at least her government, has therefore received from foreign powers, between 1832 and 1843, a nett and clear sum of 31,659,934 drachmas, 33 lepta.

Let us see how these resources have been employed:

Indemnity stipulated nominally in favour of Turkey, but in reality to the advantage of Russia, who had pecuniary demands to press against Turkey: 12,531,164 54

Reimbursement of different persons for debts anterior to the establishment of the Greek kingdom: 2,238,559 15

To which may be added, as useless expenditure, the Bavarian Regency, 1832-33: 1,397,554 27

The conveyance, cost, and return of the Bavarian troops, from 1st September 1832 to 30th September 1834: 4,748,050 0

Which, deducted from: 31,659,934 33

Give a remainder of: 10,744,506 37

With a little assistance, Greece paid the interest of the loan of 60,000,000 frs. in the years 1841, 1842, 1843. Since then she has fallen hopelessly into arrears. She now owes to the three Powers 100,000,000 drs., which she cannot pay; besides above 200,000,000 drs. to English capitalists, which she will not pay.

As to other items of the state expenditure, the king's civil list is 1,000,000 drs. or about L.36,000 sterling; the chambers receive about 600,000 drs. a year; the seven ministers, as salary, 9,600 drs.; while the departments of the army and navy expend 5,500,000 drs.; and the other five state departments, 4,500,000 drs.

It has been remarked, that if Greece were organized like the Ionian Islands, without either king, fleet, or army, 6,500,000 drs. might be realized above the annual expenditure towards liquidating her debt and improving the national property.

The antiquities of Greece open so wide a field, that, in an article of this kind, we can do nothing more than allude to the various classes of objects comprised under the title. Among these we may, without much impropriety, rank many of the cities themselves, which not only exist on the very spots they ancients occupied, and bear the same names, but, deriving their most striking characters from natural objects which remain unchanged, they still present to the eye at a distance the same general aspect and outlines. With regard to the interior of the cities, also, though the august temples of the gods have disappeared, and filth and meanness meet the eye everywhere, little doubt will remain with those who have read what the ancients have left us on the subject of their private houses, and what modern travellers have told us respecting the disinterred buildings of Pompeii, that the houses at the present day—with their square inclosed courts, their projecting roofs, and dead walls, and all that is most peculiar in their plan and interior arrangements—are copies (though miserable copies) of those of the ancient Greeks; and it is probable that some of the modern dark and narrow streets of Athens come much nearer in appearance to what they were in the age of Pericles than the admirers of antiquity are willing to allow. Among the cities which occupy their ancient sites, and bear their ancient names with little alteration, may be mentioned Athens, Thebes, Livadia, Larissa, Pharsalia, Salonica, Corinth, Argos, Nauplia, Patrae; and a great number of others of less note might be added. The ancient buildings of which remains now exist belong to three different eras:—1. The very ancient structures to which the name of Cyclopean has been given, consisting of vast masses of unhewn stone, put together without cement. They are not numerous. The ruins of the citadels of Tyrins and Mycenæ, which are of this description, have remained in their present state for 3000 years, and present the most perfect specimen in existence of the military architecture of the heroic ages. 2. The works of the classical ages, consisting of temples, baths, porticoes, theatres, columns, stadia, fountains, which are extremely numerous, and executed in a great variety of styles, exemplifying the infancy, progress, perfection, and decline of the arts. Of the two or three hundred temples enumerated by Pausanias—many of which were models of the most exquisite beauty and symmetry—that of Theseus at Athens was the only one tolerably entire; and it was destroyed by the Turks in 1827. Others are found in various stages of dilapidation; and the far greater part have vanished from their sites, and only left traces of their existence in their innumerable fragments of inscribed and sculptured marbles scattered over the fields, or stuck into the walls of forts, churches, and clay-built cottages. 3. A number of square towers, of a rude construction, built on the tops of hills, for military purposes, are the only memorials left by the Latin princes who ruled Greece for two or three centuries before the Mohammedan conquest. 4. Next in importance to the remains of ancient edifices we may rank the statues, bas-reliefs, and inscribed marbles; a great number of which, generally somewhat mutilated, have been brought from Greece to enrich the museums of Western Europe; and a much greater number, no doubt, lie buried under the soil. 5. Vessels of terra cotta, or ancient pottery, consisting of vases, amphoræ, lamps, &c., of exquisite workmanship, adorned with coloured designs illustrative of the arts, habits, and mythology of the ancients, and often in high preservation. The quantity of these found among the ruins of ancient cities is incredibly great. 6. Coins of gold, silver, and copper, which are great in number and variety, every considerable town having its separate coinage. 7. Amongst the most interesting remains are the tumuli, erected to commemorate great victories. These simple but expressive

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1 In Sir William Gell's Itinerary of Argolis, a good account of these remarkable ruins is given, illustrated by excellent drawings. monuments, formed of conical mounds of earth, but long since divested of their sculptured ornaments, still mark the fields of Marathon, Leuctra, Platæa, Cheronea, Thermopylae, Pharsalia, and Pydna. We ought also to class among the antiquities of Greece a vast number of fountains, caves, rocks, and other natural objects, which owe their interest, not to any beauty or importance they possess in themselves, but to the legends associated with them in the history and mythology of the ancient Greeks. With regard to the antiquities of Greece in general, it may be observed, that the finest, the best preserved, and the most numerous specimens of ancient art are found at Athens. Salonica, it is said, ranks next to it in this respect; but its monuments are deficient in the interest derived from classical associations. In general the southern and eastern parts of Greece, and the islands, abound most in antiquities. Albania and Ætolia contain but few, and these not of much interest.

There are five languages spoken in Greece at the present day:—1. The Turkish, which is in use amongst a few of the Turks, but the great majority speak Romaic. 2. The Bulgarian, a dialect of Slavonic, spoken by the tribes of Bulgarians who inhabit the northern parts of Macedonia. 3. The Wallachian, in use amongst the Vlaki, who occupy the branches of Pindus and Olympus; a language of uncertain root, but containing a large mixture of Latin, and some Italian. 4. The Albanian or Skipetaric, spoken by the natives of Albania, and by some of the colonies of this people in the south of Greece. It is an unwritten tongue, and abounds in nasal sounds. Its basis is supposed to be the ancient Illyrian, with which is intermixed a large proportion of Latin, and smaller proportions of Romaic, Slavonic, Italian, and Turkish. 5. The Romaic (Ρομαϊκόν) or modern Greek, spoken by all the Greeks, by most of the Turks, and by a part of the Albanians. This is the name given to the language by the Greeks, who call themselves Ρομαίοι, or Romans, a denomination derived from the establishment of the Roman empire for so many ages at Constantinople, which they consider as the capital of Greece. The Romaic bears a much closer resemblance to the Hellenic than the Italian to the Latin. Indeed we have been informed by one of the best modern Greek scholars in Europe, that if we take the Attic as a standard, the ancient Doric differs as much from it as the present living dialect. The peculiarities which distinguish the Romaic from the ancient Greek cannot be fully explained without many details; we shall, therefore, only notice some of the most prominent. These are,—1. The disuse of the aspirates in speaking, though they are retained in writing. 2. The adoption of the first numeral ὁ μὲν ἢ ἤ, for an indefinite article, as in the French. 3. In substantives it discards the dual number, and the dative case; makes some alterations in the oblique cases; marks cases sometimes by prepositions; and often changes the Hellenic masculine and feminine into neuter. 4. The degrees of comparison are formed as of old, by adding -τέρος and τάρος, but sometimes by πλεῖον, plus, as in the French. 5. Diminutives are much used, as in the Italian. 6. Considerable changes and substitutions have been made in the tenses of the verbs; the infinitive and the middle voice have been suppressed, and two auxiliary verbs introduced, ὁλός, I will, and ἔχω, I have. 7. The Hellenic pronouns are retained, but with many modifications. Many old Hellenic words have changed their meaning, attributives being used as substantives, and vice versa. The pronunciation of the Romaic deviates widely from that of the ancient Greek as taught in our schools. The B is sounded like our V, whilst the place of B is supplied by μ. The Δ is sounded like θ in that, and Θ like our th in think. The vowels η, ι, υ, and the diphthongs αυ, ευ, ου, are all pronounced like the Italian i. It is said, however, that the dialects of the spoken Romaic in Greece have not so marked a difference as those of the distant provinces of France or England. The purest dialects, or those which approach nearest to the Hellenic, are found in some of the least frequented islands of the Archipelago, in the mountainous parts of Greece, at Yanina, and among the well-educated Greeks of Constantinople. The name of Romaic is going into disuse; the modern language being denominated Νεο-Ελληνική, and the ancient, for the sake of distinction, Ελληνική.

The new Greek language has lately made immense progress, and great care is taken by every writer not only to avoid introducing any foreign idioms in the language, but also to imitate the style of their Greek prototypes. They keep with the greatest scrupulousness the ancient orthography.

The Romaic, which, before the revolution, was a mixed language, full of foreign words, and unintelligible to any one not acquainted with the Greek, the Italian, and the Turkish, is written and spoken now by the educated classes, pure, as in the ancient language. Any Greek scholars can easily understand a Greek newspaper, by impressing on his mind the above remarks on the language.

NARRATIVE OF THE GREEK REVOLUTION.

