, as established by the treaty of Vienna, contained, on a space of 2870 square miles, a population of 4,128,289, of whom 3,440,557 were Roman Catholics, whilst the remainder, 787,930, belonged to other religions. Of these, about 3,000,000 were Poles, 200,000 Lithuanians, 100,000 Rusniaks, 300,000 Germans, and 400,000 Jews. The population of the towns is to that of the country as one to five; in other words, there live in villages 3,900,000, and in towns 887,000. This kingdom was divided into eight palatinates, thirty-nine circuits, and seventy-seven districts.

6. Russian Poland, comprising Lithuania, Samogitia, White Ruthenia, Volhynia, Podolia, and Polish Ukraine, contains, on a surface of 7600 square miles, 8,800,000 inhabitants, viz., 700,000 Poles, 880,000 Lithuanians, 5,520,000 Rusniaks, 180,000 Russians, 50,000 Tartars, 120,000 Lettons, 50,000 Moldavians, and 1,300,000 Jews; of whom 2,400,000 are Roman Catholics, 1,640,000 Greek Catholics, 3,233,000 Russo-Greeks, 180,000 Raskolniks (old Russian sectaries), 50,000 Mahommedans, and 1,300,000 Israelites. Russian Poland is divided into the governments of Wilna, Grodno, Minsk, Volhynia, Podolia, Kiow, Mohilew, Witebsk, and the province of Bialystok, comprising four districts.

7. Courland and Semigallia, an integral part of the republic of Poland until the epoch of its dismemberment in 1795, forms, in the actual political state of the Russian empire, the government of Courland, which, on a surface of 450 square miles, contains 600,000 inhabitants, and comprehends ten districts.

It thus appears that, on a surface of about 13,000 Polish square miles, there is a population exceeding 20,000,000. But a much higher estimate is given in the Polish Monthly Magazine, which states the superficial extent of Poland at 28,276 geographical square miles, and the population at 33,962,935, or nearly 14,000,000 more than the number above mentioned. The latter, however, so far exceeds every other estimate we have seen, that there is reason to believe it to be greatly exaggerated.

From the numerical statements above given, we find, that no inconsiderable portion of the population of Poland consists of Jews. Their first settlement in that country took place in the tenth century, when they removed thither from various parts of Germany and Bohemia, to escape persecution. In 1264 Boleslas II., granted to them a charter, which was afterwards renewed and greatly amplified by Casimir the Great. Their treatment has varied according to the temper of the times, the character of the reigning sovereign, and the degree of hatred borne towards them at particular periods. But the circumstance which has most surprised the Poles is the numerical increase of this people, whose fecundity, compared with that of Christians, is said to be as two or even three to one. Sigismund Augustus was astonished at this fact; and other sovereigns have been apprehensive that they would in time outnumber the Christian population. It has always been the policy of the Jews to conceal their numbers, by every means in their power; and it seems quite certain that every return yet obtained is much below the truth. There is no trade too vile, or even too dangerous, for a Polish Jew, provided he can profit by it. In 1806 and 1812, they were hired as spies of the French and Polish armies; and they are charged, we fear on good grounds, with betraying their employers whenever they found it their interest to do so. To the Russians, whom they were employed to watch, they rendered far more signal services than either to the French or the Poles; and their perfidy in this particular is believed to have greatly aggravated the disasters of the retreat from Moscow. The amazing fecundity of the Jews has been ascribed to their early marriages; most of them being parents at a very early age, and grandfathers before many Englishmen even think of marrying. But it may very reasonably be doubted whether early marriages are favourable to population; though there can be no question, that one consequence resulting from them is the deterioration of the offspring. In Poland, the proportion they bear to Christians is viewed with alarm, because they are not producers, but live on the produce raised by others; and it is loudly proclaimed by all the native writers, that they have been a curse to the country.

Commerce and Agriculture.

The insignificance of the actual commerce of Poland is no doubt owing to her political position. In former times, the natural resources of the country, and liberal commercial regulations, opened a wide field for the activity and enterprise of foreign merchants. During the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, Poland not only carried on a lucrative commerce with the Levant, the Black Sea, and the Mediterranean, and maintained a commercial intercourse with the Italian republics, particularly Venice; but she also exported her corn and other raw materials to the western countries of Europe, especially Holland, Sweden, and Denmark, and formed an entrepôt of oriental merchandise for the northern part of Germany and the countries adjoining. Owing to their commercial activity, Cracow and Dantzig were at an early period admitted into the Hanseatic League.

