A famous city of antiquity, the capital of Africa Propria, which for many years disputed with Rome the sovereignty of the world. According to Velleius Paterculus, this city was built 65, according to Justin and Trogus 72, according to others 100 or 140 years, before the foundation of Rome. It is agreed on all hands that the Phoenicians were the founders.

The beginning of the Carthaginian history, like that of all other nations, is obscure and uncertain. In the seventh year of Pygmalion, king of Tyre, his sister Elisa, or Dido, is said to have fled, with some of her companions and vassals, from the cruelty and avarice of her brother, who had put to death her husband Sichesus in order to obtain possession of his wealth. She first touched at the island of Cyprus, where she met with a priest of Jupiter, who expressed a desire of attending her; a proposal to which she readily consented, and fixed the priesthood in his family. At that time it was a custom in the island of Cyprus for the young women to go on certain stated days, before marriage, to the sea side, there to look for the arrival of strangers on their coasts, in order to prostitute themselves for gain, that they might thereby acquire a dowry. Of these strange damsels the Tyrians selected eighty, whom they carried along with them. From Cyprus they sailed directly for the coast of Africa; and at last landed safely in the province called Africa Propria, not far from Utica, a Phoenician city of great antiquity. The inhabitants received their countrymen with great demonstrations of joy, and invited them to settle in the country. The common fable is, that the Phoenicians imposed upon the Africans. They desired for their intended settlement only as much ground as an ox's hide would encompass. This request the Africans laughed at; but they were surprised when, upon their granting it, they saw Elisa cut the hide into the smallest shreds, by which means it surrounded a large territory, in which she built the citadel called Byrsa. The Byrsa learned, however, are now unanimous in exploding this fable; and it is certain that the Carthaginians for many years paid an annual tribute to the Africans for the ground they occupied.

The new city soon became populous and flourishing by the accession of the neighbouring Africans, who resorted thither at first with a view of traffic. In a short time it became so considerable, that Jarbas, a neighbouring prince, thought of making himself master of it without any effusion of blood. To effect this, he desired that an embassy of ten of the most noble Carthaginians might be sent to him; and, upon their arrival, he proposed to them a marriage with Dido, threatening war in the event of refusal. The ambassadors, being afraid to deliver this message, told the queen that Jarbas desired some person might be sent to him who was capable of civilizing his Africans, but that there was no possibility of finding any of her subjects who would leave his relations for the conversion of such barbarians. For this they were reprimanded by the queen, who told them that they ought to be ashamed of refusing to live in any manner for the benefit of their country; upon which they informed her of the true nature of their message from Jarbas, adding that, according to her own decision, she ought to sacrifice herself for the good of her country. The unhappy queen, rather than submit to be the wife of such a barbarian, caused a funeral pile to be erected, and put Carthage, an end to her life with a dagger. This is Justin's account of the death of Queen Dido; as to Virgil's story of her amour with Æneas, it is obviously fabulous, and was so considered even in the days of Macrobius.

How long monarchical government continued in Carthage, or what happened to this state in its infancy, we are altogether ignorant, by reason of the Punic archives having been destroyed by the Romans; so that there is a chasm in the Carthaginian history for above 300 years. It appears, however, that from the very beginning the Carthaginians applied themselves to maritime affairs, and were formidable by sea in the time of Cyrus and Cambyses. From Diodorus Siculus and Justin it appears that the principal support of the Carthaginians were the mines of Spain, in which country they seem to have very early established themselves; and by means of the riches drawn from these mines they were enabled to equip the formidable fleets which they are said to have fitted out in the time of Cyrus or Cambyses. Justin intimates that the first Carthaginian settlement in Spain happened when the city of Gades, now Cadiz, was only in its infancy. The Spaniards finding this new colony beginning to flourish, attacked it with a numerous army, insomuch that the inhabitants were obliged to call to their aid the Carthaginians, who very readily granted their request, and not only repulsed the Spaniards, but made themselves masters of almost the whole province in which their new city stood. By this success they were encouraged to attempt the conquest of the whole country; but having to deal with very warlike nations, they could not push their conquests to any great length at first; and it appears from the accounts of Livy and Polybius, that the greater part of Spain remained unsubdued till the time of Hamilcar, Asdrubal, and Hannibal.

About 503 years before the birth of Christ the Carthaginians entered into a treaty with the Romans. It related chiefly to matters of navigation and commerce. From it we learn that the whole island of Sardinia, and part of Sicily, were then subject to Carthage; that the Carthaginians were very well acquainted with the coasts of Italy, and had previously made some attempts upon them; and that, even at this early period, a spirit of jealousy had been excited between the two republics.

By degrees the Carthaginians extended their power over all the islands in the Mediterranean, Sicily excepted; and for the entire conquest of this island they made vast preparations about 480 years before Christ. Their army consisted of 300,000 men; their fleet was composed of upwards of 2000 men of war and 3000 transports; and with such an immense armament they made no doubt of conquering the whole island in a single campaign. In this, however, they found themselves miserably deceived. Hamilcar their general having landed his numerous forces, invested Himera, a city of considerable importance, and carried on his approaches with the greatest assiduity; but he was at last attacked in his trenches by Gelon and Theron, the tyrants of Syracuse and Agrigentum, who inflicted on the Carthaginians one of the greatest overthrows mentioned in history. A hundred and fifty thousand were killed in the battle and pursuit, and all the rest taken prisoners, so that of so mighty an army not a single individual escaped. Of the 2000 ships of war and 3000 transports of which the Carthaginian fleet consisted, eight ships only, which happened to be out at sea, made their escape, and immediately set sail for Carthage; but these were all cast away, and every soul perished, except a few who were saved in a small boat, and at last reached Carthage with the dismal news of the total loss of the fleet and army. No words can express the consternation of the Carthaginians upon receiving the news of so terrible a disaster. Ambassadors being immediately dispatched to Carthage, Sicily, with orders to conclude a peace upon any terms, they put to sea without delay, and landing at Syracuse, threw themselves at the conqueror's feet, begging Gelon, with many tears, to receive their city into favour, and grant them a peace on whatever conditions he should choose to prescribe. Gelon granted their request, upon condition that Carthage should pay him 2000 talents of silver to defray the expenses of the war; that they should build two temples, in which the articles of the treaty might be lodged and kept as sacred; and that for the future they should wholly abstain from human sacrifices. This peace, for which there existed so much necessity, was not thought too dearly purchased; and to show their gratitude for Gelon's moderation, the Carthaginians complimented his wife Demerata with a crown of gold worth a hundred talents.

From this time we find little mention of the Carthaginians for seventy years. During the latter period, however, they greatly extended their dominions in Africa, and likewise shook off the tribute which gave them so much uneasiness. They had also warm disputes with the inhabitants of Cyrene, the capital of Cyrenaica, about a with the regulation of the limits of their respective territories. The consequence of these disputes was a war, which reduced both nations so low that they consented first to a cessation of hostilities, and then to a peace. At last it was agreed that each state should appoint two commissioners, who should set out from their respective cities on the same day, and that the spot on which they met should be the boundary of both states. In consequence of this, two brothers called Phileni were sent out from Carthage, and advanced with great celerity, whilst those from Cyrene were much slower in their motions. Whether this proceeded from accident, or design, or perfidy, we are not certainly informed; but the Cyreneans, finding themselves greatly outstripped by the Phileni, accused them of breach of faith, asserting that they had set out before the time appointed, and consequently that the convention between their principals was broken. The Phileni desired them to propose some expedient by which their differences might be accommodated, promising to submit to it, whatever it might be. The Cyreneans then proposed, either that the Phileni should retire from the place where they were, or that they should be buried alive upon the spot. With this last condition the brothers immediately complied, and by their death gained a large extent of territory to their country. The Carthaginians ever afterwards celebrated this as a most brave and heroic action, paid the brothers divine honours, and endeavoured to immortalize their names by erecting two altars there, with suitable inscriptions upon them.

About the year before Christ 412, some disputes happened between the Egestines and Selinuntines, inhabitants of two cities in Sicily, the former called in the Carthaginians to their assistance, and occasioned a new invasion of Sicily by that nation. Great preparations were made for this war; and Hannibal, whom they had appointed as general, was empowered to raise an army equal to the undertaking, as well as equip a suitable fleet. They also appropriated certain funds for defraying the expenses of the war, intending to exert their whole force to reduce the island under subjection.

The Carthaginian general having landed his forces, immediately marched for Selinus. In his way he took Emporium, a town situated on the river Mazara; and having arrived at Selinus he immediately invested it. The besieged made a very vigorous defence; but at last the city was taken by storm, and the inhabitants were treated with the utmost cruelty. All were massacred by the savage con- Carthage, except the women who fled to the temples; and these escaped, not through the merciful disposition of the Carthaginians, but because it was feared that, if driven to despair, they would set fire to the temples, and by that means consume the treasure they expected to find in these places. Sixteen thousand were massacred; 2350 escaped to Agrigentum; and the women and children, about 5000 in number, were carried away into captivity. At the same time the temples were plundered, and the city razed to the ground. After the reduction of Selinus Hannibal laid siege to Himera, a city which he desired above all things to become master of, in order that he might revenge the death of his grandfather Hamilcar, who had been slain before it by Gelon. His troops, flushed with their late success, behaved with undaunted courage; but finding that his battering engines did not answer his purpose sufficiently, he undermined the wall, supporting it with large beams of timber, to which he afterwards set fire, and thus laid part of it flat on the ground. Notwithstanding this advantage, however, the Carthaginians were several times repulsed with great slaughter; but at last they became masters of the place, and treated it in the same manner as they had done Selinus. After this, Hannibal, dismissing his Sicilian and Italian allies, returned to Africa.

The Carthaginians were now so much elated that they meditated the reduction of the whole island. But as the age and infirmities of Hannibal rendered him incapable of commanding the forces alone, they joined in commission with him Imilcar, the son of Hanno, one of the same family. On the landing of the Carthaginian army, all Sicily was alarmed, and the principal cities put themselves into the best state of defence they were able. The Carthaginians immediately marched to Agrigentum, and began to batter the walls with great fury. The besieged, however, defended themselves with incredible resolution, burnt in a sally all the machines raised against their city, and repulsed the enemy with great slaughter. In the mean time, the Syracusans, alarmed at the danger of Agrigentum, sent an army to its relief. On their approach they were immediately attacked by the Carthaginians; but after a sharp contest the latter were defeated, and forced to fly to the very walls of Agrigentum, with the loss of about 6000 men. Had the Agrigentine commanders now saluted out and fallen upon the fugitives, the Carthaginian army must in all probability have been destroyed; but, either through fear or corruption, they refused to stir out of the place, and this occasioned its fall. Immense booty was found in the city; and the Carthaginians behaved with their usual cruelty, putting all the inhabitants to the sword, not excepting those who had fled to the temples.

The next attempt of the Carthaginians was intended to be against the city of Gela; but the Geleans, being greatly alarmed, implored the protection of Syracuse; and, at their request, Dionysius was sent to assist them with 2000 foot and 400 horse. The Geleans were so well satisfied with his conduct, that they treated him with the highest marks of distinction; they even sent ambassadors to Syracuse to return thanks for the important services done them by sending him thither; and soon afterwards he was appointed generalissimo of the Syracusan forces and those of their allies, against the Carthaginians. In the mean time Imilcar, having razed the city of Agrigentum, made an incursion into the territories of Gela and Camarina, which he ravaged in a dreadful manner, carrying off an immense quantity of plunder, which filled his whole camp. He then marched against the city; but though it was indifferently fortified, he met with a vigorous resistance, and the place held out for a long time without receiving any assistance from its allies. At last Dionysius came to its relief with an army of 50,000 foot and 1000 horse. At the head of this body he attacked the Carthaginian camp, but was repulsed with great loss; upon which he called a council of war, the result of whose deliberations was, that since the enemy was so much superior to them in strength, it would be highly imprudent to put all to the issue of a battle, and that the inhabitants should therefore be persuaded to abandon the country, as the only means of saving their lives. A trumpet was accordingly sent to Imilcar to desire a cessation of hostilities until the next day, in order, as was pretended, to bury the dead, but in reality to give the people of Gela an opportunity of making their escape. About the beginning of the night the greater part of the citizens left the place; and Dionysius himself with the army followed them about midnight. To amuse the enemy, he left 2000 of his light-armed troops behind him, commanding them to make fires all night, and set up loud shouts, as though the army still remained in the town. But at day-break this body took the same route as their companions, and pursued their march with great celerity. The Carthaginians, finding the city deserted by almost all its inhabitants, immediately entered it, putting to death such as remained; after which Imilcar, having thoroughly plundered it, moved towards Camarina. The inhabitants of this city had been likewise drawn off by Dionysius, and it underwent the same fate with Gela.

Notwithstanding these successes, however, Imilcar finding his army greatly weakened, partly by the casualties of war, and partly by a plague which broke out in it, sent a herald to Syracuse to offer terms of peace. His unexpected arrival was very agreeable to the Syracusans, and a peace was immediately concluded, upon the conditions that the Carthaginians, besides their ancient acquisitions in Sicily, should still possess the countries of the Silicani, the Selinuntines, the Himereans, and Agrigentines; that the people of Gela and Camarina should be permitted to reside in their respective cities, which, however, were to be dismantled; upon their paying an annual tribute to the Carthaginians; and that all the Sicilians should preserve their independence, except the Syracusans, who were to continue in subjection to Dionysius.

The tyrant of Syracuse, however, had concluded this Carthaginian peace with no other view than to gain time, and to put himself in condition to attack the Carthaginian territories by land at greater advantage. Having accomplished his object, he acquainted the Syracusans with his design, and they immediately approved of it; upon which he gave up to the fury of the populace the persons and possessions of the Carthaginians who resided in Syracuse, and traded there, relying on the faith of treaties. As there were at that time many of their ships in the harbour, laden with cargoes of great value, the people immediately plundered them, and, not content with this, ransacked their houses in a most outrageous manner. This example was followed throughout the whole island; and in the mean time Dionysius dispatched a herald to Carthage, with a letter to the senate and people, telling them, that if they did not immediately withdraw their garrisons from all the Greek cities in Sicily, the people of Syracuse would treat them as enemies. With this demand, however, he did not allow them time to comply; for, without waiting for any answer from Carthage, he advanced with his army to Mount Eryx, near which stood the city of Motya, a Carthaginian colony of great importance, which he immediately invested. But soon afterwards, leaving his brother Leptines to carry on the attack, he proceeded with the greater part of his forces to reduce the cities in alliance with the Carthaginians. He destroyed their territories with fire and sword, levelled all their trees, and then invested Egesta and Entella, most of the other towns having opened their gates at his approach; but these having baffled his utmost efforts, he returned to Carthage. Motya, and pushed on the siege of that place with the utmost vigour. The Carthaginians, in the mean time, though alarmed at the message sent them by Dionysius, and reduced to a miserable condition by the plague, which had broken out in their city, did not despond, but dispatched officers to Europe, with considerable sums, to raise troops with the utmost diligence. Ten galleys were also sent from Carthage to destroy all the ships that might be found in the harbour of Syracuse. The admiral, according to his orders, entered the harbour during the night, without being discerned by the enemy; and having sunk most of the ships he found there, returned without the loss of a man. Meantime the Motyans defended themselves with incredible vigour; whilst their enemies, desirous of revenging the cruelties exercised upon their countrymen by the Carthaginians, fought like lions. At last the place was taken by storm, and the Greek soldiers began a general massacre, which Dionysius was for some time unable to restrain; but at last he ordered the Motyans to fly to the Greek temples, which they accordingly did, and a stop was thus put to the slaughter. The soldiers, however, took care thoroughly to plunder the town, in which they found great treasure.

The following spring Dionysius invaded the Carthaginian territories, and made an attempt upon Egesta; but here he was again disappointed. The Carthaginians were greatly alarmed at his progress; but next year, notwithstanding a considerable loss sustained in a sea-fight with Leptines, Himilco their general landed a powerful army at Panormus, seized upon Eryx, and then advancing towards Motya, made himself master of it before Dionysius could send any forces to its relief. He next proceeded to Messana, which he likewise besieged and took; after which most of the Siculi revolted from Dionysius.

Notwithstanding this defection, Dionysius, finding that his forces still amounted to 30,000 foot and 5000 horse, advanced against the enemy. At the same time Leptines was sent with the Syracusan fleet against that of the Carthaginians, but with positive orders not to break the line of battle upon any account whatsoever. Notwithstanding these orders, he thought proper to divide his fleet, and the consequence was that he suffered a total defeat, above 100 of the Syracusan galleys being sunk or taken, and 20,000 men killed either in the battle or in the pursuit. Dionysius, disheartened by this misfortune, returned with his army to Syracuse, being afraid that the Carthaginian fleet might become masters of that city if he advanced to fight the army. On the other hand, Himilco did not fail immediately to invest the capital; and would certainly have become master of it, and consequently of the whole island, had not a most malignant pestilence obliged him to desist from all further operations. This dreadful malady made great havoc among his forces both by land and sea; and, to complete his misfortunes, Dionysius attacked him unexpectedly, totally ruined his fleet, and made himself master of his camp.

Himilco, finding himself altogether unable to sustain another attack, was obliged to come to a private agreement with Dionysius, who for three hundred talents consented to permit him to escape to Africa with the shattered remains of his fleet and army. The unfortunate general arrived at Carthage clad in mean and sordid attire, where he was met by a great number of people bewailing their sad and inauspicious fortune. Himilco joined them in their lamentations; and, being unable to survive his misfortunes, put an end to his own life. Having left Mago in Sicily to take care of the Carthaginian interests in the best manner he could, this person treated all the Sicilians subject to Carthage with the greatest humanity; and, having received a considerable number of soldiers from Africa, he at last formed an army, with which he ventured a battle. Carthage. But in this he was defeated, and driven out of the field, with the loss of 800 men; which obliged him to desist from further attempts of that nature.