In the course of last century, the Greeks made two unsuccessful attempts to liberate themselves. The first was in 1770, during a war between Russia and the Porte. The Russians, in pursuance of a plan previously concerted, landed a small force of 2000 men at various points in the Morea. The Mainotes and other Greeks instantaneously rose in arms, and got possession of the open towns, butchering the Turks with every circumstance of cruelty. Before they had mastered any of the fortified places, however, a great force of Albanians pouring in, defeated them, and retaliated, with dreadful severity, the cruelties committed on the Turks. The inhabitants of some entire towns and villages were massacred, and the country was almost desolated. Though the Greeks acted with much vigour at the outset, it was observed that their spirits sank at the first check they received. But it is impossible to reprobate too strongly the cruelty and perfidy of the Russian government, which, by sending such an inadequate force, exposed the Greeks to certain destruction, for the sake of operating a paltry diversion in its own favour; and, at the conclusion of a peace, took no effectual means to protect them from the rage of their enemies.

In 1790, the Greeks of Suli, in Albania, rose in arms, upon an understanding that assistance was to be received from Russia. A deputation went to Petersburg to offer the crown of Greece to Prince Constantine, brother of the emperor, whom they saluted βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων. They were to collect their various troops from Suli, Livadia, Attica, and the Morea; to march through Thessaly and Macedonia, where they were to be joined by other reinforcements; and to meet the Russians at Adrianople with 300,000 men (as they gave out), after which the combined army was to proceed to Constantinople, and drive the Turks out of Europe. But in the end little was done. The Russians sent a trifling sum of money, which was chiefly embezzled by their own agents, and soon made peace,

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1 On the subject of the Antiquities of Greece, the reader may consult the following works:—Les Ruines des plus beaux Monuments de la Grèce, par M. Le Roy, fol. 1758; The Antiquities of Athens, by Stuart and Revett, 4 vols. fol. 1762-1816; The Ionian Antiquities, by Chandler, Revett, and Pars, 2 vols. fol. 1789-1797; The Unedited Antiquities of Attica, by the Society of Dilettanti, fol. 1817; Chandler and Clarke's Travels, already referred to; and Mr Edward Dodwell's Classical and Topographical Tour in Greece, 2 vols. fol., 1819;—and on the geographical, historical, archæological, and statistical condition of ancient Greece, consult also M. S. R. Rangabé, Τὰ Ἑλλάδος, edited at Athens, 1853. without concerning themselves about the peril into which they had brought the Greeks. The Suliotes defeated the Pasha of Yanina; and, aided by their rocks, defended themselves, performing prodigies of valour against the Albanian Turks. A squadron of twelve small vessels, which they had fitted out at Trieste, signalized itself in the Archipelago, and after spreading terror amongst the Turks, was overpowered and destroyed by a greatly superior force. This second enterprise, in short, ended like the first, without any other effect than that of exposing the Greeks to renewed outrages from the Turks. The brave tribe of the Suliotes, on whom the Greeks placed great reliance, as the best soldiers of their faith, were reduced to a remnant by Ali in 1803, after a contest of many years.

Though the hopes of the Greeks were cast down for a time by this event, various causes were silently operating a change in their situation, and preparing the way for a more successful effort. Amidst all the hardships of their lot, knowledge had been steadily increasing. The influence of Russia over the Porte was visibly extending, and promised them sooner or later the means of exchanging Mahommedan for Christian rulers. But what was of more immediate importance, the establishment of Russian ports on the Black Sea, and the destruction of the French shipping by the wars of the revolution, created a trade in corn between Odessa, Marseilles, Leghorn, and Trieste, which falling into the hands of the Greeks, had raised up a class of capitalists amongst them, and given them possession of a commercial navy. From a few small barks engaged in coasting traffic, a short period saw them in possession of some hundred large well-rigged merchantmen, making long voyages. Greek houses were established at the ports mentioned, as well as at Smyrna, Salonica, and Constantinople. As patriotic feelings were universally diffused, a part of the wealth thus acquired was expended in founding schools and libraries, and the number of Greek youths sent to the universities of Western Europe was greatly increased. The ancient classic writers of the country were studied with new ardour; and lessons of freedom, magnanimity, and patriotic devotion, eagerly imbibed from their pages. Amongst the educated Greeks, those especially who had studied in France, Russia, and Germany, a more just idea was acquired of the relative weakness of the Porte, and the advantages which any people contending with it might derive from those arts and improvements, the growth of an advanced civilization, which the Turks despised. The conviction thus gained strength, that nothing more was necessary to accomplish the liberation of the Greeks, than a combined and organized effort by themselves, aided if possible by the countenance of some great Christian power. This idea gave birth to the Hetairia, a secret association, which is supposed to have originated about the beginning of the present century, but remained obscure and feeble till 1815. About that time Count Capo d'Istria, a Greek by birth, who enjoyed a considerable rank in the Russian service, established a Philomuse Society, ostensibly to promote Greek literature, but really to serve as a cloak for the Hetairia. In a little time he withdrew from its apparent guidance, but without ceasing to promote its objects privately. The Hetairia had a complex and artful organization. It was divided into five orders: those of the first or lowest receiving merely a general intimation that a scheme was in contemplation to regenerate Greece; and the information communicated of the society's designs becoming more special and distinct through the other grades, to the fifth or highest, called the Grand Arch, which was composed of sixteen members, and alone possessed a full knowledge of the society's plans, the power of issuing general orders, and fixing the time and mode of execution. All the members were sworn to secrecy on their knees, at the dead of night, and bound to kill any one of their brother members who should be guilty of treachery. The grand arch had its seat at Moscow, from which it corresponded with persons in all parts of Europe. The society spread its ramifications through the southern parts of Russia, had numerous members in Odessa, Yassy, Bucharest, and in Greece Proper, and some at Vienna, Paris, and Leghorn. Most of the primates of the Morea joined it in 1819. This conspiracy had been spreading its roots through European Turkey for five years before the Ottoman government knew of its existence; and when at length apprised of the fact by an accidental circumstance, its usual apathy, and its contempt of the Greeks, prevented it from taking any precautions to avert the threatened danger. It has been said that the Hetairists had fixed upon the year 1825 for beginning the revolution; but the statement rests on no good authority. Whatever might be their intentions, the rebellion of Ali Pasha, by embarrassing the Porte, and neutralizing one who would have been a formidable enemy, presented an opportunity too favourable to be lost, and precipitated the commencement of hostilities.

In the autumn of 1820 a Turkish army advanced into Albania. Most of Ali's officers and armies having deserted his standard and joined the enemy, he shut himself up in a fortress at Yanina, after destroying the town, and prepared to stand a vigorous siege. Aware of the designs of the Hetairists, he stimulated them to take up arms, by a promise of money and assistance; and though they did not confide in it, they resolved to embrace the advantage which the position of affairs held out. The first movement was in a distant quarter. By previous concert a number of Greeks assembled at Yassy in Moldavia in the end of February 1821, and on the 6th of March Prince Ipsilanti, who held the rank of major-general in the Russian service, crossed the Pruth, and joined them. After proclaiming the independence of Greece, he left that town on the 13th, with eight hundred horsemen, proceeding towards Bucharest, but lost time foolishly on the road, and did not enter the capital of Wallachia till the 9th of April. Dissensions in the mean time broke out in his small army; and though the spirit of the people was good, and the lethargy of the Turks left him a clear space for action, his incapacity and indecision rendered him unable to improve these advantages; and a proclamation issued by the Russian consul, in which the insurrection was strongly condemned by the emperor, on whose assistance they had relied, completely disheartened the insurgents. About the end of April, a body of Turks put themselves in motion from Silistra, occupied Bucharest, and followed the insurgents northward. Some trifling skirmishes took place in the neighbourhood of Tergovisht, rather to the disadvantage of the Greeks; and a rash and unsuccessful attack made by one of their officers at Pitesti caused a panic in the army, followed by a disastrous retreat. In this action the greater part of the Sacred Battalion, composed of Greek youths from various parts of Europe, was destroyed, after a brave resistance. Ipsilanti shortly afterwards stole away from his troops, and sought refuge within the Austrian boundary. A partisan warfare was continued a little longer. One small corps retreated to Yassy, and thence to Skuleni on the Pruth, where, under Athanasius of Agraphe, they sustained an attack from a body of Turks six times more numerous, refusing to fly, though the means of retreat were open to them, till three fourths of their number were destroyed. Another small party under Yorgaki, or George the Olympian, shut themselves up in the monastery of Secka, where they resisted the Turks for six and thirty hours. At length, when the enemy got into their rear, and success was hopeless, the gallant chief, having refused the safe retreat which the Turks offered him, called his followers together, and exhorted them to seek a glorious death sword in hand. Finding that instead of seconding his heroic resolution, they were preparing to fly, he retired to the chamber where his powder was deposited, and uttering a short prayer, blew himself up, with four of his attendants. George was a native of Mount Olympus, and during this short campaign showed a prudence and courage which would have fitted him admirably for heading the insurrection; but the Greeks of that district were slaves to family titles, and George, who had no pretensions to rank, held only a subordinate situation. Quiet, modest, averse to intrigue, he seems, says Mr Gordon, to have been a real hero, inspired with sincere devotion, sublime courage, and an enthusiastic love of his country. With his death, on the 26th of August, all resistance ceased in the principalities. The intention of the insurgents was to erect European Turkey into a province for Prince Ipsilanti.

