ST, a town of France, in the department of Finistere, on the slope of a hill near the sea, 10 miles N.N.W. of Morlaix. It reminds the visitor of St Andrews in Scotland, being, like it, an ancient ecclesiastical but now almost deserted town, with grass-grown streets, and a very melancholy aspect. It contains two fine churches. The cathedral, built partly in the thirteenth and partly in the sixteenth century, has two beautiful towers surmounted with spires. The church of Kreizker, i.e., middle of the town, is chiefly remarkable for its lofty spire of open work in granite, rising from a richly-ornamented square tower to the height of 404 feet above the ground, being second only to Strasburg among the spires of France. The manufacture of linen is carried on; and many of the inhabitants are employed in fishing. It has some trade through the suburb of Penpoul, on the sea-shore. Pop. 7059. Poland, a name which once designated one of the most extensive and powerful of the kingdoms of Europe, but now indicates only a small integral portion of the Russian empire. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries its area is said to have exceeded 390,000 square miles, or more than that of France and Spain together; and even at the period of the first partition, in 1772, though by that time its limits had been much circumscribed, it had an area exceeding that of France, or about 283,000 square miles, and a population estimated at 13,000,000, probably more than that of the British Islands or of the Spanish peninsula at that period. It extended from Livonia and the Baltic on the N., to the Ukraine, Moldavia, and the Carpathians on the S.; from the Dvina and the Dnieper on the E., to Pomerania, Brandenburg, Bohemia, and Silesia on the W.

The Poles belong to the great family of the Slavonians, who, when the Goths and Vandals possessed themselves of Gaul, Spain, and Italy, left their ancient habitations E. of the Vistula, and gradually spread themselves to the S. and W. Though they frequently, like the other barbarians, disturbed the Roman Empire, yet they were generally peaceful in their character. They settled on the lands that other nations had relinquished, employing themselves as husbandmen and shepherds, in the domestic arts or in trade. They were characterized by their hospitality and honesty; and from their peaceful habits, were often deeply wronged by their more warlike neighbours. The name Pole came to be given to a portion of this race from a Slavonic word signifying "a plain," as the country which they inhabited was almost one uninterrupted level plain.

The first prince of Poland is said to have been Lech, who flourished in the middle of the sixth century. He founded the first city Gnesna, so naming it from Gnesado, signifying "a nest,"—as an eagle's nest was found there; and hence the arms of Poland were a spread eagle. The descendants of Lech reigned in Poland for about 100 years, when the race being extinct, twelve palatinates, or sciroades, were chosen, and the country divided into twelve parts. The people soon became dissatisfied with this government, and chose one of the twelve, Cracus, to be their sovereign. He reigned for about 30 years, and was much esteemed by the people. He founded Cracow, and removed the seat of his government from Gnesna to that city. He left three children, the eldest of whom, Cracus, succeeded him, but he was soon after murdered by his brother Lech. The latter did not long profit by his fratricide, for the crime having been discovered, he was deposed and banished by his subjects, and his sister Vendla elected in his stead. She was celebrated for her beauty; and having refused the hand of a German prince named Rüdiger, he marched against her with a large army. According to some accounts she was defeated, and to save herself from falling into his hands she drowned herself in the Vistula; according to others, Rüdiger's forces having abandoned him without striking a blow, he killed himself in despair, and she was so much concerned at his death that she drowned herself. The race of Cracus being thus extinct, twelve woldes were again appointed, but they soon fell out among themselves, and the country was invaded by the Hungarians and Moravians. One Prezimilas, a common soldier, having by stratagem overthrown the invaders, was raised to the dukedom under the title of Lesko I. After a long and prosperous reign, he died without leaving issue, and again the country was thrown into a state of anarchy. Several candidates appeared for the crown, and the Poles determined to elect him who should outstrip all the others in a horse-race. A certain nobleman, in order to secure the victory, caused the race-course to be strewed with iron spikes, and had the feet of his own horse protected by iron plates. The artifice took effect; but when he was about to be proclaimed victor, a peasant who had found out the deceit, opposed the ceremony, and exposed the fraud. The nobleman was immediately torn to pieces by the people, and the ducal authority conferred on the peasant. The new sovereign, Lesko II., conducted himself with great wisdom and moderation, and was distinguished both in war and peace. He is said to have at length fallen in a war with Charlemagne. He was succeeded by his son Lesko III., who inherited all his father's virtues. He concluded a peace with Charlemagne, and encouraged among his subjects the cultivation of the arts of peace. He was succeeded by his legitimate son Popiel I., but he left also a number of illegitimate sons, to whom he gave fiefs which were held of the crown. Popiel was a monster of cruelty and debauchery, and his son Popiel II., was, if possible, still worse. He found means to poison all his uncles (the illegitimate sons of Lesko III.), at an entertainment; but it is said that the vengeance of heaven soon overtook him, and he perished miserably with all his house. The nation now became a prey to civil discord; and at length a diet was assembled at Kruswick to choose a king. They could not, however, come to any agreement, and their presence soon brought on a famine in the town. A citizen named Piast liberally opened his stores for their use, and this act brought him the kingdom. He was proclaimed duke about 830, and his reign was long and peaceful. He engaged in no foreign wars, and was harassed with no domestic commotions. His son Ziemowitz, who succeeded him, was of a more warlike disposition than his father, and was the first to introduce regular discipline among the Polish troops. He was victorious in all his battles, and greatly enlarged his dominions. Lesko IV. succeeded him in 892. This prince was of a quiet and peaceful disposition, and contented himself with preserving what his father had left, without seeking to enlarge his dominions. He died in 913, and was succeeded by his son Ziemowitius. He, too, had a peaceful reign, which extended over 51 years, and was succeeded by his son Miecislas.