Notwithstanding these terrible disasters, the Carthaginians could not refrain from making new attempts upon invasion the island of Sicily, and about the year before Christ 392 of Sicily. Mago landed in it with an army of 80,000 men. This attempt, however, was attended with no better success than the former ones; and Dionysius found means to reduce him to such straits for want of provisions, that he was obliged to sue for peace, which lasted nine years. At the end of this period the war was renewed with various success, and continued with little interruption till the year before Christ 376, when the Syracusan state being rent by civil dissensions, the Carthaginians thought it a proper time to exert themselves, in order to become masters of the whole island. They fitted out a great fleet, and entered into alliance with Icetas, tyrant of the Leontini, who pretended to have taken Syracuse under his protection. By this treaty the two powers engaged to assist each other in order to expel Dionysius II.; after which they were to divide the island between them. The Syracusans applied for succours to the Corinthians, who readily sent them a body of troops under the command of Timoleon, an experienced general. By a stratagem this commander succeeded in landing his forces at Tauromenium. The whole of them did not exceed 1200 in number; yet with these he marched against Icetas, who was at the head of 5000 men, surprised his army at supper, put 300 of them to the sword, and took 600 prisoners. Then marching to Syracuse, he penetrated into one part of the town before the enemy had any notice of his approach. Here he took post, and defended himself with such resolution, that he could not be dislodged by the united power of Icetas and the Carthaginians.

In this place he remained for some time in expectation of a reinforcement from Corinth, till the arrival of which he did not judge it practicable to extend his conquests. But the Carthaginians, being apprised that the Corinthian succours were detained by tempestuous weather at Thurium, posted a strong squadron, under Hanno their admiral, to intercept them in their passage to Sicily. That commander, however, not imagining the Corinthians would attempt a passage to Sicily in such a stormy season, left his station at Thurium, and ordering his seamen to crown themselves with garlands, and adorn their vessels with bucklers of both the Greek and Carthaginian form, sailed to Syracuse in a triumphant manner. Upon his arrival there, he gave the troops in the citadel to understand that he had taken the succours Timoleon expected, thinking by this means to intimidate them into a surrender. But while he thus trifled away his time, the Corinthians marched with great expedition to Rhegium, and, taking the advantage of a gentle breeze, crossed over into Sicily. Mago, the Carthaginian general, no sooner received information of the arrival of this reinforcement, than he was struck with terror; and though the whole Corinthian army did not exceed 4000 men, he soon afterwards weighed anchor, in spite of all the remonstrances of Icetas, and set sail for Africa. But he no sooner arrived, than, overcome with remorse and shame for his unparalleled cowardice, he laid violent hands on himself. His body was hung upon a gallows or cross, in order to deter succeeding generals from forfeiting their honour in so flagrant a manner.

After the flight of Mago, Timoleon carried all before him. He obliged Icetas to renounce his alliance with the Timoleons state of Carthage, may even deposed him, and continued his military preparations with the greatest vigour. On the other hand, the Carthaginians prepared for the ensuing campaign with the utmost alacrity. An army of Carthage, 70,000 men was sent over, with a fleet of 200 ships of war and 1000 transports laden with warlike engines, armed chariots, horses, and all other sorts of provisions. This immense multitude, however, was overthrown on the banks of the Crimesus by Timoleon; 10,000 were left dead on the field of battle, and of these more than 3000 were native Carthaginians of the best families in the city. Above 15,000 were taken prisoners; and all their baggage and provisions, with 200 chariots, 1000 coats of mail, and 10,000 shields, fell into Timoleon's hands. The spoil, which consisted chiefly of gold and silver, was so immense that the whole Sicilian army was occupied three days in collecting it and stripping the slain. After this signal victory, he left his mercenary forces upon the frontiers of the enemy, in order to plunder and ravage the country; whilst he himself returned to Syracuse with the rest of his army, where he was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy.

Soon afterwards, Icetas, having grown weary of a private station, concluded a new peace with the Carthaginians, and, assembling an army, ventured an engagement with Timoleon; but in this he was utterly defeated, and Icetas himself, with Eupolemus his son, and Euthymus his general of horse, were brought bound to Timoleon by their own soldiers. The first two were immediately executed as tyrants and traitors, and the last murdered in cold blood; Icetas's wives and daughters were likewise cruelly put to death after a public trial. In a short time afterwards, Mamercus, another of the Carthaginian confederates, was overthrown by Timoleon, with the loss of 2000 men. These misfortunes induced the Carthaginians to conclude a peace on the conditions that all the Greek cities should be set free; that the river Halcyon should be the boundary between the territories of both parties; that the natives of cities subject to the Carthaginians should be allowed to withdraw, if they pleased, to Syracuse or its dependencies, with their families and effects; and lastly, that Carthage should not, for the future, give any assistance to the remaining tyrants against Syracuse.

About 316 years before Christ, we find the Carthaginians engaged in another bloody war with the Sicilians. Sosistratus, who had usurped the supreme authority at Syracuse, having been forced by Agathocles to raise the siege of Rhegium, returned with his shattered troops to Sicily; but, soon after this unsuccessful expedition, he was obliged to abdicate the sovereignty and quit Syracuse. With him were expelled above 600 of the principal citizens, who were suspected of having formed a design to overturn the plan of government then established in the city. As Sosistratus and the exiles thought themselves ill treated, they had recourse to the Carthaginians, who readily espoused their cause. But the Syracusans, having recalled Agathocles, who had before been banished by Sosistratus, appointed him commander-in-chief of all their forces, principally on account of the known aversion he bore that tyrant. The war, however, did not then continue long; for Sosistratus and the exiles were quickly received again into the city, and peace was raised to the throne of Syracuse.

Agathocles concluded with Carthage. The people of Syracuse, however, finding that Agathocles wanted to make himself absolute, exacted an oath from him that he would do nothing to the prejudice of the democracy. But notwithstanding this oath, Agathocles pursued his purpose, and, by a general massacre of the principal citizens of Syracuse, raised himself to the throne. For some time he was obliged to keep the peace he had concluded with Carthage; but at last, finding his authority established, and his subjects ready to second his ambitious designs, he paid no regard to treaties, and immediately made war on the neighbouring states, which he had expressly agreed not to do after which he carried his arms into the very heart of the island. In these expeditions he was attended with Carthage such success, that in two years he brought into subjection all the Greek part of Sicily; and when this was accomplished, he committed great devastations in the Carthaginian territories, their general Hamilcar not offering to give him the least disturbance. Conduct so perfidious greatly incensed the people of those districts against Hamilcar, whom they accused before the senate. He died however, in Sicily, and Hamilcar the son of Gisco was appointed to succeed him in the command of the forces. The last place which held out against Agathocles was Messana, whither all the Syracusan exiles had retired. But Pasiphius, Agathocles's general, found means to cajole the inhabitants into a treaty, which Agathocles, according to custom, paid no regard to; and as soon as he got possession of the town he cut off all those who had opposed his government; for, as he intended to prosecute the war with the utmost vigour against Carthage, he thought it a point of good policy to destroy as many of his Sicilian enemies as possible.

In the mean time the Carthaginians having landed a powerful army in Sicily, an engagement soon ensued, in which Agathocles was defeated with the loss of 7000 men. After this defeat he was obliged to shut himself up in Syracuse, which the Carthaginians immediately invested, and most of the Greek states in the island submitted to them.

Agathocles, seeing himself stripped of almost all his dominions, and his capital itself in danger of falling into the hands of the enemy, formed a design, which, were it not attested by writers of undoubted authority, would seem absolutely incredible. This was no less than to transfer Heinwads the war into Africa, and lay siege to the enemy's capital, Africa, at a time when he himself was besieged, and only one city left to him in all Sicily. Before he departed, however, he made all the necessary preparations for the defence of the place, and appointed his brother Antandrus governor. He also gave permission to all who were not willing to encounter the fatigues of a siege to retire out of the city. Many of the principal citizens accepted of this offer; but they had no sooner got out of the place than they were cut off by parties posted on the road for that purpose. Having seized upon their estates, Agathocles raised a considerable sum, which was intended in some measure to defray the expense of the expedition. He carried with him, however, only fifty talents to supply his present wants, being well assured that he should find in the enemy's country whatever was necessary for his subsistence. As the Carthaginians had a much superior fleet, they for some time kept the mouth of the harbour blocked up; but at last a fair opportunity offered, and Agathocles weighing anchor, soon got clear of both the port and city of Syracuse. The Carthaginians pursued him with all expedition; but notwithstanding their utmost efforts, Agathocles kept ahead, and landed his troops with very little opposition.

Soon after his forces had disembarked, Agathocles burnt his fleet, in order that his soldiers might behave with his fleet greater resolution, when they saw all possibility of retreat cut off. He first advanced to a place called the Great City, which, after a feeble resistance, he took and plundered. He then marched to Tunis, which surrendered on the first summons; and Agathocles levelled both places with the ground.

The Carthaginians were at first thrown into the greatest consternation. But, soon recovering themselves, the citizens took up arms with so much alacrity, that in a short time they raised an army of 40,000 foot and 1000 horse, with 2000 armed chariots, and intrusted the command to Hanno and Bomilcar, two generals between whom there subsisted a great animosity. But this disunion occasion- Carthage ed the defeat of their whole army, with the loss of their camp, although the force of Agathocles did not exceed 14,000 men. Among the rich spoils the conqueror found many chariots of curious workmanship, which carried 20,000 pairs of fetters and manacles which the enemy had provided for their expected prisoners. After this defeat, the Carthaginians, supposing themselves to have fallen under the displeasure of their deities on account of their neglecting to offer in sacrifice children of noble families, resolved to expiate this guilt. Accordingly two hundred children of the first rank were sacrificed to their gods, besides three hundred other persons who voluntarily offered themselves to pacify the wrath of these sanguinary deities.

After these expiations Hamilcar was recalled from Sicily. When the messengers arrived, Hamilcar commanded them not once to mention the victory of Agathocles; but, on the contrary, to give out among the troops that he had been entirely defeated, his forces cut off, and his fleet destroyed by the Carthaginians. This threw the Syracusans into the utmost despair; however, one Eurynon, an Eolian, prevailed upon Antandrus not to consent to a capitulation, but to stand a general assault. Hamilcar, informed of this, prepared his battering engines, and made all the necessary preparations for storming the town without delay. But while matters were in this situation, a galley, which Agathocles had caused to be built immediately after the battle, got into the harbour of Syracuse, and informed the inhabitants of the victory which he had obtained. Hamilcar, observing that the garrison flocked down to the port on this occasion, and expecting to find the walls unguarded, ordered his soldiers to erect scaling ladders, and begin the intended assault. The enemy having left the ramparts quite exposed, the Carthaginians mounted them without being discovered, and had almost possessed themselves of a portion situated between two towers, when the patrol discovered them. Upon this a warm contest ensued; and at last the Carthaginians were repulsed with loss. Hamilcar, therefore, finding it in vain to continue the siege after such glad tidings had revived the spirits of the Syracusans, drew off his forces, and sent a detachment of 5000 men to reinforce the troops in Africa. He still, however, entertained hopes that he might oblige Agathocles to quit Africa, and return to the defence of his own dominions. With this view he spent some time in making himself master of such cities as had sided with the Syracusans; and, after having brought all their allies under subjection, he returned again to Syracuse, hoping to surprise it in a night attack. But being attacked while advancing through narrow passes, where his numerous army had not room to act, he was defeated with great slaughter, taken prisoner, carried into Syracuse, and put to death.

In the mean time the Agrigentines, finding that the Carthaginians and Syracusans had greatly weakened each other by this war, thought it a proper opportunity for attempting to gain the sovereignty of the whole island. They therefore commenced a war against both parties; and prosecuted it with such success, that in a short time they wrested many places of consequence out of the hands both of the Syracusans and Carthaginians.

In Africa the tyrant carried every thing before him. He reduced most of the places of any importance in the territory of Carthage; and hearing that Elymus king of Libya had declared against him, he immediately entered Libya Superior, and in a great battle overthrew that prince, putting to the sword a considerable part of his troops, and the general who commanded them; after which he advanced against the Carthaginians with such expedition, that he surprised and defeated them with the loss of two thousand killed, and a great number taken prisoners. He next prepared for the siege of Carthage itself; and, with a view to Carthage, this advanced to a post within five miles of that city. On the other hand, notwithstanding the great losses they had already sustained, the Carthaginians encamped with a powerful army between him and their capital. In this situation Agathocles received advice of the defeat of the Carthaginian forces before Syracuse, and also the head of Hamilcar their general; upon which he immediately rode up to the enemy's camp, and showing them the head, gave them an account of the total destruction of their army before Syracuse. This threw them into such consternation, that in all human probability Agathocles would have made himself master of Carthage, had not an unexpected mutiny arisen in his camp, which gave the Carthaginians time to recover from their terror.

The year following an engagement happened, in which neither party gained any great advantage; but soon afterwards, the tyrant, notwithstanding all his victories, found Ophellas himself unable to carry on the war alone; and he therefore endeavoured to gain over to his interest Ophellas, one of the captains of Alexander the Great. In this he succeeded perfectly; and in order to succour his new ally the more effectually, Ophellas sent to Athens for a body of troops. Having completed his military preparations, Ophellas found his army to consist of 10,000 foot and 600 horse, all regular troops, besides 100 chariots, and a body of 10,000 men, attended by their wives and children, as if he had been going to plant a new colony. At the head of these forces he continued his march towards the position of Agathocles for eighteen days, and then encamped at Atonale, a city about three thousand stadia distant from the capital of his dominions. He then advanced through the Regio Syrtaica, but found himself reduced to such extremities, that his army were in danger of perishing for want of bread, water, and other provisions. They were also greatly annoyed by serpents and wild beasts, with which that desert region abounded. The serpents made the greatest havoc among the troops; for, being of the same colour with the earth, and extremely venomous, many soldiers, who trod upon without seeing them, were stung to death. At last, after a very fatiguing march of two months, he approached the position of Agathocles, and encamped at a small distance, to the no small terror of the Carthaginians, who apprehended the most fatal consequences from this junction. Agathocles at first caressed him, and advised him to take all possible care of his troops, who had undergone so many fatigues, but soon afterwards cut him off by treachery, and then by fair words and promises persuaded his troops to serve under himself.

Agathocles, now finding himself at the head of a numerous army, assumed the title of king of Africa, intending soon to complete his conquests by the reduction of Carthage. He began with the siege of Utica, which was taken by assault. He then marched against Hippo Diarrhytus, the Biserta of the moderns, which was also taken by storm; and after this most of the people bordering upon the sea-coasts, and even those who inhabited the inland parts of the country, submitted to him. But in the midst of this career of success, the Sicilians formed an association in favour of liberty, which obliged the tyrant to return home, leaving his son Archagathus to carry on the war in Africa.

Archagathus, after his father's departure, greatly extended the African conquests. He sent Eumachus at the head of a large detachment to invade some of the neighbouring provinces, whilst he himself, with the greater part of his army, observed the motions of the Carthaginians. Eumachus passing into Numidia, first took the great city of Tocas, and conquered several of the Numidian cantons. Afterwards he besieged and took Phillian, which was at- Carthage tended with the submission of the Asphodelodians, a nation, according to Diodorus, as black as the Ethiopians. He then reduced several cities; and being at last elated with his good fortune, resolved to penetrate into the most remote parts of Africa. And in this he at first met with success; but hearing that the barbarous nations were advancing in a formidable body to give him battle, he abandoned his conquests, and retreated with the utmost precipitation towards the sea-coast, after having lost a great number of men.

This unfortunate expedition produced a great revolution in the affairs of Archagathus. The Carthaginians, informed of Eumachus's bad success, resolved to exert themselves in order to repair their former losses, and divided their forces into three bodies; one of these they sent to the sea-coast, to keep the towns there in awe; another they dispatched into the Mediterranean parts, to preserve the allegiance of the inhabitants there; and the last body they ordered to Upper Africa, in order to support their confederates in that country. Apprised of the motions of the Carthaginians, Archagathus likewise divided his forces into three bodies. One of these he sent to observe the Carthaginian troops on the sea-coast, with orders to advance afterwards into Upper Africa; another, under the command of Eschirion, one of his generals, he posted at a proper distance in the heart of the country, to observe both the enemy there and the barbarous nations; and with the last, which he led in person, he kept near Carthage, preserving a communication with the other two, in order to send them succours or recall them, as the exigency of affairs might require.

The Carthaginian troops sent into the heart of the country were commanded by Hanno, a general of great experience, who, being informed of the approach of Eschirion, laid an ambuscade for him, into which he was drawn, and cut off with 4000 foot and 200 horse. Himilco, who commanded the Carthaginian forces in Upper Africa, having received advice of Eumachus's march, immediately advanced against him; and an engagement ensued, in which the Greeks were almost totally cut off, or perished with thirst after the battle; for out of 8000 foot only thirty, and of 800 horse only forty, had the good fortune to make their escape.

Archagathus having received the melancholy news of these two defeats, immediately called in the detachments he had sent out to harass the enemy, which would otherwise have been instantly cut off. He was, however, in a short time hemmed in on all sides, reduced to the last extremity for want of provisions, and ready every moment to be swallowed up by the numerous forces which surrounded him. In this deplorable situation Agathocles received an express from Archagathus, acquainting him of the losses which the latter had sustained, and the scarcity of provisions he laboured under. Upon this the tyrant, leaving the care of the Sicilian war to one Lepines, got out of the harbour, by a stratagem, eighteen Etruscan ships which came to his assistance; and then engaging the Carthaginian squadron which lay in its neighbourhood, took five of their ships, and made all their men prisoners. In this way he became master of the port, and secured a passage into it for the merchants of all nations, who soon restored plenty where the famine had before begun to make great havoc. Supplying himself, therefore, with a sufficient quantity of necessaries for the voyage which he was about to undertake, he immediately set sail for Africa.