From the beginning of 1821 secret conferences were held by the more zealous Hetairists of the Morea, and a spirit of insubordination began to appear amongst the people. At length, on the 24th of April, the standard of independence was hoisted at Kalavrita, a town about thirty miles south-east from Patras, by Germanos, archbishop of Paleo-Patran, and Andreas Londios. Two days afterwards the fighting began at Patras, where the Christian inhabitants rose on the Turks, and, during a bloody struggle of some days, a part of the town was burned. The Turks, however, retained the citadel, from which the Greeks had no means of expelling them; and Yusuf Pasha crossing the straits of Lepanto, the armed insurgents suddenly fled, leaving their brethren in the town to be butchered by the Turks. The insurrection spread with such rapidity over the Morea, that seven days after the first shot was fired, a Greek senate assembled at Calamata in Messina, under the presidency of Petras Mavromichalis, bey of Maina. A partisan warfare was carried on for some time against the small bodies of Mahomedan settlers living in the country, most of whom ultimately sought refuge in Tripolizza, the capital of the Morea. Meanwhile three thousand Albanians coming from the north, victualled the Acrocorinthus, and advancing to Argos, routed a body of Greeks posted there, killing seven hundred of them, and afterwards burned the town. The Kihaya Bey then proceeded to Tripolizza, and seemed resolved to act with vigour. The Greeks, who had now assembled a considerable force, were divided as to the mode of acting; but it was finally determined to fight, and they accordingly posted themselves at Valtezza, near the enemy. The Kihaya Bey, leaving Tripolizza with five thousand troops, attacked them on the 27th of May, but was repulsed in several attacks made on the village in that and the following day, and finally fled to Tripolizza, with the loss of two pieces of cannon and four hundred men. This victory, though small, had a great moral effect in raising the courage of the Greeks. The three great seats of Greek commerce, Hydra, Spezzia, and Psyrna, entered into the revolutionary cause about the same time with the towns on the mainland. A small fleet of Hydriot and Spezziot vessels visited the other isles of the Ægean, proclaiming the independence of Greece, and was everywhere received with enthusiasm; whilst light-armed ships scoured the seas, and captured every Ottoman trader.

In Rumelia the insurrection broke out a few days later. The Armatolis, a sort of stationary Christian militia, in the mountains of Acarnania, Ætolia, and Thessaly, kept up by the Turkish government for the purposes of police, were unwilling to risk the loss of their pay. The peasants of Attica and Boeotia, however, took the field in the beginning of May; and on the 7th of that month, scaling the low wall which surrounds Athens, took possession of the town, and drove the Turkish inhabitants into the citadel. In Epirus, the remnant of the brave Suliotes, reinforced by other Greeks, and encouraged by Ali Pasha, harassed the Seraskier Kourschid Pasha, by cutting off his convoys of provisions. The scene of these hostilities was chiefly in the ancient Thesprotia, and it was carried on with great activity in May by Marco Bozzaris. From this district it spread into Acarnania and Ætolia; the independent flag was hoisted in Messolonghi in June, by several of the Armatoli chiefs; Vrakhorti, a Mahomedan town twenty miles north of Messolonghi, was carried very gallantly, and some weeks afterwards Zarpanidi in the same district; Salona was next taken; and the Turks in three months were deprived of a large proportion of the posts which they had occupied south of Mount Æta. Kourschid Pasha, however, made a vigorous opposition, and success often changed sides. In this desultory warfare the summer passed away. The Rumerliots, in the various actions fought, showed themselves much better soldiers than the Moreots, and this reputation they continued to maintain during the war. Whilst these events were passing, Mavrocordato arrived at Messolonghi from Leghorn, and, after conferring with the pimates, went to Tripolizza, where the Moreot leaders were assembled for the siege. Finding he was an object of jealousy to Demetrius Ipsilanti, he returned to Messolonghi in September, and laboured to organize the insurrection in Rumelia. In the mean time Omar Pasha, with a body of four thousand Turkish troops, marched from Thessaly, routed a party of seven hundred Greeks at Thermopylae, a second larger party under Odysseus at Scripu, and destroyed Livadia, the most flourishing town of Rumelia. He then advanced to Athens, and on the 30th of July relieved the citadel, in which sixteen hundred Turks had been blockaded for eighty-three days, by a motley army consisting of Attic peasants, Æginetans, and other islanders. The armed Greeks retired to Salamis and Ægina, and the Albanians of the pasha's army plundered and wasted the country. The Greeks now collected in small corps in the hilly districts of Boeotia and Phocis, straitening the communications of the Turks, and cutting off their supplies. A strong reinforcement coming to the latter from Thessaly, was routed at Thermopylae by Odysseus, with the loss of eight hundred men. The pasha shortly afterwards withdrew from Attica and Boeotia, and the Athenians from Salamis re-occupied the town, and resumed the blockade of the citadel in November. In the extreme north the insurrection had been unfortunate. The Macedonian Greeks, who had taken refuge in the peninsula of Pallene, had their line of defence at Isthmus forced by Aboulaboud, and, except a portion who escaped by sea, were either killed or made prisoners. The monks of Athos capitulated to the same pasha, after two thousand of them had left the mountain. The people of Magnesia, when dividing the booty they had taken from the Mahomedans, were surprised and routed by the Pasha of Drama. A part sought shelter in the forests of Pelion, and part fortified themselves in the peninsula of Trikeri, or fled to the neighbouring isles of Scopelos and Skiathos. The thirty-five neat and flourishing villages of the district were mostly burned by the Turks. The Olympians, or Greeks of Pieria, also rose in arms, but at too late a period. The Pasha Aboulaboud had previously subdued the Christians of Athos and Macedonia, and being able to bring his whole force against them, routed them, and burned the 120 villages they possessed in the valleys of Olympus.

The Greeks of Macedonia, cruelly used by the Pasha of Salonica, were driven by despair to take up arms. Unable, however, to make head in the plain country against the Ottoman cavalry, they retreated to the peninsula of Cassandra, abandoning seventy villages, which the Turks burned. We must explain, however, that the rage of the Turks was excited to fury by the discovery of a plot formed by a Hydriot captain, to fire the arsenal at Constantinople, kill the sultan, and raise the Greek population.

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1 See History of the Greek Revolution, by M. Tricoup, Greek Ambassador in London, tom. i., p. 76, who gives rather a different version. The government, alarmed by this event, seized and executed the leading individuals of the Fanariot families, whilst some thousands of the other Christian inhabitants were massacred in their houses, without the least regard to legal forms. The death of the patriarch, a very old man, much esteemed for his virtues, and of a number of the other high clergy, created a great sensation. Salonica, Adrianople, and Smyrna, were the scene of similar barbarities. The last of these towns, in particular, was consigned to a general sack, like a city stormed. Kydonia, a Greek town with thirty thousand inhabitants, which had grown up in a few years, and was renowned for its college, where three hundred students received a superior education, falling under the suspicion of the Turks, was burned to the ground, and its people were forced to seek refuge in Psyrta and other isles. The Greek ships, which were merely merchant vessels, carrying from twelve to twenty-four guns, would have been impotent against any navy but the Turkish; but by their superior seamanship, and a bold and skilful use of brulots or fire-ships, they often baffled or defeated strong squadrons of large men of war. Their first exploit of this kind was the burning of a Turkish seventy-four on the coast of Mytilene in June. This paralysed the operations of the capitan-bey for a little; but setting forward again, he arrived at Samos, the poor but brave inhabitants of which, forty thousand in number, had slain their Ottoman rulers, and now harassed the Turks of the neighbouring continent by frequent descents upon the coast. A large land force was collected to subdue them, and the capitan-bey attended with the fleet to co-operate. But the Turks were defeated with great loss in an attempt to land a thousand men, and a second armament was intercepted by the Greek fleet, who burned ten transports, whilst the soldiers escaped to the shore. The troops after this refused to embark. The Greek and Turkish fleets manoeuvred in presence of each other, but parted without fighting, after the former had burned several fire-ships without effect.

Demetrius Ipsilanti, second brother of Alexander, travelling in disguise from Russia, landed at Hydra in June, and thence sailed over to the continent, where he was welcomed with extraordinary demonstrations of joy. He brought a small supply of money and arms, and a commission from his brother, investing him with the supreme command of the army. Patriotic, upright, brave, and accomplished, he unfortunately wanted the energy necessary for the post he assumed, and soon found himself thwarted in his views, and rendered incapable of effecting anything, by the jealousy of the bishops and military chiefs. Prince Mavrocordato, another Greek of noble descent and considerable talents, arrived in the Morea a few weeks later. The Turks at this time were driven out of the open country, but held nine fortresses in the Morea, Patras, the castle at the adjoining straits, Navarin, Coron, Modon, Nauplia, Acrocorinthus, Monemvasia, and Tripolizza. The Greeks wanted both materials and skill for conducting regular sieges, and merely kept most of these places blockaded less or more strictly. Monemvasia, and afterwards Navarino, surrendered in August, in consequence of famine. The one capitulation was pretty faithfully kept; the other was most disgracefully violated by the massacre of the Turks, to whom a safe retreat had been guaranteed. The siege of Tripolizza was pressed with a little more vigour, as it was the capital of the peninsula, and contained a number of wealthy Turks, whose property was looked to as the prize of conquest. The city was defended by a wall fourteen feet high and two miles in circuit, flanked by a few towers with cannon, and its population was increased by refugees to 25,000 souls. The besieging army amounted to about 4500 men, which was less than the number of adults within the walls; it gradually swelled, however, as the increasing scarcity in the town multiplied the chances of a surrender. The contest was carried on by trifling skirmishes, till the Turkish cavalry, which was the only force dreaded by the Greeks, being entirely ruined, the besiegers were enabled to invest the place more closely. Famine was now doing its work upon the unhappy Moslems, who were negotiating for a capitulation on the 5th of October, when some Greeks mounting a part of the wall which had been neglected (there was no truce), entered the town, and were immediately followed by the rest of the army. The place was completely sacked, and of ten or twelve thousand inhabitants, young and old, of both sexes, still remaining in it, about eight thousand supposed to have been slain. A number of women were carried off as captives, and a few officers were spared for the sake of the ransom expected for them. Some Turks sold their lives dearly, and a party of forty cut their way through the Greeks, and escaped to Nauplia. The booty in money, shawls, jewels, dresses, pistols, sabres, and other articles, was very great, and led to petty contests amongst the victors. The town presented the aspect of a ruin. As a small counterpoise to this loss, the capitan-bey destroyed the village of Galaxidi, near Salona, and carried off thirty-four small trading vessels, the property of its industrious inhabitants. The Ottoman fleet at the same time revictualled Modon, Coron, and Patras. The Greeks made an attempt to surprise Nauplia, which would have succeeded but for the cowardice of the Moreots; and a large body blockading the castle of Patras were, owing to their gross carelessness, surprised and routed by a party of Turks who crossed at Lepanto. Thus terminated the year 1821.