Miecislas I., who attained the ducal authority in 964, was born blind, and remained so for seven years; but he afterwards obtained his sight without any assignable cause; and hence it was ascribed to a miracle. He became enamoured with Dombrowka, daughter of the Duke of Bohemia; but that lady refused to accept his suit unless he should suffer himself to be baptised. The ceremony took place on 5th March 965; and this is the date usually assigned for the introduction of Christianity into Poland, but it seems more probable that the Christian religion had reached the country before that time, though it had not come into public notice. The religion which the duke had thus been led to adopt he afterwards propagated with the greatest zeal. He founded the archbishoprics of Gnesna and Cracow, and appointed St Adelbert, who had been sent by the Pontiff to propagate Christianity in Poland, primate of the whole kingdom. He also enjoined that, when any part of the gospel was read, the hearers should half-draw their swords, in token of their readiness to defend its truths. On his death in 999, he was succeeded by his son Boleslas I., surnamed the Brand, who was even more zealous than his father in extirpating the remains of paganism. He obtained the remains of St. Adalbert, who had been murdered in Prussia, and deposited them with great pomp at Gnesna. Otto III., Emperor of Germany, having made a pilgrimage to the tomb of this saint, was so kindly entertained by Boleslas that in return he invested him with regal dignity; an act which was confirmed by the Pope. The elevation of Boleslas excited the envy of the Duke of Bohemia, who had vainly solicited that honour for himself; and his jealousy was further excited by the marriage of Miecislus Boleslas' son, with Rixa, the emperor's niece. He accordingly entered Poland at the head of a numerous army, and committed the most wanton and barbarous outrages. On the approach of the Polish army, however, he retreated with precipitation; and Boleslas, at the head of a formidable army, entered Bohemia. The Bohemians had not the courage to venture a battle; and after a siege of two years, Prague, the capital, was taken, and most of the other fortresses in the country speedily fell into the hands of the conqueror. He did not, however, rest satisfied with this, but followed up his advantages, resolved to obtain possession of the duke, which he at length did, and to satisfy his resentment, put out his eyes. From Bohemia he marched against Moravia, which submitted without striking a blow. He afterwards turned his attention to Russia, and found an excuse for invading that country in a civil war that was then raging between the children of the famous Vladimir. The chief competitors were Jarislas and Swiantopelk. Boleslas sided with the latter, and defeated Jarislas with great slaughter on the banks of the Bug. He took Klow, the most celebrated and opulent city in that part of Europe, and became master of the greater part of Russia. He placed Swiantopelk on the throne, but he soon found in him a more dangerous enemy than his brother. This Russian prince had no sooner obtained the crown than he formed a conspiracy, which had for its object nothing less than the destruction of Boleslas and his whole army. The massacre was already begun, when Boleslas received intelligence of the scheme. He immediately mounted his horse, and having with the utmost haste assembled part of his army, fell upon the traitors with such fury that they were obliged to betake themselves to flight; and Boleslas got safe back to Poland. He now turned his arms against the Saxons, and extended his conquests to the Elbe. The inhabitants of the country to the north of Poland he also reduced to obedience. In 1018 the Russians, under Jarislas, attempted to invade Poland, but were defeated with great slaughter. By this victory Boleslas acquired a considerable tract of country, and the Russians were besides obliged to pay him a tribute. This monarch died in 1025, and was succeeded by his son Miecislus, who possessed none of the great qualities of his father. In the beginning of his reign the Russians, Bohemians, and Moravians revolted; but as the spirit and discipline of the Polish troops still remained, Miecislus found no difficulty in reducing them to obedience, after which he devoted himself entirely to voluptuousness, and, at length worn out by his debauched course of life, he died in 1034. His queen Rixa was elected regent during the minority of his heir Casimir; but she proved tyrannical, and so partial to her countrymen the Germans, that a rebellion ensued, and she was forced to flee to Germany. Her son Casimir was also driven out of the kingdom, and a great many claimants started up for the vacant throne. This produced a civil war; and to add to their distress, the Bohemians and Russians invaded the kingdom in different places. At length it was resolved to recall the young prince, but as five years had already elapsed, no one knew where he was to be found. By interceding with his mother, however, they succeeded in obtaining the wished-for intelligence. He had at first retired into France, where he applied himself closely to study at the university of Paris; he afterwards went to Italy, where, after suffering great distress, he entered a monastery and assumed the religious habit; and subsequently he returned to France, where he obtained some preferment in the abbey of Cluny. It was here that he was found, but his vow presented an obstacle to his now accepting the crown. At length, however, the Pope consented to grant a dispensation of this tie, on condition that the nation should become subject to the tax called "Peter's pence;" that they should all shave their heads like monks, and wear white surplices at festivals. Casimir was welcomed with the greatest joy by all ranks of the people, and was crowned at Gnesna with more than usual solemnity. He proved himself worthy of the confidence of his people, and equal to the difficulties of his situation. He exerted his influence to repair the evils that had so long afflicted the country, restored the dominion of the laws, and subdued the banditti by which the country was infested. He secured peace with Russia by marrying the princess Mary, sister of the duke; and by his wise and peaceful reign he did more to strengthen and establish the kingdom than could have been done by many victories.