Upon his arrival in that country, Agathocles reviewed his forces, and found them to consist of 6000 Greeks, and as many Samnites, Celtes, and Etruscans, besides 10,000 Africans and 1500 horse. As he found his troops in a state bordering on despair, he thought this a proper time for offering the enemy battle. The Carthaginians, however, did not think proper to accept the challenge, especially as, by keeping close in their camp, where they had plenty of everything, they could starve the Greeks into a surrender without striking a blow. Upon this Agathocles attacked the Carthaginian camp with great bravery, made a considerable impression upon it, and might perhaps have carried it, had not his mercenaries deserted him almost at the first onset. By this piece of cowardice he was forced to retire with precipitation to his camp, whither the Carthaginians pursued him very closely, doing great execution in the pursuit.

The next night, the Carthaginians sacrificed all the prisoners of distinction, as a grateful acknowledgment to their gods for the victory they had gained. Whilst they were employed in this inhuman work, the wind, suddenly rising, carried the flames to the sacred tabernacle near the altar, which was entirely consumed, together with the general's tent, and those of the principal officers adjoining to it. A dreadful alarm was raised throughout the whole camp, which was heightened by the great progress of the fire; for as the soldiers' tents consisted of very combustible materials, and the wind blew in a most violent manner, the whole camp was almost entirely reduced to ashes; and many of the soldiers, endeavouring to carry off their arms and the rich baggage of their officers, perished in the flames. Some of those who made their escape met with a fate equally unhappy; for after the repulse of Agathocles the Africans deserted him, and were at that instant coming over in a body to the Carthaginians. But these the persons who were flying from the flames took to be the whole Syracusan army advancing in order of battle to attack their camp; upon which a dreadful confusion ensued, some taking to their heels, while others fell down in heaps one upon another, and many engaged their comrades, mistaking them for the enemy. Five thousand men lost their lives in this tumult, and the rest thought proper to take refuge within the walls of Carthage; nor could the appearance of daylight for some time dissipate their apprehensions. In the meantime the African deserters, observing the great confusion among the Carthaginians, and not knowing the meaning of it, were so terrified, that they thought proper to return to the place from which they had come. The Syracusans, seeing a body of troops advancing towards them in good order, concluded that the enemy were marching to attack them, and therefore immediately cried out, "To arms;" while the flames ascending from the Carthaginian camp into the air, and the lamentable outcries proceeding thence, confirmed them in this opinion, and greatly heightened their confusion. The consequence was much the same as in the Carthaginian camp; for coming to blows with one another instead of the enemy, they scarcely recovered their senses upon the return of light; and the intestine tumult proved so bloody that it cost Agathocles four thousand men.

This last disaster so disheartened the tyrant, that he immediately set about contriving means for making his escape privately, which he at last effected, though with great difficulty. After his departure his two sons were immediately put to death by the soldiers, who, choosing a leader from among themselves, made peace with the Carthaginians upon the conditions that the Greeks should deliver up all the places which they held in Africa, on receiving from them three hundred talents; that such of them as were willing to serve in the Carthaginian army should be kindly treated, and receive the usual pay; and that the rest should be transported to Sicily, and have the city of Selinus allotted for their habitation.

From this time till the commencement of their first war with the Romans, we find nothing remarkable in the history of Carthage. of the Carthaginians. The first Punic war, as it is commonly called, happened about 255 years before Christ. At that time the Carthaginians were possessed of extensive dominions in Africa; they had made considerable progress in Spain; they were masters of Sardinia, Corsica, and all the islands on the coast of Italy; and they had extended their conquests to a great part of Sicily. The occasion of the first rupture between the two republics may be briefly stated. The Mamertines, being vanquished in battle, and reduced to great straits, by Hiero, king of Syracuse, had resolved to deliver up Messina, the only city they now possessed, to that prince, with whose mild government and strict probity they were well acquainted. Accordingly, Hiero was advancing at the head of his troops in order to take possession of the city, when Hannibal, who at that time commanded the Carthaginian army in Sicily, prevented him by a stratagem. He came to meet Hiero as if to congratulate him on his victory, and amused him, whilst some of the Carthaginian troops filed off towards Messina. Meanwhile the Mamertines, seeing their city supported by a new reinforcement, were divided into several opinions. Some were for accepting the protection of Carthage, and others were for surrendering to the king of Syracuse; but the greater part declared for calling in the Romans to their assistance. Deputies were accordingly dispatched to Rome, offering the possession of the city to the Romans, and in the most moving terms imploring protection. This, after some debate, was agreed to; and the consul Appius Claudius received orders to attempt a passage to Sicily at the head of a powerful army. Being obliged to stay some time at Rome, however, one Caius Claudius, a person of great intrepidity and resolution, was dispatched with a few vessels to Rhegium. But, on his arrival there, he observed the Carthaginian squadron to be so much superior to his own, that he thought it hopeless to attempt at that time to transport forces to Sicily. He crossed the straits, however, and had a conference with the Mamertines, in which he prevailed with them to accept the proffered protection of Rome; and upon this he made the necessary preparations for transporting his forces. The Carthaginians, being informed of the resolution of the Romans, sent a strong squadron of galleys under the command of Hanno, to intercept the Roman fleet; and accordingly the Carthaginian admiral, coming up with them near the coast of Sicily, attacked them with great fury. During the engagement a violent storm arose, which dashed many of the Roman vessels against the rocks, and did a vast deal of damage to their squadron; in consequence of which Claudius was forced to retire to Rhegium, which he accomplished with great difficulty. Hanno restored all the vessels he had taken, but ordered the deputies sent with them to expostulate with the Roman general upon the infraction of the treaties subsisting between the two republics. This expostulation, however just, produced an open rupture; and Claudius soon afterwards took possession of Messina.

Such was the beginning of the first Punic war, which lasted twenty-four years. The first year the Carthaginians and Syracusans laid siege to Messina, but, not acting in concert, as they ought to have done, were overthrown by the consul Appius Claudius; and this defeat so much disgusted Hiero with the Carthaginians, that he soon afterwards concluded an alliance with the Romans. After this treaty, having no enemy to contend with but the Carthaginians, the Romans made themselves masters of all the cities on the western coast of Sicily, and at the end of the campaign withdrew most of their troops to winter quarters in Italy.

The second year, Hanno the Carthaginian general fixed his principal magazine at Agrigentum. Strong by nature, this place had been rendered almost impregnable by the new fortification which the Carthaginians had raised during the preceding winter, and was defended by a numerous garrison, commanded by Hannibal, a general of great experience in war. For five months the Romans attempted to reduce the place by famine, and had actually brought the inhabitants to great distress, when a Carthaginian army of 50,000 foot, 6000 horse, and sixty elephants, landed at Lilybeum, and marched thence to Heraclea, within twenty miles of Agrigentum. There the general received a deputation from some of the inhabitants of Erbessa, where the Romans had their magazines, offering to put the town into his hands. It was accordingly delivered up; and by this means the Romans became so much distressed, that they would certainly have been obliged to abandon their enterprise, had not Hiero supplied them with provisions. All the assistance he was able to give, however, would not long have supported them, as their army was so much weakened by famine, that out of 100,000 men, of whom it originally consisted, scarcely a fourth part remained fit for service, and could no longer subsist on such inadequate supplies as were furnished them. But in the mean time Hannibal acquainted Hanno that the city was reduced to the utmost distress; upon which he resolved to venture an engagement, which he had previously declined. In this, however, the Romans were victorious, and the city surrendered at discretion, though Hannibal and the greater part of the garrison made their escape. This ended the campaign; and the Carthaginians being greatly chagrined at their bad success, fined Hanno in an immense sum of money, and deprived him of his command, appointing Hamilcar to succeed him in the command of the army, and Hannibal in that of the fleet.

The third year, Hannibal received orders to ravage the coast of Italy; but the Romans had taken care to post detachments in such places as were judged most proper to prevent his landing, so that the Carthaginian found it impossible to execute his orders. At the same time, the Romans, perceiving the advantages of being masters of the sea, set about building a hundred and twenty galleys. While this work was in progress they made themselves masters of most of the inland cities, but the Carthaginians reduced or kept steady in their interest most of the maritime ones; so that both parties were equally successful during this campaign.

The fourth year Hannibal by a stratagem made himself master of seventeen Roman galleys; after which he committed great ravages on the coast of Italy, whither he had advanced to take a view of the Roman fleet. But he was afterwards attacked in his turn, lost the greater part of his ships, and with great difficulty made his own escape, defeated and soon afterwards he was totally defeated by the consul Duilius, with the loss of eighty ships taken, thirteen sunk, 7000 men killed, and as many taken prisoners. After this victory Duilius landed in Sicily, put himself at the head of the land forces, relieved Segesta, which was besieged by Hamilcar, and made himself master of Macella, though defended by a numerous garrison.

The fifth year a difference arose between the Romans and their Sicilian allies, which proceeded to such a height that they encamped separately. Of this Hamilcar availed himself, and attacking the Sicilians in their entrenchments, put 4000 of them to the sword. He then drove the Romans from their posts, took several cities, and overran the greater part of the country. In the mean time Hannibal, after his defeat, sailed with the shattered remains of his fleet to Carthage. But, in order to secure himself from punishment, he sent one of his friends with all speed, before the event of the battle was known there, to acquaint the senate that the Romans had put to sea. Carthage, with a great number of heavy ill-built vessels, each of them carrying some machine, the use of which the Carthaginians did not understand; and he asked whether it was the opinion of the senate that Hannibal should attack them. These machines were the corvi, then newly invented, and by means of which, chiefly, Duilius had gained the victory. The senate were unanimous in their opinion that the Romans should be attacked; upon which the messenger acquainted them with the unfortunate event of the battles. As the senators had already declared themselves for the engagement, they spared their general's life, and, according to Polybius, even continued him in the command of the fleet. Accordingly, being reinforced by a good number of galleys, and attended by some officers of great merit, he in a short time sailed for the coast of Sardinia. But he had not been long there before he was surprised by the Romans, who carried off many of his ships, and took great numbers of his men prisoners; which so incensed the rest, that they seized their unfortunate admiral, and crucified him. It does not appear who was his immediate successor.

The sixth year the Romans made themselves masters of the islands of Corsica and Sardinia. Hanno, who commanded the Carthaginian forces in the latter, defended himself at a city called Olbia with incredible bravery; but being at last killed in one of the attacks, the place was surrendered, and the Romans soon became masters of the whole island.

The seventh year the Romans took the town of Mytessatum, in Sicily, whence they marched towards Camarina; but in their way they were surrounded in a deep valley, and in the most imminent danger of being cut off by the Carthaginian army. In this extremity a legionary tribune, called M. Calpurnius Flamms, desired the general to give him three hundred chosen men, promising, with this small company, to find the enemy such employment as should oblige them to leave a passage open for the Roman army. He performed his promise with a bravery truly heroic; for having seized an eminence in spite of all opposition, and intrenched himself on it, the Carthaginians, jealous of his design, flocked from all quarters to drive him from his post. But the brave tribune kept their whole army in play, till the consul, taking advantage of the diversion, drew his army out of the perilous situation into which he had imprudently brought it. The legions were no sooner out of danger than they hastened to the relief of their brave companions; but all they could do was to save their bodies from the insults of their enemies; for they found them all dead on the spot except Calpurnius, who lay under a heap of dead bodies covered with wounds, but still breathing. His wounds were immediately dressed, and it fortunately happened that none of them proved mortal; and for this glorious enterprise he received a crown of gramen. After this the Romans reduced several cities, and drove the enemy out of the territory of the Agrigentines; but they were in turn repulsed with great loss before Lipara.

The eighth year Regulus, who commanded the Roman fleet, observing that of the Carthaginians lying along the coast in disorder, sailed with a squadron of ten galleys, to reconnoitre their number and strength, ordering the rest of the fleet to follow him with all expedition. As he drew too near the enemy, however, he was surrounded by a great number of Carthaginian galleys. The Romans fought with their usual bravery; but being overpowered with numbers, they were obliged to yield. The consul, however, found means to make his escape, and join the rest of the fleet; and then he had his full revenge of the enemy, eighteen of their ships being taken, and eight sunk.

The ninth year the Romans made preparations for invading Africa. The fleet prepared for this purpose consisted of 330 galleys, each of them having on board 120 soldiers and 300 rowers. The Carthaginian fleet consisted of 360 sail, and was much better manned than that of the Romans. The two fleets met near Ecnomus, a promontory of Sicily; where, after a bloody engagement, which lasted the greater part of the day, the Carthaginians were entirely defeated, with the loss of thirty galleys sunk and sixty-three taken. The Romans lost only twenty-four galleys, which were all sunk. After this victory, the Romans having refitted their fleet, set sail for the coast of Africa with all expedition, and arrived before Clupea, a city to the east of Carthage, where they made their first descent. No words can express the consternation of the Carthaginians on the arrival of the Romans in Africa. The inhabitants of Clupea were so terrified, that they abandoned the place, which the Romans immediately took possession of, and having left there a strong garrison to secure their shipping, and keep the adjacent territory in awe, moved nearer Carthage, taking a great number of towns in their advance. They likewise plundered a prodigious number of villages, laid many noblemen's seats in ashes, and took above 20,000 prisoners. In short, having plundered and ravaged the whole country, almost to the gates of Carthage, they returned to Clupea loaded with an immense booty which they had acquired in the expedition.

The tenth year Regulus pushed on his conquests with success of great rapidity. To oppose his progress, Hamilcar was recalled from Sicily, and with him Bostar and Asdrubal were joined in command. Hamilcar commanded an army about equal to that of Regulus. The other two commanded separate bodies, which were to join him or act separately as occasion required. But before they were in a condition to take the field, Regulus, pursuing his conquests, arrived on the banks of the Bagrada, a river which empties itself into the sea at a small distance from Carthage. Having passed this river, he besieged Adis, or Ada, not far from Carthage, which the enemy attempted to relieve; but as defeated they lay encamped among hills and rocks, where their elephants, in which the main strength of their army consisted, could be of no use, Regulus attacked them in their lines, killed 17,000, and took 5000 prisoners and eighteen elephants. On receiving the tidings of this victory, deputations came from all quarters, insomuch that the conqueror in a few days became master of eighty towns, among which were the city and port of Utica. This increased the alarm at Carthage, which was reduced to despair when Regulus laid siege to Tunis, a great city about nine miles distant from the capital. The place was taken in sight of the Carthaginians, who, from their walls, beheld all the operations of the siege, without making the least attempt to raise it. And, to complete their misfortunes, the Numidians, their neighbours and implacable enemies, entered their territories, committing everywhere the most dreadful devastations. In this extremity Regulus advanced to the very gates of Carthage; and, having encamped under pools of the walls, sent deputies to treat of a peace with the senate. Peace terms were received with inexpressible joy; but the conditions which they proposed were such that the senate could not listen to them without the greatest indignation. They were, that the Carthaginians should relinquish all claims to Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily; that they should restore to the Romans all the prisoners they had taken since the beginning of the war; that if they wished to redeem any of their own prisoners, they should pay as much a head for them as Rome should judge reasonable; that they should for ever pay the Romans an annual tribute; and that for the future they should fit out but one man of war for their own use, and fifty triremes to serve in the Carthage, Roman fleet, at the expense of Carthage, when required by any of the future consuls. These extravagant demands provoked the senators, who loudly and unanimously rejected them; the Roman deputies, however, told them that Regulus would not alter a single letter of the proposals, and that they must either conquer the Romans or accept them.

In this desperate emergency some mercenaries arrived from Greece, among whom was a Lacedemonian, by name Xanthippus, a man of approved valour and experience in war. This man having informed himself of the circumstances of the late battle, declared publicly that their overthrow was more owing to their own misconduct than to the superiority of the enemy. This discourse having spread abroad, came at last to the knowledge of the senate, by whom, with the concurrence even of the Carthaginian generals themselves, Xanthippus was appointed commander-in-chief of their forces. The first care of this officer was to discipline his troops in a proper manner. He taught them how to march, encamp, widen and close their ranks, and rally after the Lacedemonian manner under their proper colours. He then took the field with 12,000 foot, 4000 horse, and 100 elephants. The Romans were surprised at the sudden alteration which they observed in the enemy's conduct; but Regulus, elated with his former success, came and encamped at a small distance from the Carthaginian army, in a vast plain, where their elephants and horse had room to act. The two armies were separated by a river, which Regulus boldly passed, thus leaving no room for a retreat in case of any misfortune. The engagement began with great fury, but ended in the total defeat of the Romans, who, with the exception of 2000 who escaped to Clupea, were all killed or taken prisoners; and among the latter was Regulus himself. The loss of the Carthaginians scarcely exceeded 800 men. The Carthaginians remained on the field of battle till they had stripped the slain; and then entered their metropolis, which was almost the only place left them, in great triumph. They treated all their prisoners with great humanity, except Regulus; but as for him, he had so insulted them in his prosperity, that they could not forbear showing him the highest marks of their resentment. According to Zonaras and others, he was thrown into a dungeon, where he had only sustenance allowed him sufficient to keep him alive; while his cruel masters, in order to heighten his other torments, directed a huge elephant, at the sight of which animal he was it seems greatly terrified, to be constantly placed near him, and thus prevented him from enjoying any tranquillity or repose.