The Turks of Crete, inspired with alarm by the appearance of Greek cruisers in the adjacent seas, began to strip the Christian inhabitants of their arms, and to butcher many of them in cold blood. A number of the latter, comprehending the brave and hardy mountaineers of Sphakia, were driven by this cruel usage to fight for their lives. In July, August, and September 1821, the insurgents, about twelve hundred in number, repeatedly defeated large bodies of Turks; but the pasha at length collecting an army of ten thousand men, overpowered them, and burned most of their villages.

A national assembly convoked by Prince Ipsilanti had met at Argos about the end of 1821, but finding that position insecure, it removed to Piada, near the ancient Epidaurus, in January 1822. The assembly chose Mavrocordato president, and adopted an organic law or constitution, framed on republican principles. The government was to consist of a senate of seventy members elected annually by the people, and an executive council of five persons. The constitution enacted equality of rights, the freedom of the press, and toleration in religion. The government was then organized. The executive council consisted of Mavrocordato, president; Kanakaris, Logotheti, Delhyani, and Orlando, members; and Theodore Negris, secretary. Seven ministers were also appointed for finance, foreign affairs, war, &c., whose names it is unnecessary to give. After passing a decree for a loan of 5,000,000 of piastres, the assembly closed its session on the 20th of January. The government thus erected proved a mere phantom. It had no means of coercing the military chiefs, who set its powers at defiance, and disdained even to pay it marks of outward respect.

The citadel of Corinth, a post of great importance, surrendered on the 26th of January 1822, when the Turks were inhumanly slaughtered, in violation of a compact to convey them away in safety. The Greek government fixed itself here for some months, and issued a variety of decrees, which were very little attended to. The death of Ali, pasha of Yanina, who was shot by the Turks in February, after giving himself up on a promise of personal safety, made a considerable change in the position of the Greeks. Kourschid Pasha shortly after sent an army of 17,000 men to attack the Suliotes, who, though numbering only 4000 warriors, including Epirots, made so obstinate a resistance with the aid of their rocks and woods, that the Turks were finally compelled to retreat with a heavy loss, and the pasha had no resource but to turn his active hostilities into a blockade. Mavrocordato arrived at Messolonghi in June, commissioned to act as captain-general of Western Greece. Anxious to succour the Suliotes, he marched northward with 3000 men to Petta near Arta. Here he was attacked by 10,000 Turks, and in consequence of the treachery of Gogos, one of the Armatoli chiefs, his little army was overpowered, and lost four hundred men, including two thirds of the small corps of disciplined Philhellenes. He made his way back to Messolonghi; and the Suliotes, reduced to extremity, signed a capitulation with the pasha, by which the existing remnant of three hundred and twenty men, and nine hundred women and children, were transported to Cephalonia, with their arms and baggage, at the pasha's expense, with a douceur of two hundred thousand piastres superadded. Released from this troublesome enemy, Omar Pasha approached Messolonghi in October with ten thousand men. The town had scarcely any defences, and the garrison being under four hundred men, he might have carried it by a coup-de-main. He spent some weeks, however, in a state of inaction, or in trifling negotiations, and this interval Mavrocordato diligently improved, by raising new works, whilst a reinforcement of men from the Morea increased the garrison to upwards of 2000 men, and the Greek fleet brought supplies of ammunition and arms. The rainy season too having set in, spread sickness through the Turkish camp; and the pasha, now aware of his error, and anxious to retrieve it, attempted to carry the works by escalade before daylight on Christmas morning, when he supposed the Greeks would be at their devotions. They had previous information, however, and beat back the Albanians at every point, with the loss of six hundred men. The pasha now began his retreat, obstructed by the swollen rivers, and harassed at every step by the Acarnanians, who where up in arms; he reached Previsa with the wrecks of his army in February 1823.

In the Ægean Sea the spring of 1823 was marked by the most unfortunate and tragic event which distinguished the revolution; the entire destruction of the happy and prosperous Greek community of Scio. This island contained 120,000 Christian inhabitants, whose peaceful habits, intelligence, industry, and wealth, exhibited a picture of civilization unrivalled in the other parts of the Turkish empire. They were unwarlike, but being mildly governed, they desired no change. When the Hydriot fleet appeared, they entreated the admiral to leave their coast, and not compromise them with the Porte. Two adventurers, however, one of them a Sciot by birth, who had spent his life abroad, the other a Samian, in an evil hour, planned an expedition to dislodge the Turks, which was too feeble and ill supported to accomplish its object, but strong enough to alarm the Porte, and bring ruin on the unhappy islanders. Leaving Samos in March 1822, with a flotilla of eight brigs and thirty launches, filled with one or two thousand men, the two adventurers, Bournia and Logotheti, disembarked near Scio, and entered the town without experiencing any resistance. They were coolly received by the inhabitants, who dreaded the vengeance of the Turks; but the citadel with a stout garrison held out against them, and disturbed them by frequent sallies. A month passed away thus, when the Ottoman fleet suddenly appeared before the town, and driving off the few Greek ships stationed there, conveyed over a part of an army of thirty thousand men collected on the opposite Asiatic coast, which is only ten miles distant. The Turks carried the town by assault on the 15th of April, putting to death the men, young and old, without mercy, and not even sparing women and children. A part of the town was burned, and what escaped the fire was destroyed otherwise. For a month crowds of armed barbarians wandered over the island, wasting and plundering. It was calculated that 25,000 of the Sciots were slaughtered, and 45,000 dragged into slavery; 15,000 were saved at first in the Mastic villages, the property of the sultan, but were afterwards massacred; the rest escaped, or were absent when the catastrophe occurred; but those who saved their lives lost everything else, and the most opulent families of which Greece could boast were thus reduced in an instant to beggary. In August the island did not contain above 1800 Greeks, out of the 120,000 who peopled it in March. If the Hydriot fleet had appeared in proper time, the Turks could have been prevented from disembarking, and, with moderate diligence, the town might have been secured against a sudden assault. But the insurrection was no less rashly planned than ill conducted, and the horrors in which it terminated filled all Greece with unavailing lamentations. A strong fleet sailed from Hydra when it was too late; but it achieved nothing except burning the Turkish admiral's ship, in which more than 2000 men perished. This exploit was accomplished in a very gallant manner, by Kanaris, a high-spirited patriot, whose name, and that of Miaulis, are associated with the most brilliant achievements of the Greek navy in the history of the war.

In Eastern Greece a desultory warfare was carried on in the spring of 1822. The Greeks of Mount Æta, Othrys, and Pelion, harassed the Turks in the south-eastern plains of Thessaly, but without gaining any advantage. An attempt was made to dispossess the Mahommedans of Eubœa, but it miscarried. The Athenians had tried to bombard their citadel, but they wanted skill and an adequate supply of projectiles; they then mined parts of the wall, but could not produce a practicable breach. At length, however, famine did their work. The Turks capitulated on the 22nd of June, and though their personal safety was guaranteed, a large number of them were, as usual, massacred in cold blood, and the rest were saved with difficulty by the Frank consuls.