Besides wood, flax, tallow, and some other products, corn has always been the principal article of export. According to Cellarius, who wrote in the sixteenth century, the amount of corn exported in one year was 10,950,000 korzec, or 4,380,000 English quarters. Opalinski, a writer of the seventeenth century, states, that in his time, Dantzig alone received from the interior of the country more than 6,000,000 korzec, or 2,400,000 English quarters, of different kinds of grain for exportation. The importation of foreign produce was of course proportioned to the exportation of home produce; and it was abundantly supplied to Poland both by national and foreign bottoms. Holland and Venice were extensively engaged in trade with this country. But Literature with the political misfortunes of Poland its commercial importance declined; and its destruction has been completed in consequence of the system of monopoly pursued by the governments of Russia, Prussia, and Austria. In that part of Poland which is under the dominion of Russia, the consumption of every article of foreign produce is strictly prohibited, and every branch of industry is discouraged; whilst the governments of Austria and Prussia overwhelm their Polish subjects with disproportionate taxes, in the hope of thereby retaining them in more complete subjection. The consequence is, that the farmers have no motive or interest to produce more grain than they require for their own consumption; and hence, if any unforeseen contingency should occur, a famine must ensue. During the last few years this has actually happened in some parts of Volhynia, Podolia, and the Ukraine; countries the soil of which is perhaps the most fertile of any in Europe.

The trade of Poland is at present almost entirely in the hands of Jews and Russians. The exportation of corn, flax, wood, or any other article, whether by the Baltic or the Black Sea, can only be effected by these two classes, who, from the condition of the country, possess an entire monopoly, and being often directly assisted by the government, can fix any price which they deem proper to exact. And as regards importation, no produce can be introduced into Poland, except from Russia, Prussia, or Austria, or after having paid a transit duty amounting to a prohibition. Thus the part of Poland under the dominion of Russia must receive from the Russian manufacturer calicoes and all other cotton goods, beet-root sugar, cutlery, glass-work, paper, tea and coffee, salt (which is obtained from the Polish salt-mines of Wieliczka, now in the possession of Austria, but the trade in this article is, in Russian Poland, a monopoly held by the government), salt fish, and other articles. The case is precisely the same in those parts of Poland which are respectively under the dominion of Austria and Prussia. Every English or French article, and all colonial produce destined for Poland, is subject to a heavy transit duty at Dantzig, at Odessa, or on the Austrian frontier.

Poland has never been, and never will be, a great manufacturing country. Her natural resources consist in the produce of her soil, and her commerce in exchanging these for the cheaper and superior manufactures of other countries. With more than 80,000 square miles of fine wood; with the richest mines of salt Europe possesses at Bochnia and Wieliczka; with the fertile plains of the Ukraine, Podolia, Volhynia, and Landomierz, with the flax of Samogitia, so much employed in the English manufactures, the wool of Great Poland imported into Saxony, fine cattle and horses, abundance of tallow and other products; Poland possesses resources which leave no doubt that, under a good government, she will one day become, not indeed a manufacturing, but certainly one of the most commercial nations of Europe.

Literature and Science.

Before the introduction of Christianity, in the ninth century, the Polish language could boast of numerous traditional tales, warlike songs, and pastoral poems, which have been collected by Wodrich, and show that this language, having already attained to some degree of perfection, had consequently taken the lead of almost all the other Slavonic idioms. It is no doubt true that the introduction of Christianity at first retarded the natural improvement of the language, by an admixture of foreign terms; but it enlarged and purified the ideas of Polish writers, and opened a new and attractive field for their talents and genius. It may appear surprising to some, that from the ninth till the end of the sixteenth century, Poland should have produced such a number of writers in the native idiom and in Latin; especially considering the continual wars in which she was engaged for the defence of her frontiers. But the wonder will cease when it is known that schools and colleges were then thrown open to every one; that education was eagerly sought after and freely imparted; that the order of St Benedict, assisted by other religious communities, devoted their whole time and attention to the gratuitous education of every class, implanting in all a love of science and literature, a taste for the arts, a knowledge of the classics, and an affection for the muses; and that, under these same orders, the youth of the country were, both by precept and example, trained up to the practice, and excited to aspire to everything that was liberal, generous, and manly. Hence, prior to the foundation of the university of Cracow, which took place during the reign of Casimir the Great, in 1347, and preceded that of the universities of Prague, Vienna, and Leipzig, Poland possessed several historians, and other learned men, whose writings still survive to attest the early cultivation of literature in that country.