In the eleventh year of this war, the Carthaginians, elated with their victory over Regulus, began to talk in a very high strain, threatening Italy itself with an invasion. To prevent this, the Romans took care to garrison all their maritime towns, and fitted out a new fleet. In the mean time, the Carthaginians besieged Clupea and Utica in vain, being obliged to abandon their enterprise upon hearing that the Romans were equipping a fleet of 350 sail. The Carthaginians having with incredible expedition refitted their old vessels, and built a considerable number of new ones, met the Roman fleet off Cape Hermea. An engagement ensued, in which the Carthaginians were utterly defeated; 104 of their ships being sunk, thirty taken, and 15,000 of their soldiers and rowers killed in the action. The Romans pursued their course to Clupea, where they had no sooner landed than they found themselves attacked by the Carthaginian army under the two Hannos, father and son. But the brave Xanthippus no longer commanded their army; and, notwithstanding the Lacedemonian discipline he had introduced among them, they were routed at the very first onset, with the loss of 9000 men, among whom were many of their chief lords.

Notwithstanding all their victories, however, the Romans found themselves obliged, for want of provisions, to evacuate both Clupea and Utica, and abandon Africa. But being desirous of signalizing the end of their consulate by some important conquest in Sicily, the consuls restored Africa for that island, contrary to the advice of their pilots, who represented the danger they incurred on account of the season being far advanced. Their obstinacy, however, led their fleet to the destruction of the whole fleet; for a violent storm arising, out of 370 vessels only eighty escaped shipwreck, in a storm the rest being swallowed up by the sea, or dashed in pieces against the rocks. This was by far the greatest loss that Rome had ever sustained; for besides the ships which were cast away with their crews, a numerous army was destroyed, with all the riches of Africa, which had been amassed by Regulus and deposited in Clupea, and were now being transported thence to Rome. The whole coast from Pachnium to Camerina was covered with dead bodies and wrecks of ships; so that history scarcely affords an example of a more dreadful disaster.

The twelfth year the Carthaginians, hearing of this misfortune of the Romans, renewed the war in Sicily with fresh fury, hoping the whole island, which was now left defenceless, would fall into their hands. Carthalo, a Carthaginian commander, besieged and took Agrigentum. He laid the town in ashes, and demolished the walls, obliging the inhabitants to fly to Olympium. Upon the news of this success, Asdrubal was sent to Sicily with a large reinforcement of troops and 150 elephants. They likewise fitted out a squadron, with which they retook the island of Corcyra, and marched a strong body of forces into Mauritania and Numidia, to punish the people of those countries for showing a disposition to join the Romans. In Sicily the Romans possessed themselves of Cephalodium and Panormus, but were obliged by Carthalo to raise the siege of Drepanum with great loss.

The thirteenth year the Romans sent out a fleet of 260 galley, which appeared off Lilybaeum in Sicily; but finding this place too strong, they steered from thence to the west, and eastern coast of Africa, where they effected several descents, surprised some cities, and plundered several towns destroyed, and villages. They arrived safely at Panormus, and in a few days set sail for Italy, having a fair wind till they came off Cape Palinurus, where a violent storm overtook them, and 160 of their galleys, with a great number of their transports, were lost; upon which the Roman senate decreed, that in future not more than fifty vessels should be equipped, and that these should be employed only in guarding the coast of Italy, and in transporting troops into Sicily.

The fourteenth year the Romans made themselves masters of Himera and Lipara in Sicily; and the Carthaginians conceiving new hopes of conquering that island, began to make fresh levies in Gaul and Spain, and to equip a new fleet. Their treasures were exhausted, and they applied to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, intreating him to lend them two thousand talents; but he, being resolved to remain neutral, refused to comply with their request, telling them that he could not, without a breach of fidelity, assist one friend against another. However, the republic of Carthage, by a great effort, equipped a fleet of 200 sail, raised an army of 30,000 men, with 140 elephants, and appointed Asdrubal commander-in-chief both of the fleet and army. Meanwhile the Romans, finding the great advantage of a fleet, resolved to equip one, notwithstanding all former disasters; and whilst the vessels were building, two consuls, men of valour and experience, were chosen to supersede those acting in Sicily. But Metellus, one of the former consuls, being continued with the title of pro-consul, found means to draw Asdrubal into a battle on dis- advantageous terms near Panormus, and then sallying out, overthrew him with a terrible slaughter. Twenty thousand of the enemy were killed, and many elephants destroyed. A hundred and four elephants, with their leaders, were taken, and sent to Rome, where they were hunted and put to death in the circus.

The fifteenth year the Romans besieged Lilybaeum, and the siege continued during the rest of the first Punic war, being the only thing remarkable that happened during that time. The Carthaginians, on the first news of its being besieged, sent Regulus with some deputies to Rome to treat for a peace; but instead of forwarding the negotiation, Regulus hindered it; and notwithstanding he knew the torments prepared for him at Carthage, could not be prevailed upon to stay at Rome, but returning to captivity, was put to death in a most cruel manner. During this siege, the Roman fleet under Claudius Pulcher was utterly defeated by Adherbal the Carthaginian admiral. Ninety of the Roman galleys were lost in the action, 8000 men were either killed or drowned, and 20,000 taken and sent prisoners to Carthage; while the Carthaginians gained this signal victory without the loss of a single ship, or even a single man. Another Roman fleet met with a still harder fate. It consisted of 120 galleys and 800 transports, and was laden with all sorts of military stores and provisions. Every one of these vessels was lost in a storm, with all they contained, not a single plank being saved that could be used again; so that the Romans found themselves once more deprived of their whole naval force.

In the mean time the Carthaginian soldiery having shown a disposition to mutiny, the senate sent Hamilcar Barcas, father of the celebrated Hannibal, into Sicily. He received carte blanche from the senate to act as he thought proper; and by his excellent conduct and resolution, he showed himself the greatest general of his age. Eryx, which he had taken by surprise, he defended with such vigour that the Romans would never have been able to make themselves masters of it, had they not fitted out, at the expense of private citizens, a fleet which utterly defeated that of the Carthaginians; so that Hamilcar, notwithstanding all his valour, was obliged to yield up the place which he had long and bravely defended. Articles of peace were immediately agreed to between the two commanders. The Carthaginians were to evacuate all the places which they occupied in Sicily, and entirely quit that island; to pay the Romans in twenty years, and by equal payments every year, 2200 talents of silver, or about L437,250 sterling; to restore the Roman captives and deserters without ransom, and redeem their own prisoners with money; and to refrain from making war upon Hiero king of Syracuse or his allies. These articles being agreed to, Hamilcar surrendered Eryx upon condition that all his soldiers should march out with him, on his paying for each of them eighteen Roman denarii. Hostages were mutually given, and deputies sent to Rome to procure a ratification of the treaty by the senate. When the senators had thoroughly informed themselves as to the state of affairs, two more articles were added, namely, that 1000 talents should be paid immediately, and the 2200 in the space of ten years in equal payments; and that the Carthaginians should quit all the little islands about Italy and Sicily, and never more approach them with ships of war, or raise mercenaries in those places. Necessity obliged Hamilcar to consent to these terms; but he returned to Carthage with a hatred of the Romans, which he did not even suffer to die with him, but transmitted to his son the illustrious Hannibal.

The Carthaginians were no sooner freed from this sanguinary and expensive war than they found themselves engaged in another of the most dangerous kind. It is called by ancient historians the Libyan War, or the War with the Mercenaries. The principal cause of this war may be shortly stated. When Hamilcar returned to Carthage, he found the republic so much impoverished, that, far from being able to give these troops the largesses and rewards promised them, it could not pay them their arrears. He had committed the care of transporting them to one Gisco, an officer of great penetration, who, as if he had foreseen what would happen, did not ship them off all at once, but in small and separate parties, in order that those who landed first might be paid off and sent home before the arrival of the rest. The Carthaginians, however, did not act with the same prudence as Gisco. As the state was almost entirely exhausted by the late war, and the immense sum of money paid to the Romans in consequence of the peace, they judged it proper to endeavour to save something to the public, and with this view they did not pay off the mercenaries as they arrived, thinking it better to wait till they had all arrived, in the hope of obtaining some remission of their arrears. But, being soon made sensible of their error, by the frequent disorders of which these barbarians were guilty in the city, they with some difficulty prevailed on the officers to take up their quarters at Sicca, and canton their troops in that neighbourhood. To induce them to do so, however, they gave them a sum of money for their present subsistence, and promised to comply with their demands when the remainder of the troops should have arrived from Sicily. But the troops, being wholly immersed in idleness, to which they had long been strangers, a neglect of discipline ensued, and of course a turbulent and licentious spirit immediately showed itself. They were now determined not to acquiesce in receiving their bare pay, but to insist upon the rewards which Hamilcar had promised them, and even to compel the state of Carthage by force of arms to comply with their demands. The senate being informed of the mutinous disposition of the soldiery, dispatched Hanno, one of the suffetes, to pacify them. Upon his arrival at Sicca, he expatiated largely on the poverty of the state, and the heavy taxes with which the citizens of Carthage were loaded; and, instead of answering their extravagant expectations, he desired them to be satisfied with receiving part of their pay, and to remit the remainder in consideration of the pressing exigencies of the republic. But the mercenaries, highly provoked that neither Hamilcar nor any other of the principal officers who commanded them in Sicily, and were the best judges of their merit, made their appearance on this occasion, but only Hanno, a person utterly unknown, and above all others disagreeable to them, immediately had recourse to arms; and assembling in a body, to the number of 20,000, they advanced to Tunis, and immediately encamped before that city.

The Carthaginians, being greatly alarmed at the approach of so formidable a body to Tunis, made large concessions to the mercenaries, in order to bring them back to their duty; but, far from being softened, the latter grew more insolent upon these concessions, considering them as the effects of fear, and therefore became altogether averse to thoughts of accommodation. Making a virtue of necessity, the Carthaginians showed a disposition to satisfy them in all points, and agreed to refer the points at issue to the opinion of some general in Sicily, as they had all along desired, leaving the choice of such commander entirely to the soldiery themselves. Gisco was accordingly pitched upon to mediate this affair, the mercenaries believing Hamilcar to have been a principal cause of the ill treatment they had met with, since he never appeared amongst them, and, according to the general opinion, had voluntarily resigned his commission. Gisco soon arrived at Tunis with money to pay the troops; and, after confer- ring with the officers of the several nations apart, he harangued them in such a manner, that a treaty was upon the point of being concluded, when Spendius and Mathos, two of the principal mutineers, occasioned a tumult in every part of the camp. Spendius was by nation a Campanian, and had been a slave at Rome, whence he fled to the Carthaginians. The apprehensions he entertained of being delivered up to his old master, by whom he was sure to be hanged or crucified, prompted him to break off the accommodation. Mathos was an African, and free born; but as he had been active in raising the rebellion, and was well acquainted with the implacable disposition of the Carthaginians, he knew that a peace must infallibly prove his ruin. He therefore joined with Spendius, and insinuated to the Africans the danger of concluding at that juncture a treaty, which could not but leave them exposed singly to the rage of the Carthaginians. This so incensed the Africans, who were much more numerous than the troops of any other nation, that they immediately assembled in a tumultuous manner, and the foreigners soon joined them, being inspired by Spendius with an equal degree of fury. Nothing was now to be heard but the most horrid oaths and imprecations against Gisco and the Carthaginians. Whoever offered to make any remonstrance, or lend an ear to temperate counsels, was stoned to death by the enraged multitude; and many persons lost their lives for attempting to speak, before it could be known whether they were in the interest of Spendius or of the Carthaginians.

In the midst of these commotions Gisco behaved with great firmness and intrepidity, and left no methods untried to soften the officers and calm the minds of the soldiery; but the torrent of sedition was now so strong, that there was no possibility of keeping it within bounds. They therefore seized upon the military chest, dividing the money among themselves as part payment of their arrears; put the person of Gisco under an arrest; and treated him, as well as his attendants, with the utmost indignity. Mathos and Spendius, in order to destroy all hopes of an accommodation with Carthage, applauded the courage and resolution of their men, loaded the unhappy Gisco and his followers with irons, and formally declared war against the Carthaginians. The cities of Africa to which deputies had been sent to exhort them to recover their liberty soon came over to them, except Utica and Hippo Diarrhytus. And the army being thus greatly increased, they divided it into two parts, with one of which they moved towards Utica, whilst the other marched to Hippo, in order that both places might be simultaneously besieged. The Carthaginians, in the mean time, found themselves ready to sink under the pressure of their misfortunes. After they had been harassed twenty-four years by a most cruel and destructive foreign war, they entertained some hopes of enjoying repose. The citizens of Carthage drew their individual subsistence from the rents or revenues of their lands, and the public expenses from the tribute paid by Africa; all which they were not only deprived of at once, but, what was worse, had it directly turned against them. They were destitute of arms and forces either by sea or land, and had made no preparations for sustaining a siege, or the equipping of a fleet. They suffered all the calamities incident to the most ruinous civil war; and, to complete their misery, had not the least prospect of receiving assistance from any foreign friend or ally. Notwithstanding their deplorable situation, however, they did not despair, but pursued all the measures necessary to put themselves in a suitable posture of defence.

Hanno was dispatched to the relief of Utica with a considerable body of forces, 100 elephants, and a large train of battering engines. Having reconnoitred the enemy, he immediately attacked their intrenchments, and, after an obstinate contest, forced them. The mercenaries lost a vast number of men, and consequently the advantages gained by Hannó were so great, that they might have proved decisive had he made a proper use of them; but victory having rendered him too confident, and his troops neglecting their duty, the mercenaries rallied their forces, fell upon him, cut off many of his men, forced the rest to fly into the town, retook and plundered the camp, and seized all the provisions and military stores brought to the relief of the besieged. Nor was this the only instance of Hannó's military incapacity. Notwithstanding he lay encamped in the most advantageous manner, near a town called Gorza, where he twice overthrew the enemy, and had it in his power to ruin them totally, he yet neglected to improve these advantages, and even suffered the mercenaries to possess themselves of the isthmus which joined to the continent of Africa the peninsula on which Carthage stood.

These repeated mistakes induced the Carthaginians once more to place Hamilcar Barcas at the head of their forces. This commander marched against the enemy with 10,000 men, horse and foot, being all the troops the Carthaginians could then assemble for their defence; a proof of the very low state to which they had at that time been reduced. As Mathos, after the occupation of the isthmus, had posted proper detachments in the passes of two hills facing the continent, and guarded the bridge over the Bagradia, which through Hannó's neglect he had taken, Hamilcar saw little probability of engaging him upon equal terms, or indeed of even getting at him. Observing, however, that on the blowing of certain winds the mouth of the river was choked up with sand, so as to become passable, though with no small difficulty, while these winds continued, he halted at the river's mouth, without communicating his design to any person. As soon as the wind favoured his projects, he crossed the river privately by night, and immediately after his passage drew up the troops in order of battle; and advancing into the plain, where his elephants were capable of acting, moved towards Mathos, who was posted at the village near the bridge. This daring action greatly surprised and intimidated the Africans. However, Spendius, receiving intelligence of the enemy's motions, drew a body of 10,000 men out of Mathos's camp, with which he attended Hamilcar on one side, and ordered 15,000 from Utica to observe him on the other; thinking by this means to surround the Carthaginians, and cut them off at one stroke. But by feigning a retreat, Hamilcar found means to engage them at a disadvantage, and gave them a total overthrow, with the loss of 6000 killed and 2000 taken prisoners, while the rest fled, some to the town at the bridge, and others to the camp at Utica. He did not give them time to recover from their defeat, but pursued them to the town near the bridge before mentioned, which he entered without opposition, the mercenaries flying in great confusion to Tunis; and upon this many towns submitted of their own accord to the Carthaginians, whilst others were reduced to subjection by force of arms.

Notwithstanding these disasters, Mathos pushed on the siege of Hippo with great vigour, and appointed Spendius and Autaritus, commanders of the Gauls, with a strong body, to observe the motions of Hamilcar. These commanders, therefore, at the head of a choice detachment of 6000 men drawn out of the camp at Tunis, and 2000 Gallic horse, attended the Carthaginian general, approaching him as near as they could with safety, and keeping close to the skirts of the mountains. At last Spendius having received a strong reinforcement of Africans and Numidians, and occupied all the heights surrounding the plain in which Hamilcar lay encamped, resolved not to let slip so favourable an opportunity of attacking him. Had a battle now ensued, Hamilcar and his army must in all probability have been cut off; but, by the desertion of one Naravasus, a young Numidian nobleman, with 2000 men, he found himself enabled to offer his enemies battle. The fight was obstinate and bloody; but at last the mercenaries were entirely overthrown, with the loss of 10,000 men killed and 4000 taken prisoners. All the prisoners who were willing to enlist in the Carthaginian service Hamilcar received into his army, supplying them with the arms of the soldiers who had fallen in the engagement; and to the rest he gave full liberty to go where they pleased, upon condition that they should never for the future bear arms against the Carthaginians; informing them, at the same time, that every violator of this agreement who fell into his hands must expect no mercy.

Mathos and his associates, fearing that this affected lenity of Hamilcar might occasion a defection among the troops, thought that the best expedient would be to put them upon some action so excusable in its own nature that no hopes of reconciliation should remain. By their advice, therefore, Gisco, and all the Carthaginian prisoners were put to death; and when Hamilcar sent to demand the remains of his countrymen, he received for answer, that whoever presumed hereafter to come upon that errand, should meet with Gisco's fate; after which they came to a resolution to treat with the same barbarity all Carthaginians who should fall into their hands. In return for this enormity, Hamilcar delivered up all the prisoners who fell into his hands to be devoured by wild beasts; being convinced that compassion served only to render his enemies more fierce and untractable.