Kourschid Pasha had been collecting a large force in Thessaly, but the Greeks, with their usual negligence and want of foresight, though apprised of the fact, made no defensive arrangements till the enemy was in the heart of their country. The Turkish army, twenty or thirty thousand strong, chiefly cavalry, with a small body of infantry and artillery, crossed the Spercheius, seized the defiles of Mount Æta, and entered Boeotia in the beginning of July. Odysseus, who had charge of the Pass of Thermopylae with 4000 men, either from weakness or treachery, offered no resistance. The Pasha Dramali, the commander of this army, burned Thebes, passed Cytheron and the Dervend of the isthmus unopposed; and the impregnable castle of Corinth, though victualled for three months, fell into his hands by the pusillanimity of the garrison, without firing a shot. From Corinth he pushed on to Nauplia, the Greeks everywhere leaving their houses and flying in the utmost consternation at his approach. No one thought of fighting, till Demetrius Ipsilanti threw himself with a small party into the ruined castle of Argos, not with the hope of making an effectual resistance, but in order to gain time, and induce the fugitives to rally. The manoeuvre succeeded. A pause took place in Dramali's operations, during which Colocotroni arrived from the interior with a considerable force, which he drew up between the mountains and the sea near Lerna, strengthening his position with some hasty works calculated to render useless the cavalry, which was the pasha's right arm. After skirmishing for one day, with little success, the Greeks wisely resolved to wait the effect of scarcity upon their enemies, having previously burned all the standing corn. The Turks soon exhausted their stock of provisions by their wasteful habits, and Dramali had neglected to secure his communications with Corinth and Northern Greece, by guarding the passes. The insalubrity of the soil, and the inconsiderate use of unripe fruit at the same time, gave birth to fevers, which cut off numbers of his men; whilst the cattle brought for food, and the cavalry horses, died in thousands from want of fodder. Pressed by these evils, and unable to force the entrenchments in his front, he began his retreat on the 5th of August. The Greeks, however, who had divined his purpose, stationed some thousand men in the mountainous defiles, who assailed him in his flight, and, besides killing 2000 of his soldiers, captured all his treasure and baggage, with a vast number of horses, mules, and camels. Many more of the Turks died at Corinth, where marsh fevers prevailed, and amongst these the commander, Mahmoud Dramali. A great number of the survivors were destroyed in an attempt to reach Patras by land; and at the commencement of winter only a small remnant was in existence of the formidable army which, three months before, seemed powerful enough to overwhelm Greece.

The Palamede, or castle of Nauplia, pressed by famine, capitulated in the end of December; and for once the Turkish prisoners were allowed to depart in safety. The Greeks who held the citadel of Athens gave up the command of it to the crafty and treacherous Odysseus, a choice of which they had reason to repent. The Turkish fleet, instead of supporting the army, sailed round the Morea to Patras, and on its way back to the Hellespont a ship of the line was burned by the intrepid Canaris.

In February 1823 a second Greek congress assembled at Astros in Argolis, and was attended by 260 deputies. Feuds ran so high between the parties that it was difficult to prevent bloodshed. It broke up at the end of April, having appointed Petro Bey president of the executive council, and fixed Tripolizza as the seat of the government. Its decrees, however, were treated with contempt by the military chiefs, who soon compelled the executive to seek refuge in Salamis. The transient gleam of prosperity ensued by the retreat of the Turks had kindled a violent spirit of disunion; and the nation was now rent into factions, headed by men like Colocotroni, Petro Bey, Londos, Dellyani, Odysseus, Gouras, and Panourias, who, having been originally klephts or robbers, retained the craft, ferocity, and rapacious habits of their primitive vocation, and, when the enemy was no longer present, thought of nothing but plundering the people, and assassinating one another. The men of better principles, Mavrocordato, Ispilanti, and Conduirioti, armed only with resolutions of the national congress, had no power to awe these ruffians and their military bands into obedience. The country, in fact, was everywhere a prey to anarchy, and as early as 1823 the wiser part of the people began to broach the scheme of inviting a foreign prince to accept the sovereignty of Greece.

In the early part of the year 1823 the Turks of Euboea made predatory incursions into Attica and Boeotia; whilst the Greek mariners of Peyra and Samos made descents on the coasts of Asia Minor, plundering the towns, and carrying off wealthy Mahomedans prisoners for the sake of the ransom obtained for their liberation. In June, however, a Turkish army of 6000 men broke into Phocis and Doris, and advanced to the neighbourhood of Athens. The Greeks, as before, avoided battles, but encamping on the heights, cut off detachments and foraging parties; and ultimately this force melted away by casualties or desertion, without accomplishing any thing of importance. An expedition undertaken by Odysseus to drive the Turks from Euboea miscarried; and the Christians of that isle having risen in arms, were vanquished, and compelled to seek refuge in the isles of the Ægean, after witnessing the destruction of Greece.

The 150 villages they possessed. The principal effort of the Turks, however, was made in Western Greece. The Pasha of Scodra led an army of 5000 Mirdites or Albanian Christians into Acarnania. Messolonghi at that time was without men or arms, and almost defenceless. Marco Bozzaris, a brave Souliote, with a small corps of his countrymen, finding himself unable to arrest the pasha in his march, conceived the bold idea of surprising him in his camp. The attack was made in the night time; but of the three parties of Souliotes, two slunk back; and the third, led by Bozzaris, consisting of only 350 men, after storming several tambourines, and making a horrible slaughter of the enemy, finding itself unsupported, retired with the loss of one third of its number, including its intrepid commander. The Pasha of Scodra now joined Omar Vrioni, and the two approached Messolonghi; but the town was by this time garrisoned and provisioned; and the Ottoman commanders having an extravagant idea of its strength, turned aside to besiege Anatolico, a paltry village a few miles distant. They bombarded it for some weeks, till the rains setting in, and spreading sickness amongst their troops, forced them to retire in November. No solicitations could induce the Pasha of Scodra to engage in the invasion of Greece a second time.

In Crete the insurrection opened in 1823 with a promise of success, which was not realized. Affendouli, the former chief of the insurgents, having lost his influence, resigned; and Tombazi, a Hydriot, and an able but rapacious man, was elected leader in his place, and dignified with the Lacedemonian title of Harmost. He arrived in Crete with 1200 Rumeliots and Moreots, and a few small armed vessels, early in the summer, and being joined by the Sphakiots, gained several advantages over the Turks. Kissamos, a fortified post, fell into his hands by capitulation, but his troops were routed at Khadeno, and failed in an attack upon the Mahomedans of Selino. The sea being in the mean time open, the Pasha of Egypt disembarked two successive bodies of disciplined troops. The last of these, which landed at Canea in September, routed the insurgents in the neighbourhood of that town, and carrying fire and sword throughout Sphakia and the other disaffected districts, completely extinguished the insurrection. In the course of the year the capitan-pasha sailed as far as Patras, and afterwards paraded his fleet about the Ægean; but the whole extent of his achievements consisted in relieving Carysto, and reducing the Magnesians of Trikeri; whilst some of his smaller vessels were run ashore and destroyed by the Greeks. The citadel of Corinth, after a blockade of nine months, surrendered in November to Nikitas, who, in terms of the contract, faithfully secured the unmolested retreat of the Mahomedans. Whilst the Greeks thus prospered externally, there was nothing but dissensions among themselves. "The members of the executive," says Mr Gordon, "with the exception of Zaimis, were no better than public robbers.... Every corner of the Morea was torn to pieces by obscure civil contests, and hardly any revenue came into the treasury."

The efforts of the Greeks to liberate themselves from the Turkish yoke had from the first excited the sympathies of Western Europe; and in 1823, when their resistance began to rise above the character of a transient rebellion, these sympathies produced small succours in men and money. In England, France, Germany, and Switzerland, subscriptions were raised, the value of which was generally sent out in ammunition or military stores. Small corps of volunteers, actuated by a fine enthusiasm, also went from Western Europe, and though universally disgusted with the treatment which they received, they always fought bravely, and often rendered very important ser- vice. Amongst these foreigners, who received the appro- priate name of Philhellenes, no one was the object of such universal interest as Lord Byron. His lordship disem- barked at Messolonghi with $8000 dollars in specie, on the 5th of January 1824, and was received with the most extra- vagant marks of joy. Shortly afterwards Lieutenant Parry arrived with some small field-pieces, supplies of powder, shot, and tools, sent by the Greek committee in London. His lordship took into his pay a corps of 500 Suliotes, whose insolence and rapacity rendered it soon necessary to expel them from the town, or rather to purchase their absence with a sum of money. The Rumelists who replaced them were not much better; and Byron found himself so incessantly teased for money, so distracted by the turbulence of the military, the intrigues and dissen- sions of the different parties, that his mental anxiety prey- ing on his frame, produced a shock of apoplexy, by which his health was seriously injured. A fever followed some time afterwards, and carried off this gifted man, on the 19th of April, amidst the lamentations of the Greeks, who atoned in some degree for the vexation they had caused him, by the sincere homage which they paid, and still pay, to his memory. After his death the mutual jealousies of the chiefs became more violent than ever, and the summer passed away in a state of comparative inaction. Mavro- cordato advanced with 2000 men to the Gulf of Arta in August, and skirmished with the Turks, till the rains in November forced him to retire. In the east a body of Turks, who penetrated into Brotzia and threatened Athens, retired without effecting any thing. Ghouzas, who held the citadel of that town for Odysseus, having quarrelled with the latter, got him into his power, and put him to death.