Amongst these the first place is due to the chroniclers. Gallus wrote his Chronicle of Poland between 1110 and 1135. Matthias Choleva, bishop of Cracow, who wrote a chronicle of Poland, died in 1165. Kadubek Vincent, born at Cracow in 1160, enjoyed the favour of Casimir surnamed the Just, and officiated as tutor to Leszek the Fair. He wrote his chronicle under the title of Historia Polonica, which was first published in 1612. Godzias Reszko, dean of Cracow, composed Annals of Great Poland. Martinus Polomus is known by his numerous writings, and particularly by his Chronicles of the Popes and Emperors. He died at Bologna in 1278. To this period also belong several men of science. Amongst these may be mentioned Oetavian Wolener, of Cracow, an architect, who, a little before 1044, was invited to Vienna, to erect the church now called St Stephen's. Ciolek, in Latin Vitellio, a native of Cracow, was celebrated as a naturalist and mathematician. He lived in the middle of the thirteenth century, and was considered as having contributed to improve and extend the science of optics. His works were printed for the first time at Nuremberg, in 1533, under the title of Vitellionis Perspectiva libri decem.

But whilst the intellectual superiority of Poland at this period was owing to her frequent and direct intercourse with Italy, it is to be observed that after the foundation of the university of Cracow, about the middle of the fourteenth century, she herself became the centre and source of civilization to the neighbouring nations. From this time Hungarians, Bohemians, Germans, Swedes, and Danes, who formerly used to repair to Italy for study, resorted almost exclusively to the university of Cracow. Of those who added celebrity to the university, there were some whose reputation was not confined to their own country. George of Sanok, born about 1400 and died in 1477, was first professor of moral philosophy in the university of Cracow, and afterwards archbishop of Leopol. His biography was written by Buonscorso, surnamed Callimachus, a celebrated Italian philosopher. John of Glogau, born in 1440 and died in 1477, was also a professor in the university of Cracow, and left numerous manuscripts on different subjects, but mostly on the Aristotelian philosophy, several of which were afterwards published. Dlugosz, in Latin Dlugossius, born in 1415 and died in 1480, was a statesman and historian. As great treasurer of Poland, he, on many occasions, rendered important services to his native country; he also protected science, established hospitals, and founded an exhibition or bursary in the university of Cracow. Of his numerous writings, the most important is his History of Poland. Brudzewski, born in 1445 and died in 1497, studied at Cracow, and afterwards became professor of mathematics in that university, where he had the distinction of being the master of Copernicus. He left several works, the principal of which treat of astronomical subjects and the construction of the astrolabe. Nicolas Copernik, called in Latin Coper- Nicetus, born in 1473 and died in 1543, studied at Cracow, and by divining through the mists of error, rendered venerable by time, the true system of the world, established for himself a name which will live whilst sun and moon endure. Martin of Olkusz, the school-fellow and friend of Copernicus, died in the year 1530.

These men, however, with all their individual merits, were only the precursors or harbingers of a period of higher excellence and greater refinement. Free at home, and powerful abroad, Poland, during the sixteenth century, occupied a distinguished place amongst the states of Europe; and the period of her political glory was also the golden age of her literature. Amongst the poets of this period the first place belongs to John Kochanowski, born in 1530 and died in 1584, who is justly regarded as the father of Polish literature. He was the author of works both lyrical and dramatic, and translated Anacreon, Horace, some parts of the Iliad, and also the Psalms of David, which are remarkable for purity and vigour of style. Rey of Naglowice also wrote several works in verse and prose; whilst Peter Kochanowski left translations of Tasso's Gerusalemme Liberata, and Ariosto's Orlando Furioso, which were printed at Cracow in the year 1618. Miaskowski, Sarzyński, Rybiński, Grochowski, and Klonowicz, were likewise eminent as poets. As prose writers may be mentioned Michowita, who wrote several important works, particularly on Polish history; Kroner, the son of a peasant, who by his talents obtained the highest ecclesiastical dignity in Poland (that of Prince-Bishop of Warmia), and left important works on the history of his country; Bielski, who wrote on subjects of moral philosophy and history; Gornicki, an eminent writer on politics and history, and whose style is remarkable for its purity; Strykowski, a poet and historian; and Orzechowski, an apostate priest, but a distinguished writer and speaker, who, by his defence of the principles of the Dissidents, attracted the notice of Pope Julius III., with whom he maintained a long and animated controversy.