The war was now carried on generally to the advantage of the Carthaginians; nevertheless, the malcontents still found themselves in a capacity to take the field with an army of 50,000 men. They watched Hamilcar's motions, but kept on the hills, carefully avoiding to come down into the plains, on account of the Numidian horse and Carthaginian elephants. But Hamilcar, being much superior in skill to any of their generals, at last shut them up in a post so situated that it was impossible to get out of it. Here he kept them strictly besieged; and the mercenaries, not daring to venture a battle, began to fortify their camp, and surround it with ditches and intrenchments. But they were soon pressed so sorely by famine, that they were obliged to eat one another; yet as they were rendered desperate by the consciousness of their guilt, they did not desire any terms of accommodation. At last, being reduced to the utmost extremity of misery, they insisted that Spendius, Autaritus, and Zarxas, their leaders, should in person have a conference with Hamilcar, and make proposals to him. Peace was accordingly concluded, upon the conditions that ten of the ringleaders of the malcontents should be left entirely to the mercy of the Carthaginians, and that the troops should all be disarmed, every man retiring only in a single coat. The treaty was no sooner concluded than Hamilcar, by virtue of the first article, seized upon the negotiators themselves; and the army being informed that their chiefs were under arrest, had immediately recourse to arms, suspecting they were betrayed; but Hamilcar, drawing out his army in order of battle, surrounded them, and either cut them to pieces or trod them to death with his elephants. The number of wretches who perished on this occasion amounted to above 40,000.

After the destruction of the army, Hamilcar invested Tunis, whither Mathos had retired with his remaining forces. The former had another general, named Hannibal, joined in the command with him. Hannibal's quarters were on the road leading to Carthage, and Hamilcar's on the opposite side. The army was no sooner encamped, than Carthage, Hamilcar caused Spendius and the rest of the prisoners to be led out in the view of the besieged, and crucified near the walls. Mathos, however, observing that Hannibal did not keep so good a guard as he ought to have done, made a sally, attacked his quarters, killed many of his men, made several prisoners, among whom was Hannibal himself, and plundered his camp. Taking down the body of Spendius from the cross, Mathos immediately substituted Hannibal in his stead; and thirty Carthaginian prisoners of distinction were crucified around him. After this disaster, Hamilcar decamped, and posted himself along the sea-coast, near the mouth of the river Bagrada.

The senate, though greatly terrified by so unexpected a blow, omitted no means necessary for their preservation. They sent thirty senators, with Hannibal at their head, to consult with Hamilcar about the proper measures for putting an end to this unnatural war; conjuring Hannibal in the most pressing manner to be reconciled to Hamilcar, and to sacrifice his private resentment to the public benefit. This was effected with some difficulty; and the two generals came to a full resolution to act in concert for the good of the public. The senate, at the same time, ordered all the youth capable of bearing arms to be pressed into the service; and by these means a strong reinforcement being sent to Hamilcar, he soon found himself in a condition to act offensively. He now defeated the enemy in every encounter, drew Mathos into frequent ambuscades, and gave him one notable overthrow near Leptis. This reduced the rebels to the necessity of hazarding a decisive battle, which proved fatal to them. The mercenaries fled almost at the first onset, and most of their army fell either in the field of battle or in the pursuit. Mathos, with a few, escaped to a neighbouring town, where he was taken alive, carried to Carthage, and executed; and then, by the reduction of the revolted cities, an end was put to this war, which, from the excesses of cruelty committed in it, went among the Greeks by the name of the inexpiable war.

During the Libyan war, the Romans, upon some absurd pretences, wrested from the Carthaginians the island of Sardinia; and the latter, not being able to resist, were obliged to submit to the loss. Hamilcar, finding his country not Hannibal's in a condition to enter into an immediate war with Rome, scheme to formed a scheme to put it on a level with that haughty equal republic. This was by making an entire conquest of Spain, by which means the Carthaginians might have troops capable of contending with the Romans. In order to facilitate the execution of this scheme, he inspired both his son-in-law Asdrubal, and his son Hannibal, with an implacable aversion to the Romans, as the great enemies of his country's grandeur. And having completed all the necessary preparations, Hamilcar, after greatly enlarging the Carthaginian dominions in Africa, entered Spain, where he commanded nine years, during which time he subdued many warlike nations, and amassed an immense quantity of treasure, which he distributed partly amongst his troops and partly amongst the great men at Carthage, by which means he supported his interests with these two powerful bodies. At last he was killed in a battle, and was succeeded by his son-in-law Asdrubal. Asdrubal this general fully answered the expectations of his countrymen, having greatly enlarged their dominions in Spain, and built the city of New Carthage, now Carthagena. He made such progress in his conquests that the Romans began to be alarmed. They did not, however, choose at present to come to an open rupture, on account of the apprehensions which they entertained of an invasion by the Gauls. They judged it most proper, therefore, to have recourse to milder methods; and prevailed upon Asdrubal to conclude a new treaty with them, upon the conditions Carthage, that the Carthaginians should not pass the Iberus; and that the Saguntines, a colony of Zacynthians, and a city situated between the Iberus and that part of Spain subject to the Carthaginians, as well as the other Greek colonies there, should enjoy their ancient rights and privileges.

Asdrubal, after having governed the Carthaginian dominions in Spain for eight years, was treacherously murdered by a Gaul, whose master he had put to death. Hannibal, three years before this happened, he had written to Carthage to desire that young Hannibal, then twenty-two years of age, might be sent to him. This request was complied with, notwithstanding the opposition of Hannibal; and, from the first arrival of the young man in the camp, he became the darling of the whole army. The great resemblance he bore to Hamilcar rendered him extremely agreeable to the troops. He seemed to possess every talent and qualification that contribute towards forming a great commander. After the death of Asdrubal, he was saluted as general by the army with the highest demonstrations of joy. He immediately put himself in motion; and in the first campaign conquered the Olcades, a nation situated near the Iberus. The next year he subdued the Vaccei, another nation immediately adjoining. Soon afterwards, the Carpetani, one of the most powerful nations in Spain, declared against the Carthaginians. Their army consisted of 100,000 men, with which they proposed to attack Hannibal on his return from the Vaccei; but by a stratagem they were utterly defeated, and the whole nation obliged to submit.

Nothing now remained to oppose the progress of the Carthaginian arms but the city of Saguntum, the modern Murviedro. Hannibal, however, for some time did not think proper to come to an open rupture with the Romans by attacking that place. At last he found means to embroil some of the neighbouring cantons, especially the Turdetani, or, as Appian calls them, the Toroletæ, with the Saguntines, and thus furnished himself with a pretext for attacking their city. On the commencement of the siege, the Roman senate dispatched two ambassadors to Hannibal, with orders to proceed to Carthage in case the general refused to give them satisfaction. But they had scarcely landed, when Hannibal, who was carrying on the siege of Saguntum with great vigour, sent them word that he had something else to do than to give audience to ambassadors. At last, however, he admitted them, and, in answer to their remonstrances, told them that the Saguntines had drawn their misfortunes upon themselves by committing hostilities against the allies of Carthage; at the same time he desired the deputies, if they had any complaints to make of him, to carry them to the senate of Carthage. They did so, and on their arrival in that capital, demanded that Hannibal might be delivered up to the Romans, to be punished according to his deserts. This course of action was not complied with, and war was immediately declared between the two nations.

The Saguntines are said to have defended themselves for eight months with incredible bravery. At last, however, the city was taken, and the inhabitants were treated with the utmost cruelty. After this conquest, Hannibal put his African troops into winter quarters at New Carthage; but, in order to gain the affection of the Spaniards, he permitted them to retire to their respective homes.

The next campaign, having taken the necessary measures for securing Africa and Spain, he passed the Iberus, sets out subdued the different nations betwixt that river and the Pyrenees, appointed Hanno commander of all the new conquered districts, and immediately began his march for Italy. Upon mustering his forces, after they had been weakened by sieges, desertion, mortality, and a detachment of 10,000 foot and 1000 horse left with Hanno to support him in his new post, he found them to amount to 50,000 foot and 9000 horse, all veteran troops, and the best in the world. As they left their heavy baggage with Hanno, and were all light armed, Hannibal easily crossed the Pyrenees; passed by Ruscino, a frontier town of the Gauls; and arrived on the banks of the Rhone without opposition. This river he passed, notwithstanding some opposition by the Gauls, and for some time remained in doubt whether he should advance to engage the Romans, who, under Scipio, had landed near the mouth of the Rhone, or continue his march for Italy. But he was soon induced to adopt the latter course by the arrival of Maglius, prince of the Boii, who brought rich presents with him, and offered to conduct the Carthaginian army across the Alps. Nothing could have happened more favourable to Hannibal's affairs than the arrival of this prince, since he possessed a local knowledge of the difficult region to be traversed, and there was no room to doubt the sincerity of his intentions; for the Boii bore an implacable enmity to the Romans, and had even come to an open rupture with them upon the first news that Italy was threatened with an invasion from the Carthaginians.

It is not known with absolute certainty where Hannibal began to ascend the Alps, although the subject has been critically examined and discussed by many very able writers. As soon as he began his march, the petty kings

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1 The commonly received opinion now is, that Hannibal, having passed the Rhone in the manner described by Polybius and Livy, advanced northwards along its left bank, cutting across the neck of the peninsula formed by the incursion of the Rhone towards Lyons, but obviating the general direction of the stream; that he then entered the Isola Allobrogum, a tract included between the Rhone and the Leman, and traversed its tracts, still keeping a northerly direction; that having cleared the space between the two rivers, he turned off suddenly to the right, proceeded along the valley of the Isere, crossed the Alps by the Little St Bernard, and descended into Insubria, now Piedmont, between the Dora Baltea and the Orca. This route was first traced out by General Melville, who, with Polybius in his hand, surveyed the whole line of march from the passage of the Rhone to the descent into Piedmont, and found it to agree in almost every particular with the account given by the military historian. As this genius is remarkable for his general historical fidelity, and as he had himself personally investigated Hannibal's route little more than half a century after the Carthaginian commander had achieved his celebrated passage, his authority in this matter was justly assumed by the geometers abroad; and hence, in order to discover what line Hannibal had actually followed, it was only necessary to find one which should, upon the whole, coincide better than any other with the description of Polybius. But of all the lines by which the Alps could have been crossed in the time of Hannibal, that of the Little St Bernard alone answered this condition; and, therefore, General Melville concluded that he had fully resolved the interesting question which he had proposed to himself in regard to this great achievement. The general himself, however, published nothing on the subject. He gave his notes to M. de Luc of Geneva, by whom they were very skilfully worked up into the form of a regular discourse, in which are embodied many additional illustrations of the general's theory, which are due to the learned and researches of the collector himself. The same subject is treated with much ability and cogency of reasoning in the dissertation of Messrs Wickham and Cramer, which in fact comprehends all that is necessary to be known respecting it. With regard to the theory of Whitaker, who contends that Hannibal came round by Lyons, and crossed the Alps by the Great St Bernard, it is so demonstrably irreconcilable both with time and distance, as to rendering of insuperable physical obstacles, that it carries its own refutation along with it. A new theory, differing in some respects from all former ones, is now advanced in a small volume recently published at Cambridge; but the anonymous author has failed as signally in the exposition of his own views of the subject, as in the attack he has thought proper to make, in no measured terms, on the joint production of Messrs Wickham and Cramer; and of the route he has proposed, it is sufficient to say, that it is impracticable in itself, and inconsistent with historical authority. Carthage of the country assembled their forces in great numbers, and, taking possession of the eminences over which the Carthaginians must necessarily pass, continued harassing them, and were no sooner driven from one eminence than they seized on another, disputing every foot of ground with the enemy, and, by the local advantages they possessed, destroying great numbers of them. Hannibal, however, having found means to possess himself of an advantageous post, defeated and dispersed the enemy, and soon afterwards took their capital city, where he found the prisoners, horses, and baggage, that had before fallen into their hands, and likewise corn sufficient to serve the army for three days. At last, after a most fatiguing march of nine days, he arrived at the highest point in the route. Here he encamped, and halted two days, to give his wearied troops some repose, and to wait for the stragglers. But as the snow had recently fallen in great quantity, and covered the ground, this sight terrified the Africans and Spaniards, who were much affected with the cold. In order, therefore, to encourage them, the Carthaginian general led them to the top of the highest rock on the side of Italy, and thence gave them a view of the large and fruitful plains of Insubria, informing them that the Gauls, whose country they then beheld, were ready to join them. He also pointed out to them the place whereabout Rome stood, telling them, that by climbing the Alps they had scaled the walls of that rich metropolis; and, having thus animated his troops, he began to descend the mountains.

The difficulties the troops met with in their descent were much greater than those which had occurred in the ascent. They had indeed no enemy to contend with, except some scattered parties who came to steal rather than to fight; but the deep snows, the mountains of ice, craggy rocks, and frightful precipices, proved more terrible than any enemy. After they had marched for some days through narrow, steep, and slippery pathways, they came at last to a place which neither elephants, horses, nor men could pass. The way, which lay between two precipices, was exceedingly narrow; and the declivity, which was naturally very steep, had still become more dangerous by the falling away of the earth. Here the guides stopped; and the whole army being terrified, Hannibal proposed at first to march round about, and attempt to turn the obstacle which appeared insurmountable; but all places around being covered with snow, he found himself reduced to the necessity of cutting a path into the rock itself, through which his men, horses, and elephants might descend. This work was accomplished with incredible labour; when Hannibal, having spent nine days in ascending, and six in descending the Alps, at length gained Insubria, and notwithstanding the disasters he had met with by the way, entered the country with all the boldness of a conqueror.

Hannibal, on his entry into Insubria, reviewed his army, when he found that of the 50,000 foot with whom he had set out from New Carthage five months and fifteen days before, he had now only 20,000, and that his 9000 horse were reduced to 6000. His first care after entering Italy was to refresh his troops, who, after so long a march, and such inexpressible hardships, looked like as many skeletons raised from the dead, or savages born in a desert. He did not, however, suffer them to languish long in idleness; but, joining the Insubrians, who were then at war with the Taurini, laid siege to Taurinum or Turin, the only city in the country, and in three days carried it by storm, putting all who resisted to the sword. This struck the neighbouring barbarians with such terror, that of their own accord they submitted to the conqueror, and supplied his army with all sorts of provisions.

In the mean time, Scipio, the Roman general, who had been sent in quest of Hannibal to the Rhone, and who had even had an affair with his rear-guard on the banks of that Carthage river, was surprised to find that his antagonist had crossed the Alps and entered Italy. He therefore returned with the utmost expedition; and an engagement ensued near Battlenear the river Ticinus, in which the Romans were worsted. The immediate consequence was, that Scipio repassed that river, and Hannibal continued his march to the banks of the Po, where he was detained two days before he could cross by means of a bridge of boats. He then sent Mago in pursuit of the enemy, who had rallied their scattered forces, repassed the Po, and encamped at Placentia. He next concluded a treaty with several of the Gallic cantons, and having joined his brother with the rest of the army, again offered battle to the Romans; but this they thought proper to decline; and at last the consul, intimated by the desertion of a body of Gauls, abandoned his camp, passed the Trebia, and posted himself on an eminence near that river, where he drew lines round his camp, and waited the arrival of his colleague with the forces from Sicily.

Hannibal being apprised of the consul's departure, sent the Numidian horse in advance to harass him on his march, and himself moved at the head of the main body to support them in case of need. The Numidians arrived before the rear of the Roman army had quite passed the Trebia, and put to the sword or made prisoners all the stragglers they found there; and Hannibal coming up soon afterwards, encamped in sight of the Roman army on the opposite bank. Here, having learned the character of the Romans consul Sempronius, who had lately arrived, he soon brought again him to an engagement, and entirely defeated him. Ten fested thousand of the enemy retired to Placentia; but the rest were either killed or taken prisoners. The Carthaginians pursued the flying Romans as far as the Trebia, but did not think proper to repass that river, on account of the excessive cold.

After this action upon the Trebia, Hannibal ordered the Numidians, Celtiberians, and Lusitanians, to make incursions into the Roman territories, where they committed great devastations. During his state of inaction, he endeavoured to win the affections of the Gauls, and likewise of the allies of the Romans, declaring to the Gallic and Italian prisoners, that he had no intention of making war upon them, being determined to restore them to their liberty, and protect them against the Romans; and to confirm them in a good opinion of him, he dismissed them all without ransom.

Next year, having crossed the Apennines, and penetrated into Etruria, Hannibal received intelligence that Lake Trasimene the new consul Flaminius lay encamped with the Roman army under the walls of Arezzo; and having learned the true character of this general, who was of a haughty, fierce, and rash disposition, he doubted not of being soon able to bring him to a battle. In order to inflame the impetuous spirit of Flaminius, the Carthaginian general took the road to Rome, and leaving the Roman army behind him, laid waste with fire and sword the country through which he passed; and as that part of Italy abounded with all the elegancies as well as necessaries of life, the Romans and their allies suffered an incredible loss on this occasion. The headstrong consul was inflamed with rage at seeing the ravages committed by the Carthaginians, and therefore approached them with great temerity, as if confident of victory. Hannibal in the mean time kept still advancing towards Rome, having Crotona on the left, and Lake Trasimene on the right; and at last having drawn Flaminius into an ambuscade, entirely defeated him. The general himself, with fifteen thousand of his men, fell on the field of battle; a great number were taken prisoners; and a body of six thousand men, who had fled to a town in Carthage. Etruria, surrendered to Maharbal the next day. Hannibal lost only fifteen hundred men on this occasion, most of whom were Gauls; though great numbers both of his soldiers and of the Romans died of their wounds. Being soon afterwards informed that the consul Servilius had detached a body of four thousand, or, according to Appian, eight thousand horse, from Ariminum, to reinforce his colleague in Etruria, Hannibal sent out Maharbal, with all the cavalry, and some of the infantry, to attack him. The Roman detachment consisted of chosen men, commanded by Centenius, a patrician. Maharbal soon fell in with the enemy, and after a short contest entirely defeated them. Two thousand Romans were left dead on the spot; and the rest retiring to a neighbouring eminence, were surrounded by Maharbal's forces, and obliged next day to surrender at discretion. This disaster happening within a few days after the defeat at Lake Trasymenus, gave almost the finishing stroke to the affairs of Rome.