The naval campaign of 1824 was signalized by two un- fortunate events. The small and prosperous isle of Ka- sos, of which Savary gives so interesting a description, was invaded by an Egyptian force, and entirely ruined, 2000 of its inhabitants being sold into slavery. The Porte, greatly exasperated by the active hostilities of the Pay- riots, whose ships preyed on the Ottoman trading vessels, and insulted the coasts of Asia Minor, sent a powerful fleet against them under the capitan-pasha, with 14,000 troops on board. The island of Payra is small and bar- ren; its rocky coasts render disembarkation difficult; and its inhabitants, whose numbers had been increased to fif- teen or twenty thousand by emigration from Scio, trust- ing to their courage and the natural strength of their ter- ritory, had taken no pains to secure themselves by arti- ficial works. The small Greek fleet stationed off the har- bour fled at the approach of the Moslemins, who, under cover of a false attack, landed a strong force at the north extremity of the isle, and gained possession of the hill which rises above the town. This unexpected success produced a panic among the timid refugees, which spread from them to the Payriots; men and women threw them- selves into the boats and attempted to escape, whilst the Turks entered the town unresisted, and laid it waste with fire and sword. In the midst of this miserable rout, a band of 600 refugees from Mount Olympus and other parts of Macedonia distinguished themselves by a feat of heroism worthy of ancient Greece. Throwing themselves into the convent of St Nicholas, where they had placed their wives and children, they resisted the attacks of the whole Turkish army, till two thirds of their number were killed. All hopes of relief being at an end, they resolved to blow up the convent. Their fire having accordingly ceased, the Turks scaled the walls on every side, when suddenly, says Gordon, the Hellenic flag was lowered, a white banner inscribed with the words Liberty or Death waved in the air, a single gun gave the signal, and a tremendous explosion, shaking the isle, and felt far out at sea, buried in the ruins of St Nicholas thousands of the conquerors and the remnant of the conquered. This happened on the 5th of July. Only two of the Greeks were taken alive. The loss of life was great in Payra; and the island, which might have been saved by a little foresight and exertion, was completely ruined. After the deed was done, the Greek fleet appeared, took some Turkish vessels, and destroyed a small corps of Janizaries left on the island. From Payra the capitan-pasha proceeded to Samos, but here all his movements were watched by the Greek fleet; and his attempts to convey over an army from the mainland were not only defeated, but he lost three ships of war and a thousand men, and at last retired from the shores of Samos completely baffled.

The sultan, made sensible, by the failure of three cam- paigns, of the inefficiency of his own fleets and armies, delegated the task of re-conquering Greece to the Pasha of Egypt, whose ambitious views made him listen readily to the request of his nominal superior. In the beginning of August, Ibrahim, the pasha's adopted son, sailed from Alexandria with a powerful fleet of ships of war and trans- ports, amounting altogether to 400 sail, with 17,000 men on board, 2000 horses, and a strong train of artillery. He put into the bay of Macri, the ancient Telmessus, to wa- ter, and shortly afterwards was met by the Greek fleet of seventy sail, carrying 700 guns. For more than three months Ibrahim manoeuvred amongst the gulfs and isles on the coast of Caria, endeavouring to beat off the Greeks, and proceed on his voyage; but though he counted six guns and six men for every one his enemies could muster, his mariners were so wretchedly deficient in skill, that he was continually baffled, and at last thought himself for- tunate in escaping to Crete in the beginning of Decem- ber, with the loss of two fine frigates and four brigs of war blown up, fifty transports taken or sunk, and 4000 soldiers and seamen slain or drowned, exclusively of some thou- sands who died of disease.

The first Greek loan was negotiated in London in Fe- bruary 1824. The nominal amount was L800,000, of which all that was available, after deducting interest, com- mission, sinking fund, &c., was L280,000. It served to quicken the operations of the government, and no doubt contributed materially to the success of the fleet, and the defeat of Ibrahim. In the Morea fierce civil war raged, Colocotroni, Loundos, Sisini, and other robber chiefs, set- ting the government at defiance. They were crushed, however, by the vigorous efforts of Colletti, the secretary; but the Rumelists, by whose agency he put them down, proved a scourge to the country by their rapacity.

Ibrahim having procured reinforcements from Egypt during the winter, set sail from Suda in February 1825, and landed with 4000 men at Modon on the 24th, a day pregnant with sorrow to the Greeks. The success of their naval efforts in the preceding year showed that, with common activity, they might have prevented the dis- embarkation; but no precautions were thought of, partly from want of foresight, partly from a feeling of false secu- rity, which led them to think that the Egyptians would be as feeble adversaries as the Turks. Ibrahim attempt- ed nothing till he had brought over additional corps, and raised his army to 11,000, and afterwards to 15,000 men. He then commenced the siege of Navarin, defeated 7000 palikars who tried to relieve it, breached the walls, car- ried some outworks after hard fighting, and gained pos- session of the place by capitulation on the 18th of May. Thence he advanced into the interior, burning the villages, which the Greeks deserted on his approach. Colocotroni endeavoured to arrest his progress in the mountainous defiles, but without success; Tripolizza was burned by its inhabitants; and Argos shared the same fate at the hands of the Egyptians. Nauplia was threatened, but Ibrahim had no battering artillery; and dreading the want of provisions, he retreated towards Messenia. The Greeks, who had assembled to the number of 7000, attacked him near Tripolizza, but were beaten so completely that they gave up all further thoughts of resistance in the open field. In August and September the pasha ravaged the valleys of the Alpheus and the Eurotas, destroying the town of Mistra and a number of villages, and then returned to Modon. One or two gallant feats were performed by the Greeks during this unfortunate campaign. A small body of 300 men under Papa Flessas, surrounded by many thousand Egyptians, defended themselves with the bayonet and the but-ends of their muskets, till the whole perished except two, who lay hid under the slain; and at the Mills of Lerna, Ispilanti, with a few hundred men, baffled the main body of the pasha's army.

In Northern Greece, Redschid Pasha, the most energetic of all the sultan's officers, had been intrusted with the conduct of the war. Leaving Yanina, he arrived in May before Messolonghi, which contained about 5000 of the bravest Greek soldiers, and opened trenches. The works were carried on with vigour, in the face of a most determined resistance. Elevated mounds were raised to command the batteries of the besieged, and mines were sunk; the Franklin bastion, the most exposed part of the defences, was laid open by breaching, and repeated attempts were made by the Turks to take it by assault, in one of which they at length succeeded; but the Greeks, no way daunted, sprung a small mine, and rushing upon their enemies sword in hand, dispossessed them, and following the Turks into their lines, destroyed some of their batteries. Fresh efforts were made by the pasha, and still frustrated by the courage of the Greeks, till the winter rains in October compelled Redschid to suspend his operations, and coop himself up within a fortified camp near the town. Ibrahim, who had received a great accession of force in November, now determined to try a winter campaign, and gratify the Porte by conquering Messolonghi. Marching northward, he burned the villages of Elis, and crossing the Straits of Lepanto, encamped before Messolonghi in January 1826. He began by offering terms to the besieged, which were proudly rejected. His batteries were more skilfully constructed than those of the Turks, and his artillery better served; but after he had ruined part of the town's defences, his attempts to storm were constantly defeated by the Greeks, who, in fighting hand to hand, with sword or bayonet, were vastly superior both to the Turks and Egyptians. The siege would indeed have ended in total failure, if he had not succeeded, at a great expense of life, in reducing various outworks commanding the channels of the lagoon by which the besieged communicated with the sea, and received supplies of provisions. Starvation now accomplished what arms could not achieve. After every thing edible, whether wholesome or unwholesome, was consumed, the remainder of the gallant garrison adopted the resolution of cutting their way through the enemy's lines. A deserter betrayed their plan to the pasha, who was fully prepared to receive them. Formed into two bodies, they issued from the town by moon-light on the 22d of April; a false alarm induced the one to return; the other, raising a simultaneous shout, "On, on, death to the barbarians," rushed forward with their muskets in their hands, and their sabres slung to their wrists. "Neither ditch nor breastwork," says Gordon, "neither the flashing peals of cannon and small arms, nor the bayonets of the Arabs, could arrest the tremendous shock; in a few minutes the trenches were cleared, the infantry broken, the batteries silenced, and the artillerymen slaughtered at their guns." Of the other body which returned to the town, some escaped in boats, some by wading through the lagoon, some voluntarily blew themselves up with a number of the enemy, when the latter entered the powder magazine, and not a few of the survivors died of fatigue and exhaustion before they reached Salona. The heavy loss of the Turks and Egyptians during the siege attested the superior valour of their enemies; and the heroic defence of Messolonghi may well vie with the proudest achievements of ancient Greece.

In Eastern Greece, Colonel Fabvier, a brave and zealous French officer, formed a corps of regulars or tactics, and carrying them over to Eubcea, made an attempt on Castrys, which failed. No drilling, in fact, could induce the palikars, or Greek irregulars, who had been accustomed to rely entirely upon their strength, agility, and adroitness, to meet a steady fire when drawn up in line. Another national assembly was held at Piada in Argolis, but it effected nothing. After the fall of Messolonghi, Redschid Pasha invaded Attica, and took Athens, but failed in his attempts upon the citadel, into which, when its garrison was greatly reduced, Colonel Fabvier introduced 600 men, with a supply of powder. The glorious fall of Messolonghi had awakened an enthusiasm in Western Europe in favour of the Greek cause, and contributions to the amount of not less than £70,000 were raised in 1826. The royal families of Bavaria, Prussia, and Sweden, and the king of France, were amongst the contributors.

In May 1827 Ibrahim invaded the country of the Manots, but was defeated in all his attempts to penetrate their mountain fastnesses. The rest of the summer was spent in ravaging the open country, and burning the villages, the inhabitants of which took refuge in woods and caverns. To his great mortification, none of the people made their submission, and parties of irregulars watched his movements, cutting off stragglers, and intercepting convoys. Lord Cochrane arrived in Greece in March 1827 with a steam-frigate. A very splendid frigate, built in America, also reached Ægina this year, but proved of no great use, the Hydriot mariners being unaccustomed to manage vessels of such a size. These two frigates were nearly all that the Greeks derived from a second loan of £2,000,000 negotiated in London in February 1825.