He died after a reign of sixteen years, and was succeeded by his son Boleslas II., an enterprising and valiant prince, who soon rendered himself so famous that three unfortunate princes took refuge at his court, having been expelled from their dominions. These were Jaromir, brother of Wratislus, Duke of Bohemia; Bela, brother of the King of Hungary; and Zasla, Duke of Klow, and cousin to the King of Poland. The Duke of Bohemia, dreading the consequences of his brother's escape, assembled an army, desolated Silesia, and laid waste with fire and sword the frontiers of Poland. Boleslas marched against him, and surprised him in the narrow passes of a forest. The duke being reduced to the greatest distress, proposed terms of peace, which, however, were rejected. In this extremity he resolved to attempt an escape during night, and, if discovered, to cut his way through the Polish army, or perish in the attempt. Ordering fires to be kindled in his camp, he drew off his forces with the utmost secrecy, and had advanced several leagues before Boleslas was aware of his retreat. The king pursued the fugitive, but in vain; and after ravaging the frontiers of Moravia, he returned to his own dominions. The next year he entered Bohemia with a numerous army, and the duke, unwilling to encounter so formidable an adversary, submitted to terms of peace, which contained conditions in favour of Jaromir. He now turned his attention towards Hungary, and entered that kingdom at the head of a numerous army. The Hungarian king, supported by a large body of Bohemians, prepared to meet him; and a battle was at length fought, in the heat of which the Hungarian portion of the troops went over to the enemy, and the auxiliaries were killed almost to a man. The king himself was taken prisoner, and treated with such cruelty that he died soon after of a broken heart; and Bela was placed on the throne without further opposition. He next, at the head of a numerous and well-disciplined army, marched into Russia, ravaged the territories composing two palatinates, reduced the strong city of Wolyn, and transported the booty to Poland. The campaign was finished by a battle, which proved so bloody that, though Boleslas was victorious, his army was so weakened that he could not pursue his conquests. In the winter he made numerous levies, and returning in the spring to Klow, reduced it by famine. On this occasion he treated the inhabitants with kindness, commending their valour, and distributing provisions amongst them with the utmost liberality. This clemency procured the highest honour to the King of History. Poland; but his stay here was productive of a great disaster. Klów being the most dissolute as well as the richest city in the north, the king and his soldiers gave themselves up to the pleasures of the place. Boleslas himself affected all the state of an eastern monarch, and contracted an inclination for the grossest debaucheries. The Hungarian and Russian wars having continued for seven years, during that time the king had never been at home, excepting for the short space of three months; and the Polish women, exasperated at hearing that their husbands had neglected them, raised their slaves to the beds of their masters, in order to be revenged for the infidelity of their husbands. This was so general that history has only handed down the name of one lady as remaining faithful to her lord—Margaret, wife of Count Nicolas de Zembouin. The soldiers hearing of this, blamed the king for their dishonour, and resolved to return home, in order to take vengeance upon their wives and their paramours. A dreadful kind of civil war now ensued. The women, knowing that they had no mercy to expect from their husbands, persuaded their paramours to take arms in their defence, and they themselves fought by the side of their gallants with the utmost fury, seeking out their husbands in the heat of battle, in order to secure themselves from all danger of punishment. They were, however, on the point of being subdued, when Boleslas, who had been left almost alone in the heart of Russia, arrived with the few remaining Poles, assisted by an army of Russians, with whom he resolved to take equal vengeance on the women, their gallants, and his own soldiers who had deserted him. This produced a carnage more dreadful than ever. The soldiers united with their former wives and their gallants against the common enemy, and fought against Boleslas and the Russians with the fury of lions. At last, however, the fortune of the king prevailed; the rebels were totally subdued; and the few who escaped the sword were tortured to death or perished in prison.