The Romans being now in the utmost consternation, named a dictator, as was their custom in seasons of great emergency. The person they chose on this occasion was Fabius Maximus, surnamed Verrucosus, a man as cool and cautious as Sempronius and Flaminius were warm and impetuous. Fabius set out with a design not to engage Hannibal, but only to watch his motions and cut off his provisions, which he knew was the most proper way to destroy him in a country so far from his own. Accordingly he followed him through Umbria and Picenum into the territory of Adria, and then through the territories of the Marucini and Frentani into Apulia. When the enemy marched he followed them; when they encamped he did the same, but for the most part on eminences, and at some distance from their camp, watching all their motions, cutting off their stragglers, and keeping them in a state of continual alarm. This cautious method of proceeding greatly distressed the Carthaginians, but at the same time raised discontents in the Roman army. But neither these discontents, nor the ravages committed by Hannibal, could prevail upon Fabius to alter his measures. The former, therefore, entered Campania, one of the finest countries of Italy; and the ravages he committed there raised such complaints in the Roman army, that the dictator, for fear of irritating his soldiers, was obliged to pretend a desire of coming to an engagement. Accordingly he followed Hannibal with greater expedition than usual; but at the same time avoided, under various pretences, an engagement, with more care than the enemy sought it. Hannibal finding he could not by any means bring the dictator to a battle, resolved to quit Campania, which he found more abundant in fruit and wine than in corn, and to return to Samnium through the pass called Eribanus. Concluding from his march that such was his design, Fabius got there before him, and encamped on Mount Calicula, which commanded the pass, after having placed several bodies in all the avenues leading to it.

Hannibal was for some time at a loss what to do; but at last contrived a stratagem, which Fabius could neither foresee nor guard against. Being encamped at the foot of Mount Calicula, he ordered Asdrubal to pick out from among the cattle taken in the country two thousand of the strongest and nimblest oxen, to tie faggots to their horns, and to have them with the herdsmen ready without the camp. After supper, when all was quiet, the cattle were brought in good order to the hill, where Fabius had placed some Roman parties in ambush to stop up the pass. Upon a signal given the faggots upon the horns of the oxen were set on fire; and the herdsmen, supported by some battalions armed with small javelins, drove them on quietly. The Romans seeing the light of the fires, imagined that the Carthaginians were marching by torch-light. However, Fabius kept close in his camp, depending on the troops he had placed in ambuscade; but when the oxen, feeling the fire on their heads, began to run up and down the hills, the Romans in ambush thought themselves surrounded on all sides, and climbing the paths where they saw least light, returned to their camp, leaving the pass open to Hannibal. Fabius, though rallied by his soldiers for being thus overreached by the Carthaginians, still continued to pursue the same plan, marched directly after Hannibal, and encamped on some eminences near him.

Soon after this, the dictator was recalled to Rome; and as Hannibal, notwithstanding the ravages he had committed, had all along spared the lands of Fabius, the latter was suspected of holding a secret correspondence with the enemy. In his absence, Minucius, the general of the horse, gained some advantages, which greatly tended to increase the dissatisfaction with the dictator, insomuch that before his return Minucius was placed upon an equal footing with himself. The general of the horse proposed that each should command his day; but the dictator chose rather to divide the army, hoping by that means to save at least part of it. Hannibal soon found means to draw Minucius into an engagement, and, by his masterly skill in relieving by laying ambuscades, the Roman general was surrounded on every side, and would have been cut off with all his troops, had not Fabius hastened to his assistance, and relieved him. Then the two armies uniting, advanced in good order to renew the fight; but Hannibal, not caring to venture a second action, sounded a retreat, and retired to his camp; and Minucius, ashamed of his rashness, resigned the command of the army to Fabius.

The year following the Romans augmented their army Battle of to 87,000 men, horse and foot, under the command of Caius Emilius Paulus and Terentius Varro, the consuls for the year; and Hannibal being reduced to the greatest straits for want of provisions, resolved to abandon Samnium and penetrate into the heart of Apulia. Accordingly he decamped in the night; and as he left fires burning, and tents standing in his camp, the Romans for some time believed that his retreat was only feigned. When the truth was discovered, Emilius declared against pursuing him; but in this he was seconded by few besides Servilius, one of the consuls of the preceding year; Terentius and all the other officers being obstinately bent on pursuit. They accordingly overtook the enemy at Cannae; till this time an obscure village in Apulia, and a battle ensued at this place, as memorable as any mentioned in history. In this desperate conflict the Romans, though almost twice the number of the Carthaginians, were put to flight with terrible slaughter, about 45,000 being left dead on the field of battle, and 10,000 taken prisoners in the action or pursuit. The night was spent in Hannibal's camp in feasting and rejoicings, and next day in stripping the dead bodies of the unhappy Romans; after which the victorious general invested their double camp, where he found 4000 men.

The immediate consequence of this victory, as Hannibal had foreseen, was a disposition on that part of Italy quinces of called the Old Province, Magna Graecia, Tarentum, and the vic- part of the territory of Capua, to submit to him. The neighbouring provinces likewise discovered an inclination to shake off the Roman yoke, but wanted first to see whether Hannibal was able to protect them. The latter, accordingly, being informed that the Hirpini and other neigh- bouring nations were disposed to enter into an alliance with the Carthaginians, marched into Samnium, and ad- vanced to Compsa, which opened its gates to him. In this place he left his heavy baggage, as well as the im- mense plunder he had acquired; after which he ordered his brother Mago, with a body of troops destined for that purpose, to occupy all the fortresses in Campania, the most Carthage, delicious province of Italy. The humanity with which Hannibal had all along treated the Italian prisoners, as well as the fame of the complete victory he had lately obtained, wrought so powerfully upon the Lucani, Brutti, and Apulians, that they expressed an eager desire of being taken under his protection; nay, even the Campanians themselves, a nation more obliged to the Romans than any in Italy except the Latins, discovered an inclination to abandon their natural friends. Of this the Carthaginian general received intelligence, and immediately bent his march towards Capua, not doubting but that, by means of the popular faction there, he should easily make himself master of the place, which he accordingly did. Soon after this place had submitted, many cities of the Brutti opened their gates to Hannibal, who ordered his brother Mago to take possession of them. Mago was then dispatched to Carthage, with the important news of the victory at Cannae, and the consequences attending it. Upon his arrival there, he acquainted the senate that Hannibal had defeated six Roman generals, four of whom were consuls, one dictator, and a general of horse; that he had engaged six consular armies, killed two consuls, wounded one, and driven another out of the field with scarcely fifty men to attend him; that he had routed the general of the horse, who was of equal power with the consuls; and that the dictator was esteemed the only general fit to command an army, merely because he had not the courage to engage him; and as a demonstrative proof of what he advanced, he produced, according to some authors, three bushels and a half of gold rings, taken from knights and senators who had been killed in the various engagements.

Hitherto we have seen Hannibal almost uniformly victorious; and, indeed, if we call to mind what he had already done, we must consider his exploits as superior to those of any other general of ancient times. Other commanders have been celebrated for victories gained over barbarous and uncivilized nations. Alexander the Great, for instance, invaded and overran the empire of Persia; but that kingdom was then sunk in debasement and effeminacy; and if that great commander had turned his arms against the western nations, which were of a more martial disposition, it is more than probable he would not have conquered so easily. Hannibal, on the other hand, lived at a time when the Romans were not only the most powerful, but the most warlike nation in the world; yet that nation he attacked with an army of only 26,000 men, without resources either of recruits, money, or provisions, except what he could procure in the enemy's country. With these means he had for three years resisted the Roman armies, which had been hitherto invincible by all other nations. Their armies had been commanded by generals of different tempers, dispositions, and abilities; and the losses they had sustained were by the Roman writers imputed to the faults of the generals themselves; but experience had abundantly proved that these commanders, with all their defects, were able to conquer the most warlike nations when commanded by any one but Hannibal. In the battles fought with the Romans he had destroyed 200,000 of their men, and taken 50,000 prisoners. Yet from the time of the battle of Cannae, the affairs of this great man totally declined. The reason of this, as stated by the Roman historians, is, that when he put his army into winter quarters in Capua, he so enervated himself and them by debaucheries in that place, that he became no longer capable of coping with the Roman forces. But this seems by no means to have been the case; for the Roman historians themselves own, that, after the battle of Cannae, he gave their armies many severe defeats, and took a great number of towns in their sight.

The true cause of that reverse of fortune which Hannibal now experienced, was his not having sufficient resources for recruiting his army. On the first news, indeed, of his success at Carthage, a body of 4000 Numidian cavalry, 40 elephants, and 1000 talents of silver, were granted by the senate. A large detachment of Spanish forces was also appointed to follow them; and that these last might be ready in due time, Mago set out immediately for Spain to raise in that country 20,000 foot and 4000 horse. Had this ample supply been sent with proper expedition, it is by no means probable that the Romans would have had any occasion to reflect upon Hannibal's conduct at Capua; for that general would undoubtedly have obliged the haughty republic to submit to the superior force of his arms in the course of the next campaign. But notwithstanding the influence of the Barcinean faction at Carthage, Hanno and his adherents found means not only to retard the march of the supplies intended, but even to diminish their number. Through the artifices of that infatuated party, Mago could obtain an order for only 12,000 foot and 2500 horse; and even with this inconsiderable body of troops he was sent into Spain. Hannibal being thus deserted by his country, found himself obliged to act upon the defensive; his army amounting now to little more than 26,000 foot and 9000 horse. But though obliged to act in this manner, he was only prevented from conquering; the utmost efforts of the Roman power were insufficient to drive this small army out of Italy in less than fourteen years.

The Romans, however, though greatly reduced, were not yet exhausted. They were still able to send two corps of the regular armies into the field, fully recruited and in good marching order; and as neither the Gauls nor Italians were natural allies of the Carthaginians, they did not fail to abandon them on the first reverse of fortune. After the Romans had recovered from the consternation into which they were thrown by the defeat at Cannae, they chose a dictator, and recalled Marcellus, the conqueror of Syracuse, from Sicily. All the young Romans above seventeen years of age, of whatsoever rank, were obliged to enlist themselves; as were also those who had already completed their legal term of service. By these means four legions and 10,000 horse were soon raised in the city; while the allies of Rome, the colonies, and the municipia, furnished their contingents as usual. To these were added 8000 of the youngest and strongest slaves in the city, whom the republic purchased of their masters, but did not oblige to serve without their own consent, which they gave, by answering Volo, "I am willing;" and hence they were called colonae, to distinguish them from the other troops. As the Romans, after the loss of so many battles, had no swords, darts, or bucklers, left in their magazines, the colonae were supplied with the arms which had been formerly taken from the enemy, and hung up in the public temples and porticoes. The finances of Rome were no less exhausted; but this defect was supplied by the liberality of her citizens. The senators showing the example, were followed first by the knights, and afterwards by the tribes; who, stripping themselves of all the gold they had, brought it to the public treasury. The senators only reserved their rings, and the bullae about their children's necks. As for the silver coin, it was now, for the first time, alloyed with copper, and increased in value. Thus the finances were put into a tolerable condition, and a competent army raised.

This was plainly the last effort the Romans could make; and if Hannibal had procured a sufficient supply of men and money to enable him to cope with their new army, and to break it as he had done the others before, there would have been no more resistance on their part. He began, however, to be in want of money; and, in order to Carthage procure it, gave the Roman prisoners permission to ransom themselves. These unhappy men agreed to send ten of their body to Rome to negotiate their redemption; and Hannibal required no other security for their return but their oath. Carthalo was sent at their head to make proposals of peace; but upon the first news of his arrival, the dictator dispatched a lictor to command him immediately to quit the Roman territory; and it was resolved not to redeem the captives. Upon this Hannibal sent the most considerable of them to Carthage; and of the rest he made gladiators, obliging them to fight with one another, even relations with relations, for the entertainment of the troops.

At this time Cnecius and Publius Scipio carried on the war in Spain with great success against the Carthaginians. Asdrubal had been ordered to enter Italy with his army to assist Hannibal; but being defeated by the Romans, was prevented doing so. The dictator and senate of Rome, encouraged by this news, carried on the preparations for the next campaign with the greatest vigour, whilst Hannibal remained inactive at Capua. This inaction, however, seems to have proceeded from his expectation of succours from Africa, which never arrived; and this delay occasioned his ruin. The Roman dictator now released from prison all criminals, and persons confined for debt, who were willing to enlist themselves; and of these he formed a body of 6000 foot, armed with the broad swords and bucklers formerly taken from the Gauls. Then the Roman army, to the number of about 25,000 men, marched out of the city under the command of the dictator; whilst Marcellus kept the remains of Varro's army, amounting to about 15,000 men, at Casilinum, in readiness to march whenever there should be occasion for their services.

Thus the Roman forces were still superior to those of Hannibal; and as they now saw the necessity of following the example of Fabius Maximus, no engagement of any consequence happened during the first year after the battle of Cannae. Hannibal made a fruitless attempt upon Nola, expecting it would be delivered up to him; but this was prevented by Marcellus, who had entered that city, and who, sallying unexpectedly from three gates upon the Carthaginians, obliged them to retire in great confusion, with the loss of 5000 men. This was the first advantage which had been gained by the Romans where Hannibal commanded in person, and it raised their spirits not a little. But they were as much dejected on learning that the consul Posthumius Albinus, with his whole army, had been cut off by the Boii, as he was crossing a forest. Upon this it was resolved to draw all the Roman forces out of Gaul and other countries, and turn them against Hannibal; so that the Carthaginian stood daily more and more in need of those supplies which as yet never arrived from Carthage. He, however, reduced the cities of Numantia, Petelia, Consentia, Crotona, Locri, and several others in Magna Graecia, before the Romans gained any advantage over him, except that before Nola, already mentioned. The Campanians, who had espoused the Carthaginian interest, raised an army of 14,000 of their own nation in favour of Hannibal, and placed one Marius Alsius at the head of it; but the latter was surprised by the consul Sempronius, who defeated and killed him, with 2000 of his men. It was now found that Hannibal had concluded a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, with Philip king of Macedon; but, in order to prevent any disturbance from that quarter, a Roman army was sent to Macedon. Soon after this Marcellus defeated Hannibal in a pitched battle, having armed his men with long pikes, used generally at sea, and chiefly in boarding ships; by which means the Carthaginians were pierced through, while they were totally unable to hurt their adversaries Carthage, with the short javelins they carried. Marcellus pursued them closely, and, before they got to their camp, killed 5000, and took 600 prisoners, losing himself about 1000 men, who were trodden down by the Numidian horse, commanded by Hannibal in person. After this defeat the Carthaginian general found himself deserted by 1200 of his best horse, partly Spaniards and partly Numidians, who had crossed the Alps with him. This touched him so sensibly, that he left Campania, and retired into Apulia.

The Romans still continued to increase their forces; and Hannibal, not having the same resources, found it impossible to act at once against so many armies. Fabius Maximus advanced into Campania, whither Hannibal was obliged to return, in order to save Capua. He ordered Defeat of Hannibal, however, at the head of 17,000 foot and 1700 horse, Hannano and to seize Beneventum; but the latter was utterly defeated, of Hannibal, and scarcely 2000 of his men were left alive. Hannibal himself, in the mean time, advanced to Nola, where he was again defeated by Marcellus. He now began to lose ground on all sides. The Romans retook Casilinum, Accaia in Apulia, Arpi, and Aternum; but the city of Tarentum was delivered up to him by its inhabitants. The Romans then entered Campania, and ravaged the whole country, threatening Capua with a siege. The inhabitants immediately acquainted Hannibal with their danger; but he was so intent upon reducing the citadel of Tarentum, that he could not be prevailed upon to march to their assistance. In the mean time Hanno was again utterly defeated by Fulvius, his camp taken, and he himself forced to fly into Bruttium with a small body of horse. The consuls then advanced with the design of besieging Capua in form. But, in their way, Sempronius Gracchus, a man of great bravery, and an excellent general, was betrayed by a Lucanian, and killed; which proved a very great detriment to the republic. Capua, however, was soon afterwards invested on all sides; Capua and the besieged having once more sent to Hannibal, he sieged, now came to their assistance with his horse, his light-armed infantry, and thirty-three elephants. He also found means to apprize the besieged of the moment when he designed to engage the Romans, and to order them to make a vigorous sally in support of the attack. Upon the Hannibal first news of the enemy's approach, the Roman generals, in vain attempting Appius and Fulvius, divided their troops; Appius taking, tempts to upon him to make head against the garrison, and Fulvius to defend the intrenchments against Hannibal. The former found no difficulty in repulsing the garrison, and would have entered the city pell-mell along with them, had he not been wounded at the very gate, which prevented him from pursuing his design. Fulvius found it more difficult to withstand Hannibal, whose troops behaved with extraordinary resolution. A body of Spaniards and Numidians had even the boldness to pass the ditch, and, climbing the ramparts, in spite of all opposition penetrated into the Roman camp; but, not being properly seconded by the rest, they were cut off to a man. The Carthaginian general was so disheartened at this, especially after the garrison was repulsed, that he sounded a retreat, which was effected in good order. His next attempt for the relief of Capua was to march to Rome, where he hoped his approach would strike so much terror that the armies would be recalled from before Capua; and, that the Capuans might not be disheartened by his sudden departure, he found means to apprize them of his design. The news of his approach caused great consternation in the metropolis. Some of the senators were for recalling the armies from all parts of Italy to the neighbourhood of Rome, thinking nothing less sufficient to resist the terrible Carthaginian. But Fabius told them that Hannibal's design was not to take Rome, but relieve Capua; up- Carthage, on which Fulvius was recalled to Rome with 15,000 foot and 1000 horse; and this obliged Hannibal again to retire. He then returned so suddenly to Capua, that he surprised Appius in his camp, drove him out of it with the loss of a great number of men, and obliged him to intrench himself on some eminences, where he expected to be soon joined by his colleague Fulvius. As Hannibal, however, now expected to have all the Roman forces upon him, he could do nothing more for the relief of Capua, and consequently it at once was obliged to submit to the Romans.