General Church, an Englishman who had served in a Greek corps formerly kept in English pay in the Ionian Isles, arrived by invitation about the same time. They found the Greeks rent into factions furiously hostile to each other. It is a memorable fact, that whilst Ibrahim was wasting the Morea, there were no less than seven petty civil contests raging in different parts of Greece! By the influence of Church, Cochrane, and Captain Hamilton of the Cambrian, a temporary reconciliation was effected between the adverse parties, and the necessity of having a foreign chief being generally acknowledged, a congress assembled at Trozena in April, and elected Count Capo d'Istria president for seven years. Church was appointed general of the land forces, and Cochrane admiral of the fleet. The fortunes of Greece were now at a very low ebb; but what power remained in the country was summoned up in an expiring effort. From the Morea, the isles, and Western Greece, a force of nearly 10,000 men was collected at Salamis and the Piraeus. After carrying on a war of posts, chiefly at Port Phalerus, for some time, General Church was persuaded to risk a battle with the Turks in the plain of Athens, the object being to relieve the citadel. The result was a disastrous defeat on the 5th May, in which the Greeks lost 1500 men. The remaining troops dispersed, and the citadel capitulated. The only fortified posts now in the hands of the insurgents were Nauplia and the Acrocorinthus.

Relief was, however, approaching from another quarter. From circumstances which it would be tedious to explain here, the policy of the great Christian powers had undergone a change. A protocol had been signed at Petersburg in April 1826, by the Russian and British ministers, the object of which was to effect an accommodation between the Porte and the insurgents, by erecting Greece into a dependency of the Porte, paying a fixed tribute, but having the entire regulation of its own affairs.

On the 6th July 1827 a treaty of intervention was signed between France, Russia, and Britain, on the same basis. The sultan firmly denied their right of interference, for which, however, the piracy practised by the Greeks gave them a good pretext. A naval force was sent into the Mediterranean to enforce the provisions of the treaty, and the belligerent parties in Greece were enjoined to suspend hostilities. The Greeks joyfully agreed; but Ibrahim hesitated, as the measure was not sanctioned by the sultan; and the capitán pash, who was lying in the harbour of Navarin with a strong Turkish fleet, having similar scruples, the warlike movements were partially continued. The combined fleets of England, France, and Russia, stood into the Bay of Navarin in order of battle on the 20th October. Though the intention of the admirals was to treat, the Turks believed they came to fight, and were anchored in smooth water to receive them, and supported by batteries on shore. Who began the battle is uncertain; but it was obstinate and bloody, and most destructive to the vanquished party. About 6000 Turks were slain, and of 120 men of war and transports, all were sunk or destroyed except twenty or thirty brigs and corvettes. The killed and wounded on the side of the allies amounted to 626. The victory produced unbounded joy among the Greeks, and excited them to make a new attempt upon Scio, by an expedition under Colonel Fabvier, which, though conducted with great courage and skill, ultimately failed. Ibrahim, seeing his communications with Egypt now cut off, obtained his father's authority, and agreed to evacuate the Morea. He sailed in the beginning of October 1828, leaving, according to stipulation, about 8000 troops in Patras, Modon, Coron, Navarin, and Castle Tornese, of whom 1200 were Egyptians. To avoid renewed hostilities between the Greeks and Turks, a French army was sent to the Morea in the autumn, and took possession of these five fortresses, the last being the only one that offered any resistance.

Count Capo d'Istria passed from Petersburg to London and Paris in the end of 1827, and after conferring with the British and French ministers, he set sail from Toulon, and landed at Nauplia on the 18th of January 1828. The people received him with great joy, hoping to find repose and security under his government; and his authority was acknowledged at once by the military chiefs and other functionaries of all descriptions. He was a clever and dexterous diplomatist, but his conduct as president seems not to have been judicious. Anxious to copy the centralising system which prevails in absolute monarchies, he dissolved the municipalities, and nominated prefects, judges, and other officers, deriving their authority entirely from himself. Many of his appointments also gave offence; among others, the nomination of his brother Augustin, a person of no ability, to the command of Western Greece, led to the resignation of General Church in 1829, after that officer had recovered all the country south of the Gulf of Arta from the Turks. The French troops, it is to be observed, confined themselves to the Morea, such being their instructions, and left the Greeks to carry on hostilities in the north with their own means.

The Porte obstinately rejected the arrangement proposed by the three powers in 1827, till it was humbled by numerous defeats in 1828 and 1829, and saw the Russian army within a few leagues of its capital. The stipulations in behalf of Greece made by Nicholas were, however, set aside by the governments of France and Britain, and it was settled that the affairs of that country should be discussed in London. The conference held there, after much deliberation finally resolved that Greece should be erected into a monarchy entirely independent of the sultan, and ruled by a Christian prince. The crown was offered, in the end of 1829, to Prince John of Saxony, who refused it; and then to Prince Leopold of Saxe-Cobourg, who agreed to accept it; but having corresponded with Capo d'Istria, the latter artfully infused so many doubts and apprehensions into the prince's mind, that he resiled from his engagement. This was in May 1830. Other princes, it is said, were proposed, but nothing was decided; and in the mean time Greece was again falling into a state of anarchy. The popularity of Capo d'Istria's government was of short duration. Visibly the partisan of Russia, he showed a devotion to her interests which offended all the more independent Greeks. He extinguished the freedom of the press, which the people were perhaps more eager to possess than fitted to enjoy; established a council, called the Panhellenion, which was intended to supersede the elective senate; refused to publish any account of the national finances, and threw many popular leaders into prison. These and other measures produced violent discontent, which at last broke out into open rebellion. The Mainots, whose prince he had placed in durance, were the first to throw off his authority. They were followed by the people of Hydra, who established a provisional government, at the head of which were Miaulis and Condourioti, assisted by Mavrocordato. The French and English ships of war in the Archipelago stood neutral; but the Russian admiral, Ricord, eagerly took a part in the contest, on the side of the president. With this aid he attacked Poros, where the Greek fleet lay; but the islanders had anticipated his design, and, when the loss of their ships of war became inevitable, blew them up to prevent them falling into his hands. Whilst this contest was going on, the son and brother of Mavromichaeli, the captive bey of Maina, instigated by a feeling of revenge, came to Nauplia and assassinated the president at the door of a church, on the 9th of October 1831. One of the assassins was murdered on the spot by the people, and the other was seized, tried, and executed. A new commission of government was then appointed, consisting of Augustin Capo d'Istria, with Coletti and Colocotroni, who thought it prudent to convocate a national assembly. Loud complaints were made that the free choice of the people was defeated by force and fraud; and when the assembly met in December, it speedily separated into two hostile bodies, one of which remained at Argos, while the other seated itself at Megara, and thence culminated decrees against Augustin and his associates. The Morecots generally adhered to the former, the Rumeliots to the latter. Civil war now raged furiously in the country, and the peaceful cultivators were driven, as in the time of the revolutionary struggle, to desert their homes, and seek refuge in the woods and caverns. This lamentable state of things probably quickened the languid proceedings of the conference in London, who in May 1832 fixed upon Otho, second son of the king of Bavaria, as the sovereign of Greece. The prince was born in 1815, and was of course a minor; but the defect was supplied as far as possible by a council of regency. The three powers, parties to the conference, obtained an extension of territory and a better frontier for the new state, including the province of Acarnania, for which, however, a price was to be paid to the sultan; and, in order to put Otho in a condition to meet initiatory difficulties, they guaranteed a loan of Ls.400,000 for him, to be paid in three equal annual instalments. Otho landed at Nauplia on the 31st January 1833, attended by 3600 Bavarian soldiers, and was warmly welcomed by the people. The French troops had been gradually reduced, and were now entirely withdrawn. The regency commenced the work of organizing the go- Greece.

Government, made a new division of the country, disbanded the palikars, formed a small body of Greek regulars, and took some steps towards the establishment of tribunals. As might have been expected, its endeavours to introduce order soon awakened the fictions spirit of the klephts or military chiefs, some of whom, including the arch-anarchist Colocotroni, were tried for plotting the overthrow of the government, convicted, and sentenced to imprisonment or exile.

(The preceding narrative, as far as the end of 1827, is abridged from Mr Gordon's History of the Greek Revolution, Edinburgh, 1832; an able, impartial, and instructive work.)

In the whole course of the war, the Greeks never had any regular army; for the attempts to form a corps of disciplined troops, and keep them in pay, always failed. Their soldiers, with the exception of some small bands of Armatolos, consisted of peasants who took up arms for a few months, when the enemy made an irruption, and fought till he was expelled, or driven into the fortresses. They made war as irregulars, seldom encountering the Turks in the field, but posting themselves in defiles, and on mountains, taking advantage of rocks, inequalities of the ground, villages, or ruined buildings; and where these were wanting, covering themselves by small temporary parapets of earth or stones, called Tambourinas. The Rumeliots were excellent marksmen, and admirable at defending a post. A hundred of them planted in a ruined monastery seldom failed to beat off one or two thousand Turks. Their defeats were chiefly owing to three circumstances: first, their entire want of cavalry—for as infantry they were superior to their enemies; secondly, their deficiency in artillery, both for service in the field, and for battering fortified posts; thirdly, their incorrigible neglect of order and discipline, in consequence of which they were often surprised and routed by a contemptibly inferior force. As obstacles to their success, we must also mention their mutual animosities, the rapacity and selfishness of their chiefs, and their habit of neglecting all advantages for the acquisition of spoil. Their fleet was better managed than their army, but its operations failed on many occasions, from the mutinous spirit of the sailors, and the habit, which they could scarcely ever be persuaded to abandon, of returning to port to see their families at the end of every month, however pressing might be the occasion for their services. With all their faults and errors, it is impossible to read the history of the revolution without feeling respect for their courage, and for the unconquerable spirit which bore them up under the most dreadful privations and reverses.