This period also produced several men distinguished in law, ethics, mathematics and astronomy, the natural sciences, medicine, and agriculture. Amongst the lawyers and jurists may be mentioned Herbert, secretary of Sigismund Augustus, who published a collection of statutes and privileges; Malecki, who wrote a book entitled The Lawful Marriage of Bishops, Priests, and Monks; Groicki, a civilian of eminence, the author of a work on the statute law of Magdeburg; besides Januszewski, Lazarowitz, and Smiglecki. In ethics, Rey, Koszucki, and particularly Petrycy, distinguished themselves, though in different degrees. Petrycy translated the Ethics of Aristotle, and also the Policy of the same author, which he published at Cracow in 1618, along with his own commentaries. In mathematics and astronomy, Poland could boast some of the most distinguished men of the age; but as most of them published their works in Latin, it is only necessary to mention here those who wrote in Polish. These were Kłos, author of a treatise on Arithmetic, published at Cracow in 1589; Grzebski, professor in the university of Cracow, whose works on Geometry were published in 1656; and the astronomers Latos, Rożciszewski, Zebrowieki, and Bernat. Nor were the cultivators of the natural sciences either few in number or inferior in zeal and knowledge. Amongst the more eminent may be mentioned Spiezynski, who wrote several works on Botany, published at Cracow; Martin of Urzadow; Fali- mierz Syrenski, professor of medicine in Cracow, whose work on the properties and uses of plants, published after his death, is highly esteemed; Peter of Kobylny, Andrew Glader, Valenti of Lublin, Oleszko, and Umiastowski, skillful physicians, who published important works on different maladies; Trzecieski, author of several works on agriculture and husbandry, published at Cracow in 1540 and 1571; and Dubrawski, whose work on fishes, published in 1600, is still considered as a work of great merit. There were also literature during this period several writers on the art of war, amongst whom may be mentioned Strubiez, Paprocki, and Cielecki.

This, the golden age of Polish literature, continued from the middle of the fifteenth until the commencement of the seventeenth century. But from the reign of Stephen Báthory in 1586 we may date the temporary decline of Polish literature, and the corruption of the Polish language. During the seventeenth century the introduction of the Latin language into official transactions, and the great political crisis which Poland had to undergo, obstructed the tendency of the national literature, and directed the energies of the Poles towards one great object, namely, the preservation of their political existence. Amidst growing internal disorder, at once the cause and the effect of national calamity, the peaceful pursuits of science were neglected; and under the two princes of the house of Saxony, Augustus II. and his son Augustus III., Poland sunk into a state of both political and intellectual degradation; nor was it until towards the end of the eighteenth century that the national mind awakened from its long trance, and a reform was effected which has since produced good fruit. Whilst Konarski and a few others began to combat that macaronic mixture of Latin and Polish which was then so much in fashion, a number of distinguished men, such as Krasicki, archbishop of Warmia, a poet and political writer; Naruszewicz, archbishop of Luck, a poet and historian; the two brothers Augustus and Michael Czartoryski, Albertandy, Zamojski, Potocki, Kollontay, Czacki, and many others, opened a new career for Poland; and by the impulse thus given the regeneration of literature was assured, although the liberties of the nation have been destroyed.

The first place amongst modern Polish writers is commonly assigned to John Paul Woronicz, born in 1757 and died in 1829, the archbishop of Warsaw, metropolitan primate of the kingdom of Poland, and an eminent poet and prose writer. Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz, distinguished alike as a poet, an historian, and a statesman, has been elevated by his tales to a high place amongst modern Polish writers; whilst in some of his other productions, particularly his Powrot Posła, or the Return of a Deputy to his Home, he has exhibited a most lively and animated picture of Polish habits and manners. Karpinski is the Burns of Poland; and Brodziński, Felinski, and Osolinski, are likewise popular poets. Of the patriotic bards, Adam Mickiewicz is the head and prince. His effusions are generally of a plaintive character, except when they dwell with rapture on the past glories of Poland. The muse of freedom is indeed the idol of his poetical worship; and, like Schiller and Goethe in Germany, Byron and Moore in England, Lamartine and Delavigne in France, he has taken from the altar of liberty that hallowed fire the divine flame of which warms and animates his strains. Lastly, in the class of modern historical writers, no one can claim precedence of Joachim Lelewel, a name venerable in literature, and honourably known for his strict regard to truth, and the liberality of his political writings.

Lastly, in closing this survey, a melancholy feeling is awakened in the mind. We are in fact writing of the past, without almost any reference to the present. Since the failure of the insurrection of 1830 and 1831, literature may be said to have expired in Poland, or rather to have been destroyed by the barbarous despot who has sought to prescribe her history, and even to eradicate her language; but amongst the exiles there are many men of distinguished literary acquirements, whose talents and learning enable us to form a tolerable estimate of the general state of education in their native country previously to the revolution; and we know from history that high mental cultivation has long co-existed in Poland with that chivalrous heroism for which they have always been pre-eminently distinguished.