A little before the surrender of Capua, Hannibal came up with a Roman army commanded by one M. Centenius Penula, who had signalized himself on many occasions as a centurion. This rash man, having been introduced to the senate, had bid the assurance to tell them, that if they would entrust him with a body of only 5000 men, he would give a good account of Hannibal. They gave him 8000, and his army was soon increased to double that number. He engaged the Carthaginians on Hannibal's first offering him battle; but, after an engagement of two hours, he was defeated and slain, with all his men except about a thousand. Soon afterwards, having found means to draw the praetor Cnecius Fulvius into an ambuscade, Hannibal cut in pieces almost his whole army, consisting of 18,000 men. In the mean time Marcellus was making great progress in Samnium, where the city of Salapia was betrayed to him; but he took two others by assault, in the last of which he found 3000 Carthaginians, whom he put to the sword, at the same time carrying off 240,000 bushels of wheat and 110,000 bushels of barley. This, however, was by no means a compensation for the defeat which Hannibal soon after inflicted on the proconsul Fulvius Centenatus, whom he surprised and cut off, with 13,000 of his men.

After this defeat Marcellus advanced with his army to oppose Hannibal; and various engagements took place, without any decisive result. In one of these the Romans are said to have been defeated, and in another Hannibal; but notwithstanding this, it was neither in the power of Marcellus nor of any other Roman general totally to defeat or disperse the army commanded by Hannibal in person. Nay, in the eleventh year of the war, Hannibal found means to decoy into an ambuscade and cut off Marcellus himself; the consequence of which was, that the Romans were obliged to raise the siege of Locri, with the loss of all their military engines.

Hitherto the Carthaginians, though no longer the favourites of fortune, had lost but little ground; but now they met with a blow which totally ruined their affairs. This was the defeat of Asdrubal, Hannibal's brother, who had left Spain, and was marching to his assistance. He crossed the Pyrenees without any difficulty; and as the silver mines had supplied him with a great quantity of treasure, he not only prevailed upon the Gauls to grant him a passage through their territories, but likewise to furnish him with a considerable number of recruits. Meeting with many favourable circumstances to expedite his march, he arrived at Placentia sooner than either the Romans or his brother Hannibal expected. Had he continued to use the same expedition with which he set out, and hastened to join his brother, it would have been utterly impossible to save Rome; but, sitting down before Placentia, he gave the Romans time to concentrate their forces in order to attack him. At last he was obliged to raise the siege, and began his march for Umbria. He sent a letter to acquaint his brother of his intended movement; but the messenger was intercepted; and the two consuls, having formed a junction, fell upon the Carthaginians with their united forces. As the latter were inferior both in numbers and resolution, they were utterly defeated, and Asdrubal himself was killed. About the same time Hannibal is said to have suffered several defeats, Carthage retired to Canusium; but on the fatal news of his brother's overthrow and death he was filled with despair, and withdrew to the extremity of Bruttium, where, assembling all his forces, he remained for a considerable time in a state of inaction, the Romans not daring to disturb him; so formidable did they esteem him alone, though everything about him went to wreck, and the Carthaginian affairs seemed approaching the verge of ruin. Livy tells us, that it was difficult to determine whether his conduct was more wonderful in prosperity or in adversity. But notwithstanding this, Bruttium being a small province, and many of its inhabitants being either forced into the service, or forming themselves into parties of banditti, so that a great part of it remained uncultivated, he found it a difficult matter to subsist there, especially as no manner of supplies were sent him from Carthage. The people of that ill-fated republic were as solicitous about preserving their possessions in Spain, and as little concerned about the situation of affairs in Italy, as if Hannibal had met with an uninterrupted course of success, and as if no disaster had befallen him since he first entered that country.

All their solicitude, however, about the affairs of Spain was to no purpose; for their generals, one after another, were defeated by the Romans. They had indeed cut off the two Scipios; but they found a much more formidable enemy in the young Scipio, afterwards surnamed Africanus, who overthrew them in conjunction with Massinissa king of Numidia, who soon afterwards abandoned their interest; an example which was shortly after followed by Syphax king of the Massylii. Scipio also inflicted on the Spanish reguli, or petty princes, a great overthrow, and reduced the cities of New Carthage, Gades, and many other important places. At last the Carthaginians began to open their eyes, but it was now too late. Mago was ordered to abandon Spain, and sail with all expedition to Italy. He landed on the coast of Liguria with an army of 12,000 foot and 2000 horse, where he surprised Genoa, and also seized upon the town and port of Savo. A reinforcement was sent him to this place, and new levies went on very briskly in Liguria; but the opportunity was past, and could not be recalled. Scipio having carried all before him in Spain, passed over into lands in Africa, where he met with no enemy capable of opposing Africa his progress. The Carthaginians, then, seeing themselves on the brink of destruction, were obliged to recall their armies from Italy, in order to save their city. Mago, who had entered Insurbin, was defeated by the Roman forces there; and having retreated into the maritime parts of Mago and Liguria, met a courier, who brought him orders to return Hannibal directly to Carthage. At the same time Hannibal was recalled. When the messengers acquainted him with the senate's pleasure, he expressed the utmost indignation and concern; groaning, gnashing his teeth, and scarce refraining from tears. Never did banished man, according to Livy, show so much regret in quitting his native country, as Hannibal evinced at leaving that of the enemy.

The Carthaginian general had no sooner landed in Africa than he sent out parties to procure provisions for the army, proceed and buy horses to remount the cavalry. He entered into a league with the regulus of the Arcadid, one of the Numidian tribes; and four thousand of Syphax's horse came over in a body to him; but as he did not think proper to repose any confidence in them, he put them all to the sword, and distributed their horses amongst his troops. Vermina, one of Syphax's sons, and Macetus, another Numidian prince, likewise joined him with a considerable body of horse; and most of the fortresses in Massinissa's kingdom either surrendered to him upon the first sum- Carthage, Mons, or were taken by force. Narse, a city of considerable note, he obtained possession of by stratagem. Tycheus, a Numidian regulus, and faithful ally of Syphax, whose territories were famous for an excellent breed of horses, reinforced him also with 2000 of his best cavalry; and Hannibal advanced to Zama, a town about five days' journey distant from Carthage, where he encamped. He then sent out spies to observe the position of the Romans, and report. They were however made prisoners and brought before Scipio, who, far from inflicting any punishment upon them, which he might have done by the laws of war, commanded them to be led about the camp, in order that they might take an exact survey of it; and then dismissed them. Hannibal, admiring the noble confidence of his rival, sent a messenger to desire an interview with him, which, by means of Masinissa, he obtained. Escort- ed by equal detachments of horse, the two generals accordingly met at Nadagara, where, by the assistance of interpreters, they held a private conference. Hannibal flattered Scipio in the most refined and artful manner, expatiating upon all those topics which he thought calculated to influence that general to grant his nation a peace upon tolerable terms, and protesting that the Carthaginians would willingly confine themselves to Africa, since such was the will of the gods, in order to procure a lasting peace, whilst the Romans should be at liberty to extend their conquests to the remotest nations. Scipio answered, that the Romans were not prompted by ambition nor any sinister views to undertake either the former or present war against the Carthaginians, but by justice and a proper regard for their allies. He also observed, that the Carthaginians had, before his arrival in Africa, not only made him the same proposals, but likewise agreed to pay the Romans 5000 talents of silver, to restore all the Roman prisoners without ransom, and to deliver up all their galleys. He insisted on the perfidious conduct of the Carthaginians, who had broken a truce concluded with them; and added, that, so far from granting them more favourable terms, they ought to expect more rigorous terms, which, if Hannibal would submit to, peace might be concluded; if not, the decision of the dispute must be left to the sword.

This conference betwixt two of the greatest generals the world had ever produced thus ending in nothing, they retired to their respective camps, where they informed their troops, that not only the fate of Rome and Carthage, but that of the whole world, was to be determined by them the next day. An engagement ensued, in which, as Polybius informs us, the surprising military genius of Hannibal displayed itself in an extraordinary manner. Scipio likewise, according to Livy, pronounced a high encomium upon him, on account of his uncommon capacity in taking advantages, the excellent arrangement of his forces, and the manner in which he gave his orders during the engagement. The Roman general, indeed, not only approved his conduct, but openly declared that it was superior to his own. Nevertheless, being vastly inferior to the enemy in horse, and the state of Carthage obliging him to hazard a battle with the Romans at great disadvantage, Hannibal was utterly routed, and his camp taken. He fled first to Thon, and afterwards to Adrumentum, whence he was recalled to Carthage, where on his arrival he advised his countrymen to conclude a peace with Scipio, on whatever terms he thought proper to prescribe.

Thus was the second war of the Carthaginians with the Romans concluded. The conditions of peace were very humiliating to the Carthaginians. They were obliged to give up all the Roman deserters, fugitive slaves, prisoners of war, and all the Italians whom Hannibal had obliged to follow him. They also delivered over all their ships of war, except ten triremes, and all their tame elephants, and Carthage became bound not to train up any more of these animals for the service. They were not to engage in any war without the consent of the Romans. They engaged to pay to the Romans in fifty years 10,000 Euboic talents, in equal payments. They were to restore to Massinissa all they had usurped from him or his ancestors, and to enter into an alliance with him. They were also to assist the Romans both by sea and land whenever they were called upon to do so, and never to make any levies either in Gaul or Liguria. These terms appeared so intolerable to the populace, that they threatened to plunder and burn the houses of the nobility; but Hannibal having assembled a body of 6000 foot and 500 horse at Marthama, prevented an insurrection, and by his influence completed the accommodation.

The peace between Carthage and Rome was scarcely Carthage signed when Massinissa unjustly made himself master of parts of the Carthaginian dominions in Africa, on the pretence that these had formerly belonged to his family. The Massinissa-Carthaginians, through the sinister mediation of the Romans, found themselves under the necessity of ceding these countries to that ambitious prince, and of entering into an alliance with him. An apparent good understanding between the two powers continued for many years afterwards; but at last Massinissa violated the treaties subsisting betwixt him and the Carthaginian republic, and not a little contributed to its subversion.

After the conclusion of the peace, Hannibal still kept up his credit among his countrymen; and he was intrusted with the command of an army against some neighbouring nations in Africa; but this being disagreeable to the Romans, he was removed from it, and raised to the dignity of praetor in Carthage. Here he continued for some time, reforming abuses, and putting the affairs of the republic into a better condition; but as this likewise proved disagreeable to the Romans, he was obliged to fly to Antiochus, king of Syria. After his flight the Romans began to look upon the Carthaginians with a suspicious eye; though, to prevent every thing of this kind, the latter had ordered two ships to pursue Hannibal, had confiscated his effects, razed his house, and by a public decree declared him an exile. Soon afterwards, disputes having arisen between the Proceed-Carthaginians and Massinissa, the latter, notwithstanding the manifest iniquity of his proceedings, was supported by sinissa and the Romans. That prince, grasping at further conquest, the Romans endeavoured to embroil the Carthaginians with the Romans, by asserting that the former had received ambassadors from Perseus, king of Macedon; that the senate had assembled in the temple of Esculapius in the night time, in order to confer with them; and that ambassadors had been dispatched from Carthage to Perseus, in order to conclude an alliance with him. Not long after this, Massinissa made an irruption into the province of Tyseta, where he soon possessed himself of seventy, or, according to Appian, fifty towns and castles. This obliged the Carthaginians to apply with great importunity to the Roman senate for redress; their hands being so tied up by an article in the last treaty that they could not repel force by force, in case of an invasion, without their consent. Their ambassadors requested that the Roman senate would settle once for all what dominions they were to have, that they might from thenceforth know what they had to depend upon; or, if their state had in any way offended the Romans, they begged that the latter would punish them themselves, rather than leave them exposed to the insults and vexations of a merciless tyrant; and then prostrating themselves on the earth, they burst out into tears. But notwithstanding the impression made by their speech, the matter was left undecided; so that Massinissa remained at liberty to pur- Carthage, sue what course he pleased. But whatever designs the Romans might have entertained with respect to the republic of Carthage, they affected to show great regard to the principles of justice and honour. They therefore sent Cato, a man who scrupled not to commit enormities under the specious pretence of public spirit, into Africa, to accommodate all differences betwixt Masinissa and the Carthaginians. The latter very well knew their fate had they submitted to such a mediation; they therefore appealed to the treaty concluded with Scipio, as the only rule by which their conduct and that of their adversary ought to be tried. But this reasonable appeal so incensed the righteous Cato, that he pronounced them a devoted people, and from that instant resolved upon their destruction. For some time he was opposed by Scipio Nasica; but the people of Carthage knowing that the Romans were their inveterate enemies, and reflecting upon the iniquitous treatment which they had met with from them ever since the commencement of their disputes with Masinissa, were under great apprehensions of an invasion. To prevent a rupture as much as possible, they, by a decree of the senate, impeached Asdrubal, general of the army, and Carthalo, commander of the auxiliary forces, together with their accomplices, as guilty of high treason, and as being the authors of the war against the king of Numidia. They sent a deputation to Rome to discover what sentiments were entertained there of their late conduct, and to ascertain what satisfaction the Romans required; and their envoys meeting with a cold reception, others were dispatched, who returned with the same success. This led the unhappy citizens of Carthage to believe that their destruction was resolved upon, and consequently threw them into the utmost despair. And indeed they had but too just grounds for such a melancholy apprehension, as the Roman senate now discovered an inclination to adopt the measures suggested by Cato.

About the same time the city of Utica, the second in Africa, and famous for its immense riches, as well as its commodious and capacious port, submitted to the Romans. On obtaining possession of so important a fortress, which, by reason of its vicinity to Carthage, might serve as a place of arms in the attack of that city, the Romans declared war against the Carthaginians without the least hesitation; and in consequence of this declaration, the consuls M. Manlius Nepos and L. Marcus Censorinus were dispatched with an army and fleet to commence hostilities with the utmost expedition. The land forces consisted of 80,000 foot and 4000 chosen horse; and the fleet of fifty quinqueremes, besides a vast number of transports. The consuls had secret orders from the senate not to conclude the operations but by the destruction of Carthage, without which, it was pretended, the republic could not but look upon all her possessions as insecure. Pursuant to the plan they had formed, the troops were first landed at Lilybeum in Sicily, whence, after receiving a proper refreshment, it was proposed to transport them to Utica.

The answer brought to Carthage by the last ambassadors had not a little alarmed the inhabitants of that city; but they were not as yet acquainted with the resolutions adopted at Rome. They therefore sent new ambassadors thither, whom they invested with full powers to act as they thought proper for the good of the republic, and even to submit themselves without reserve to the pleasure of the Romans. But the more sensible persons among them expected no great success from this condescension, since the early submission of the Uticans had rendered it infinitely less meritorious than it would have otherwise been. However, the Romans seemed to be in some measure satisfied with it, since they promised them their liberty, the enjoyment of their laws, and, in short, every thing that was dear and valuable to them. This threw them into a transport of joy, and they began to extol the moderation of Carthage, the Romans. But the senate immediately dashed all their hopes, by acquainting them that this favour was granted upon condition of their sending three hundred young Carthaginian noblemen of the first distinction to the praetor Fabius at Lilybeum, within the space of thirty days, and complying with all the orders of the consuls. These hard terms filled the whole city with inexpressible grief; but the hostages were delivered, and as they arrived at Lilybeum before the thirty days were expired, the ambassadors were not without hopes of softening their hard-hearted enemy. But the consuls only told them that upon their arrival at Utica they should learn the further orders of the republic.

The ministers no sooner received intelligence of the Roman fleet appearing off Utica than they repaired thither in order to know the fate of their city. The consuls however did not judge it expedient to communicate all the commands of the republic at once, lest they should appear so harsh and severe that the Carthaginians would refuse to comply with them. They first, therefore, demanded a sufficient supply of corn for the subsistence of their troops; secondly, that the Carthaginians should deliver up into their hands all the triremes they were then masters of; thirdly, that they should put them in possession of all their military machines; and, fourthly, that they should immediately convey all their arms into the Roman camp.

As care was taken that there should be a convenient interval of time betwixt every one of these demands, the Carthaginians found themselves ensnared, and could not reject any one of them, though they submitted to the last with the utmost reluctance and concern. Censorinus, now imagining them incapable of sustaining a siege, commanded them to abandon their city, or, as Zonaras says, to demolish it; but kindly gave them permission to build another eighty stadia from the sea, but without walls or fortifications. This barbarous decree threw the senate and every one else into despair; and the whole city became a scene of horror, madness, and confusion. The citizens cursed their ancestors for not dying gloriously in the defence of their country, rather than concluding such ignominious treaties of peace, that had been the cause of the deplorable condition to which their posterity was then reduced. At length, when the first commotion had a little abated, the senators assembled, and resolved to sustain a siege. They were stripped of their arms, and destitute of resolve to provisions; but despair raised their courage, and made them find out expedients. They took care to shut the gates of the city, and gathered together on the ramparts great heaps of stones, to serve them instead of arms in case of a surprise. They released the malefactors from prison, gave the slaves their liberty, and incorporated them in the militia. They recalled Asdrubal, who had been sentenced to death only to please the Romans; and he was invited to employ in defence of his country 20,000 men whom he had raised against it. Another Asdrubal was appointed to command in Carthage; and all seemed resolute, either to save their city or perish in its ruins. They wanted arms; but, by order of the senate, the temples, porticoes, and all public buildings, were turned into workhouses, where men and women were continually employed in making arms. As they encouraged one another in their work, and lost no time in procuring to themselves the necessaries of life, which were brought to them at stated hours, they every day made 144 bucklers, 300 swords, 1000 darts, and 500 lances and javelins. As to ballistae and catapultae, they wanted proper materials for them; but their industry supplied that defect. Where iron and brass were wanting, they made use of silver and gold, melting down the sta- Carthage, tues, vases, and even the utensils of private families; for on this occasion even the most covetous became liberal.