In June 1835 King Otho assumed the reins of government, in which he was assisted by a council of state, nominated by himself. The whole territory was divided into communes of three classes: the first, those containing a population of 10,000 and upwards; the second, those from 2000 to 10,000; the third, of less than 2000. The communes of the first class were governed by a demarchos or mayor, 46 paredroi or aldermen, and a municipal council of 18; the smaller communes, by a demarchos, with proportionally fewer aldermen, and a less numerous council. The election of the municipal officers was vested in the male inhabitants above 25 years of age, and every commune was responsible for the acts of violence and robbery committed within its jurisdiction.

So necessary was repose to all classes of the people after the ravages of a long war, that the first years of Otho's reign passed in comparative tranquillity, although the sullen murmur of discontent was frequently heard, especially with reference to the state appointments, which were filled by the king's German friends, to the exclusion of the native Greeks. Otho refused to establish a representative system of government till September 1843, when the people rose and accomplished a revolution which has hardly any parallel for the skill and success with which it was executed. There was neither bloodshed nor violence, nor was the personal safety of the king in anywise endangered. But the plans being matured, and the army gained over, the ministers were arrested, and the people, assembling in front of the palace in the middle of the night, demanded a constitution. The king appeared at a low window, and they presented to him a charter including a representative government and other popular objects, and enforcing the dismissal of the Bavarian and other foreign officers. The king was required either to sign this charter or to quit the shores of Greece at once and for ever, in a vessel which had been equipped, and was lying ready for his embarkation. At first he promised to consider the demand and consult his ministers; but he was informed that the ministers were no longer recognised, and that an immediate decision was necessary. The king now acceded with as good a grace as he could; the obnoxious ministers were released, and the new ministry, selected by the constitutionalists, repaired to the palace, where they afterwards appeared with his Majesty on the balcony, while the people cried "Long live the constitutional King!" and the affair terminated apparently to the satisfaction of all parties. It is said, however, that before long the constitution had become a veritable farce, the deputies being in every case direct nominees of the king, and military force being employed, when necessary, to carry the candidate of the government. Not only the chambers, but the whole civil and military administration, had become little else than a refined system of corruption. The judges likewise, the professors of the university, and the masters of the gymnasia and inferior schools, fell under the unlimited control of the government, being all removable at pleasure.

The only subsequent events of general interest have been the interventions of foreign powers, rendered necessary by the duplicity of the government. The first of these was in 1850, when a British fleet blockaded the Greek ports for three months before the government would consent to compensate certain British subjects for injuries which had been inflicted on them. The other interference occurred at the commencement of the war between Turkey and Russia in 1854. In order to understand this movement, it is necessary to remember that two passions are predominant in the Greek mind—implacable hatred against the Turks, and an ardent desire to extend the kingdom of Greece. These feelings, which animate every Hellenic breast, received a further impulse from the consent of the king. On this subject foreign political opinions were divided as to whether the revolution was of Russian instigation. That the mass of the people believed in Russian assistance, and also that, through her influence, they would acquire an extension of their territory, there is no doubt; but we believe that the higher classes in Greece would not have advised such a revolution had they been at all aware that the Western Powers would have taken arms against Russia. They cannot be accused for their miscalculations, because higher authorities in Europe could not believe in the war at that early period. Besides, they knew well enough that Russia urged them to rise several times in the last century against the Turks, and, after she had accomplished her designs, left them to the revengeful sword of their masters. They had, therefore, little confidence in her. But the time chosen was so propitious, that an impartial judge would have accused them of being apathetic if they had not arisen. There appeared also an adverse feeling towards the allies, because we were in the peculiar position as defenders of their implacable enemies; but they forgot that, in defending Turkey, we served their interests by keeping their inheritance intact, out of the reach of the powerful hand of Russia. We are of opinion, therefore, that the Greek nation has no sympathy with Russia more than with any other people who would make war against Turkey; and we believe, that if to-day we were to proclaim war against Turkey, there would be little necessity for sending our soldiers there, inasmuch as it would be sufficient to raise the standard of liberty for the Greek race, and we should have round us in a few weeks 100,000 well-armed Greeks, needing little more than ammunition.

The accusation, therefore, heaped upon the Greek nation, as being partizans of Russia, is unfair. Neither do we believe that either the king or queen of Greece stimulated the revolution to serve Russian interests. We cannot see what inducement they could have to endanger the throne they possess. Their ambition to extend their power was, we believe, the only reason; and how far that was their policy, and harmonized with the wishes of their subjects, is evidenced by the strong attachment towards them. The revolution, however, after the interference of the allies in favour of Turkey, was incompatible with their proclamation; and seeing that neither the revolutionists nor the king took heed of their advice, they were obliged to land some French and English troops at Piraeus, and to send a few British ships into the Ægean.

The king was obliged to comply with their demands, dismissed his ministers, recalled his officers, issued proclamations to all Greeks that took up arms to return to their homes, and consented, on his own part, to submit the conduct of his government to the surveillance of the allies for a time. The ministers imposed upon him have been lately dismissed, and a new ministry formed, who conduct the affairs of the kingdom in a satisfactory manner. Severe measures have been taken against the scourge of the country—brigandage; and it is hoped that this time at least we shall see an end to their depredations.

It was only in 1816 that the first Greek house—E. Ralli and Co.—was established in London. In 1818 four more were established; and there are now 61 firms in London, 65 in Manchester, 30 in Liverpool, besides a few in Glasgow, and other parts of the United Kingdom. The statistics would be interesting if we could give an account of all the trade this small body of merchants is doing with this country and all other markets, but it is exceedingly difficult to get them. We only know that the exports of manufactured goods to Turkey in 1830 was £1,028,447, whereas now it is above £4,000,000, the increase of which is almost solely due to Greek enterprise.

The following statistics show that the progress which the Greek nation has made is highly creditable.

### Statistics of Greece

#### 1. Cultivated Land in 1854

| Cereals | Mulberry trees | Olive trees | Fig trees | Vines | |---------|---------------|-------------|-----------|-------| | 3,649,870 | 210,000 | 600,000 | 150,000 | 1,000,000 |

#### 2. Statistics of Silk

| Year | Oks. | Drs. | Average price per oka | |------|------|-----|-----------------------| | 1851 | 48,282 | 991,947 | 20-04 drs. | | 1852 | 60,771 | 1,999,970 | 32-91 ... | | 1853 | 56,770 | 1,774,063 | 31-25 ... | | 1854 | — | 1,333,018 | — | | 1855 | 70,000 | — | — |

This proves not only an increase of production, but also an improvement in the quality; for, though the quantity has nearly doubled since 1851, instead of reducing the price, Greek silks are fifty per cent. dearer.

#### 3. Commercial Navy of Greece

| Vessels | Tons. | Vessels | Tons. | |---------|------|---------|------| | 1821 | 440 | 01,449 | 1844 | 3,414 | | 1834 | 2891 | — | 1845 | 3,584 | | 1835 | 3370 | — | 1848 | 3,883 | | 1838 | 3269 | 88,502 | 1850 | 4,016 | | 1839 | 3345 | 89,642 | 1851 | 4,327 | | 1840 | 3384 | 110,690 | 1852 | 4,230 | | 1843 | 3409 | 137,558 | 1853 | 4,143 |

We have no accounts of 1854; but there is no doubt it will show an increase on 1853, in consequence of the permission of the Czar for the Greek flag to enter the Danube.

#### 4. Population

| Year | Tons. | |------|------| | 1821 | 675,646 | | 1832 | 712,008 | | 1843 | 863,003 |

#### 5. Imports and Exports of Greece

| Year | Exports | Imports | |------|---------|---------| | 1851 | 13,995,195 drs. | — | | 1852 | 10,402,212 drs. | 24,828,151 drs. | | 1853 | 8,988,890 drs. | 20,209,960 drs. | | 1854 | 6,799,211 drs. | 21,270,182 drs. |

The minister of finance states that the great decrease in exports for the last three years is owing principally to the failure in the currant crops, the result of the disease in the vine.

Of the 13,995,195 drs. exported in 1851, 8,459,196 drs. were of Corinthian currants alone. In 1852 the exports of currants were 2,844,058 drs. only, or nearly six millions less than 1851; in 1853 there is no account of the currants exported inserted; and in 1854 only the small amount of 9046 drs. are included in the amount of 6,799,211 drs.

#### Countries trading with Greece

| Country | Importation | Exportation | |------------------|-------------|-------------| | England | 4,029,641 drs. | 908,279 drs. | | America | 73,200 | | | Austria and Germany | 4,448,266 | 1,918,650 | | Egypt and Candia | 966,897 | 99,946 | | France | 1,640,567 | 1,052,516 | | Icelian Islands | 1,146,176 | 774,863 | | Russia | 34,163 | | | Turkey | 7,240,149 | 1,443,581 | | Other countries | 1,552,293 | 160,882 | | Total, 1854 | 21,270,185 | 6,799,211 |

#### Judicial Statistics (1852)

Cases before the judges of the peace, 22,602, of which 4753 were amicably adjusted by the judges, it being their duty to conciliate the adversaries before bringing their dispute into court; and 1035 were carried to a superior court. The civil tribunals in the same year had 17,268 cases brought before them; but 2108 were left for decision in the following year. The court of the last resort, or Areopagus, had, in 1852, 702 cases; at the end of the year 55 were left undecided, 187 were abandoned by the parties, and 519 were decided.