As tow and flax were wanting to make cords for working the machines, the women, even those of the first rank, freely cut off their hair and dedicated it for that purpose.

Without the walls, Asdrubal employed the troops in getting together provisions, and conveying them safely into Carthage; so that there was as great plenty there as in the Roman camp.

In the mean time the consuls delayed drawing near to Carthage, not doubting but the inhabitants, whom they imagined destitute of necessaries for sustaining a siege, would, upon cool reflection, submit; but at length, finding themselves deceived in their expectation, they appeared before the place and invested it. As they were still persuaded that the Carthaginians had no arms, they flattered themselves that they should easily carry the city by assault. Accordingly they approached the walls in order to plant their scaling ladders; but to their great surprise they discovered a prodigious multitude of men on the ramparts, shining in the armour which they had newly made. The legionaries were so terrified at this unexpected sight, that they drew back, and would have retired, if the consuls had not led them on to the attack, which, however, proved unsuccessful; the Romans, in spite of their utmost efforts, being obliged to abandon the enterprise, and lay aside all thoughts of taking Carthage by assault. In the mean time Asdrubal, having collected from all places subject to Carthage a prodigious number of troops, came and encamped within reach of the Romans, whom he soon reduced to great straits for want of provisions.

As Marcius, one of the Roman consuls, was posted near a marsh, the exhalations of the stagnant waters, and the heat of the season, infected the air, and caused a general sickness among his men. Marcius, therefore, ordered his fleet to draw as near the shore as possible, in order to transport his troops to a healthier place. But Asdrubal being informed of this movement, ordered all the old barks in the harbour to be filled with faggots, tow, sulphur, bitumen, and other combustible materials; and then, taking advantage of the wind, which blew towards the enemy, let them drift against their ships, which were for the most part consumed. After this disaster, Marcius was recalled in order to preside at the elections; and the Carthaginians looking upon the absence of one of the consuls as a good omen, made a brisk sally in the night, and would have surprised the consul's camp, had not Æmilianus, with some squadrans, marched out by the gate opposite to the place where the attack was made, and, coming round, fallen unexpectedly on their rear, which obliged them to return in disorder to the city.

Asdrubal having posted himself under the walls of a city named Nepheris, twenty-four miles distant from Carthage, and situated on a high mountain, which seemed inaccessible on all sides, made incursions thence into the neighbouring country, intercepted the Roman convoys, fell upon their detachments sent out to forage, and even caused parties to insult the consular army in their camp. The consul, therefore, resolved to drive the Carthaginian from his advantageous position, and with this view set out for Nepheris. As he drew near the hills, Asdrubal suddenly appeared at the head of his army in order of battle, and fell upon the Romans with incredible fury. The consular army sustained the attack with great resolution; and Asdrubal retired in good order to his position, hoping the Romans would attack him there. But the consul, being now convinced of his danger, resolved to retire; which Asdrubal no sooner perceived than he rushed down the hill, and falling upon the enemy's rear, cut a great number of them to pieces. But the whole Roman army was saved by the bravery of Scipio Æmilianus. At the head of 300 Carthage-horse he sustained the attack of all the forces commanded by Asdrubal, and covered the legions while they passed a river in their retreat before the enemy; after which he and his companions threw themselves into the stream, and swam across it. When the army had crossed the river, it was perceived that four manipules were wanting; and soon after they were informed that these companies had retired to an eminence, where they resolved to sell their lives as dearly as possible. Upon receiving this intelligence, Æmilianus, taking with him a chosen body of horse, and provisions for two days, crossed the river, and flew to the assistance of his countrymen. He seized a hill over against that on which the four manipules were posted, and, after some hours' repose, marched against the Carthaginians, who kept them invested; fell upon them at the head of his detachment with the boldness of a man determined to conquer or die; and, in spite of all opposition, opened a way for his fellow-soldiers to escape. On his return to the army, his companions, who had given him over for lost, carried him to his quarters in a kind of triumph; and the manipules he had saved gave him a crown of garlands. By these and some other exploits, Æmilianus gained such reputation, that Cato, who is said never to have commended any body before, could not withhold from him the praises he deserved; and, moreover, foretold that Carthage would never be reduced till Scipio Æmilianus was employed in that expedition.

The next year the war in Africa fell by lot to the consul L. Calpurnius Piso; and he continued to employ Æmilianus in several important enterprises, which, under the conduct of the latter, were attended with uncommon success. He took several castles; and in one of his excursions found means to obtain a private conference with Phameas, general, under Asdrubal, of the Carthaginian cavalry; and brought him over, together with 2200 of his horse, to the Roman interest. Under the consul Calpurnius Piso himself, however, the Roman arms were unsuccessful. He invested Clupea, but was obliged to abandon the enterprise, with the loss of a great number of men killed by the enemy in their sallies. He then proceeded to vent his rage against a city newly built, and thence called Neapolis, which professed a strict neutrality, and had even a protection from the Romans. The consul, however, plundered the place, and stripped the inhabitants of all their effects. After this he laid siege to Hippagretta, which occupied the Roman fleet and army the whole summer; and, on the approach of winter, he retired to Utica, without performing a single action worth notice during the whole campaign.

The next year Scipio Æmilianus being chosen consul, Scipio was ordered to proceed to Africa; and, upon his arrival, chosen the face of affairs was soon changed. At the time of his consul-entering the port of Utica, 3500 Romans were in imminent danger of being cut in pieces before Carthage. They had seized upon Megalia, one of the suburbs of the city; but, as they had not furnished themselves with provisions to subsist there, and could not retire, being closely invested on all sides by the enemy's troops, the praetor Mancinus, who commanded the detachment, seeing the danger into which he had brought himself, dispatched a light boat to Utica to acquaint the Romans in that place with his situation. Æmilianus received his letter a few hours after landing, and immediately flew to the relief of the besieged Romans, obliged the Carthaginians to retire within their walls, and conveyed his countrymen safely to Utica. Having then drawn together all the troops, Æmilianus applied himself wholly to the siege of the capital.

His first attack was upon Megalia, which he carried by Cruelties assault, the Carthaginian garrison retiring into the citadel of Asdrubal of Byrsa. Asdrubal, who had commanded the Carthaginians, Carthaginian forces in the field, and now acted as governor of the city, was so enraged at the loss of Megalia, that he caused all the Roman captives taken in the two years during which the war had lasted to be brought upon the ramparts, and thrown headlong from the top of the wall; after having, with an excess of cruelty, commanded their hands and feet to be cut off, and their eyes and tongues to be torn out. He was of a temper remarkably inhuman; and it is said that he even took pleasure in seeing some of these unhappy men flayed alive. Æmilianus, in the mean time, was busy in drawing lines of circumvallation and contravallation across the neck of land which joined the isthmus on which Carthage stood to the Continent. By this means all the avenues on the land side of Carthage were shut up, so that the city could receive no provisions from the interior. His next care was to raise a mole in the sea, in order to block up the old port, the new one being already blockaded by the Roman fleet; and this great work he effected with immense labour. The mole reached from the western neck of land, of which the Romans were masters, to the entrance of the harbour, and was ninety feet broad at the bottom, and eighty at the top. The besieged, when the Romans first began this surprising work, laughed at the attempt; but they were no less alarmed than surprised, when they beheld a vast mole appearing above water, and the port thereby rendered inaccessible to ships, and useless. Prompted by despair, however, the Carthaginians, with incredible industry, dug a new basin, and cut a passage into the sea, by which they could receive the provisions which were sent them by the troops in the field. With the same diligence and expedition they fitted out a fleet of fifty triremes, which, to the great surprise of the Romans, appeared suddenly advancing into the sea through this new canal, and even ventured to give the enemy battle. The action lasted the whole day, with little advantage on either side. The day after, the consul endeavoured to make himself master of a terrace which covered the city on the side next the sea; and on this occasion the besieged signalized themselves in a most remarkable manner. Great numbers, naked and unarmed, plunged into the water in the dead of the night, with unit torches in their hands; and having, partly by swimming, partly by wading, got within reach of the Roman engines, they struck fire, lit their torches, and threw them with fury against the machines. The sudden appearance of these naked men, who looked like so many monsters that had started out of the sea, so terrified the Romans who guarded the machines, that they began to retire in the utmost confusion. The consul, who commanded the detachment in person, and had continued all night at the foot of the terrace, endeavoured to stop his men, and even ordered those who fled to be killed. But the Carthaginians, perceiving the confusion among the Romans, threw themselves upon them like so many furies; and having put them to flight by means of their torches alone, they set fire to the machines, and entirely consumed them. This, however, did not discourage the consul; he renewed the attack a few days after, carried the terrace by assault, and effected a lodgment upon it with 4000 men. As this was an important post, because it hemmed in Carthage on the sea side, Æmilianus took care to fortify and secure it against the sallies of the enemy; and then, winter approaching, he suspended all further attacks upon the place till the return of good weather. During the winter season, however, the consul was not inactive. The Carthaginians had a very numerous army under the command of one Diogenes, strongly encamped near Nephisis, whence convoys of provisions were sent by sea to the besieged, and brought in by the new basin. To take Nephisis, therefore, was to deprive Carthage of her chief magazine. This Æmilianus undertook, and succeeded in the attempt. He first forced Carthage, the enemy's intrenchments, put 70,000 of them to the sword, and made 10,000 prisoners; all the inhabitants of the country who were prevented from retiring to Carthaginians having taken refuge in this camp. After this he laid siege to Nephisis, which was reduced in twenty-two days. Asdrubal, disheartened by the defeat of the army, and touched with the misery of the besieged, who were now reduced to the utmost extremity for want of provisions, offered to submit to such conditions as the Romans pleased to dictate, provided the city were spared; but this was absolutely refused.

Early in the spring Æmilianus renewed the siege of Carthage; and in order to open a passage into the city, he took Laelius to attempt the reduction of Cotho, a small island which divided the two ports. Æmilianus himself made a false attack on the citadel, in order to distract the enemy, and withdraw them from the place where the main effort was to be made. The stratagem had the desired effect; for the citadel being a place of the greatest importance, most of the Carthaginians hastened thither, and made the utmost efforts to repulse the aggressors; and in the mean time Laelius having, with incredible expedition, built a wooden bridge over the channel which divided Cotho from the isthmus, entered the island, scaled the walls of the fortress which the Carthaginians had built there, and made himself master of that important post. The proconsul, who was engaged before Byrsa, no sooner understood, by the loud shouts of the troops of Laelius, that he had made himself master of Cotho, than he abandoned the false attack, and unexpectedly fell on the neighbouring gate of the city, which he broke down, notwithstanding the showers of darts that were incessantly discharged upon his men from the ramparts. The approach of night prevented him from proceeding farther, but he effected a lodgment within the gate, and waited there for the return of day, with the design of advancing through the city to the citadel, and attacking it on that side, which was but indifferently fortified. Pursuant to this design, at daybreak he ordered four thousand fresh troops to be sent from the camp; and having solemnly devoted to the infernal gods the unhappy Carthaginians, he began to advance at the head of his men through the streets of the city, in order to attack the citadel. Having advanced to the market-place, he found that the way to the citadel lay through three exceedingly steep streets; while the houses on both sides were of great height, and filled with Carthaginians, who overwhelmed the Romans as they advanced, with darts and stones. It therefore became necessary first of all to clear the houses and streets. With this view Æmilianus in person, at the head of a detachment, attacked the first house, and made himself master of it, sword in hand. His example was followed by the officers and soldiers, who went on from house to house, putting all whom they met to the sword. As fast as the houses were cleared on both sides, the Romans advanced in order of battle towards the citadel, but met with a vigorous resistance from the Carthaginians, who on this occasion behaved with uncommon resolution. From the market-place to the citadel two bodies of men fought their way step by step; one above on the roofs of the houses, the other below in the streets. The slaughter was inexpressibly horrible. The air rang with shrieks and lamentations. Some were cut in pieces, while others threw themselves down from the tops of the houses; so that the streets were filled with dead and mangled bodies. But the destruction was yet greater when the proconsul commanded fire to be set to that quarter of the town which lay next to the citadel. Incredible multitudes who had escaped the sword of the enemy perished in the flames or by the fall of the houses. After the fire had lasted six days, and consumed a sufficient number of houses, Æmilianus ordered the rubbish to be removed, and a large area to be made, where all the troops might have room to act. He then appeared with his whole army before Byrsa; which so terrified the Carthaginians, who had fled thither for refuge, that first twenty-five thousand women, and then thirty thousand men, came out of the gates in such a condition as moved pity even in the Romans, and threw themselves prostrate before the general, asking no favour but life. This was readily granted, not only to them, but to all that were in Byrsa except the Roman deserters, whose number amounted to nine hundred.

Asdrubal's wife earnestly entreated her husband to suffer her to join the supplicants, and carry with her to the proconsul her two sons, who were as yet very young; but the barbarian denied her request, and rejected her remonstrances with menaces. The Roman deserters seeing themselves excluded from mercy, resolved to die sword in hand, rather than deliver themselves up to the vengeance of their countrymen. Finding them all resolved to defend themselves to the last breath, Asdrubal committed to their care his wife and children, after which, in a most cowardly and mean-spirited manner, he went privately and threw himself at the conqueror's feet. The Carthaginians in the citadel no sooner understood that their commander had abandoned the place, than they threw open the gates and put the Romans in possession of Byrsa. They had now no enemy to contend with but the nine hundred deserters, who, reduced to despair, retreated into the temple of Æsculapius, which formed a sort of second citadel within the first. There the proconsul attacked them; and these unhappy wretches, finding there was no way to escape, set fire to the temple. As the flames spread they retreated from one part of the building to another, till they got to the roof. There Asdrubal's wife appeared in her best apparel, and having uttered the bitterest imprecations against her husband, whom she saw standing below with Æmilianus, "Base coward," she exclaimed, "the mean things thou hast done to save thy life shall not avail thee; thou shalt die this instant, at least in thy two children." Having thus spoken, she stabbed both the infants with a dagger, and, while they were yet struggling for life, threw them from the top of the temple, and then leaped down after them into the flames.

Æmilianus delivered up the city to be plundered, but in the manner prescribed by the Roman military law. The soldiers were allowed to appropriate to themselves all the furniture, utensils, and brass money, they should find in private houses; but all the gold and silver, the statues, pictures, and the like, were reserved in order to be put into the hands of the quaestors. On this occasion the cities of Sicily, which had often been plundered by the Carthaginian armies, recovered a number of statues, pictures, and other valuable monuments; amongst which the famous brazen bull which Phalaris had ordered to be cast, and used as the chief instrument of his cruelty, was restored to the inhabitants of Agrigentum. As Æmilianus was greatly inclined to spare what remained of this stately metropolis, he wrote on the subject to the senate, from which he received the following orders: 1. The city of Carthage, with Byrsa and Megalia, shall be entirely destroyed, and no traces of them left. 2. All the cities which have lent Carthage any assistance shall be dismantled. 3. The territories of those cities which have declared for the Romans shall be enlarged with the lands taken from the enemy. 4. All the lands between Hippo and Carthage shall be divided among the inhabitants of Utica. 5. All the Africans of the Carthaginian state, both men and women, shall pay an annual tribute to the Romans at so much per head. 6. The whole country formerly subject to the Carthaginian state shall be reduced into a Roman province, and be governed by a praetor, in the same manner as Sicily. Lastly, Rome shall send commissioners into Africa, there to settle jointly with the proconsul the state of the new province. Before Æmilianus destroyed the city, he performed those religious ceremonies which were required on such occasions; he first sacrificed to the gods, and then caused a plough to be drawn round the walls of the city. After this the towers, ramparts, walls, and all the works which the Carthaginians had raised in the course of many ages, and at a vast expense, were levelled with the ground; and, lastly, fire was set to the edifices of the proud metropolis, which were all consumed, not a single house escaping the flames. Though the fire began in many quarters at the same time, and burnt with incredible fury, it continued for seventeen days before all the buildings were consumed.

Thus fell Carthage, about 146 years before the birth of Christ; a city whose destruction ought to be attributed more to the intrigues of an abandoned faction, composed of the most profligate part of its citizens, than to the power of its rival. The treasure which Æmilianus carried off, even after the city had been delivered up to be plundered by the soldiers, was immense, amounting, according to Pliny, to 4,470,000 pounds weight of silver. The Romans ordered Carthage never to be inhabited again, denouncing dreadful imprecations against those who, contrary to this prohibition, should attempt to rebuild any part of it, especially Byrsa and Megalia. Notwithstanding this, however, about twenty-four years afterwards, C. Gracchus, tribune of the people, in order to ingratiate himself with the multitude, undertook to rebuild it, and for that purpose conducted thither a colony of 6000 Roman citizens. The workmen, according to Plutarch, were terrified by many unlucky omens at the time they were tracing the limits and laying the foundations of the new city; and the senate being informed of the circumstance, wished to suspend the attempt. But the tribune, little affected with such presages, continued to carry on the work, and finished it in a few days. Hence it is evident that only slight huts were erected in the first instance; but whether Gracchus executed his design, or whether the work was entirely discontinued, it is certain that Carthage was the first Roman colony ever sent out of Italy. According to some authors, Carthage was rebuilt by Julius Caesar; and Strabo, who flourished in the reign of Tiberius, affirms, that in his time it was equal, if not superior, to any other city in Africa. It was looked upon as the capital of Africa for several centuries after the commencement of the Christian era. Maxentius laid it in ashes about the sixth or seventh year of Constantine's reign. Genseric, king of the Vandals, took it A.D. 439; but about a century afterwards it was re-annexed to the Roman empire by the renowned Belisarius. At last, towards the close of the seventh century, the Saracens, under Mahomet, destroyed its successors, so completely destroyed it that there is the Saracen scarcely any trace or vestige of it remaining.