To add to the calamities of this unhappy kingdom, the schisms which for some time had prevailed in the Church of Rome found their way also into Poland; and the matter at length came to be a contention for wealth and power between the king and clergy. Bloodshed followed. The Bishop of Cracow was, like another Thomas à Becket, massacred in the cathedral whilst he was performing the duties of his office. Pope Gregory VII. thundered out anathemas against the king, released his subjects from their allegiance, and laid the kingdom under a general interdict. The whole kingdom became a scene of confusion, and the king fled with his son Miecislas, and took refuge in Hungary. Authors differ respecting the manner of his death, but the generally received account is that, being driven from place to place by the persecutions of the clergy, he was at last obliged to become a cook in a monastery at Carinthia, where in this mean occupation he ended his days.

The kingdom continued under a severe interdict, which could be removed only by the most abject concessions; but at length the Pontiff consented that the brother of the deceased monarch should be raised to the sovereignty, but only with the title of Duke. This prince, named Uladislas, being of a meek disposition, with little ambition, accepted the terms offered, and sent an embassy to Rome, earnestly entreating the removal of the interdict. The request was granted; but all his endeavours to recover the regal dignity proved fruitless, the Pope having, in conjunction with the Emperor of Germany, conferred that honour on the Duke of Bohemia. Russia availed itself of the recent disturbances to throw off the yoke; and this revolt drew after it that of Prussia, Pomerania, and several other provinces. The smaller provinces were soon reduced; but the duke had no sooner returned to Poland than they again rebelled. He marched against them with a considerable army; but was entirely defeated, and obliged to return.

Next year, however, having led against them a more numerous army than before, he compelled them to submit and deliver up the ringleaders of the revolt. But no sooner were the Pomeranians reduced than civil dissensions took place. Shigniew, his son by a concubine, was placed by the discontented nobility at the head of an army to subvert his father's government and dispute the title of Boleslas, his legitimate son, to the succession. Shigniew was at length defeated and taken captive, but was afterwards pardoned and received into favour.

Uladislas died in 1102, in the fifty-ninth year of his age, Boleslas and was succeeded by his son Boleslas III.; but a portion of his dominions was assigned to his brother Shigniew. The latter, being dissatisfied with his share, stirred up the Bohemians, Saxons, and Moravians against his brother, and made such formidable preparations as threatened the conquest of all Poland. Boleslas, unable to oppose such a formidable force, had recourse to the Russians and Hungarians, who readily embraced his cause. At length Shigniew was defeated, and might have easily been obliged to surrender at discretion, had not Boleslas generously left him in quiet possession of the duchy of Mazovia. Shigniew, however, subsequently entered into other conspiracies, and was at length banished from the kingdom.

Boleslas was scarcely freed from the intrigues of his brother when he found himself in danger from the ambition of the Emperor Henry V. The emperor had attacked the King of Hungary, with whom Boleslas was in close alliance. The King of Poland determined to assist his friend, and therefore made a powerful diversion in Bohemia, where he repeatedly defeated the imperialists. The emperor then collecting all his forces, ravaged Silesia, and even entered Poland, where he laid siege to the strong town of Lubusz; but he was at last obliged to abandon the enterprise, after having sustained severe loss. Henry, in no degree discouraged, penetrated still farther into Poland, and was laying waste all before him, when the superior skill of Boleslas compelled him to retire. Enraged at this disappointment, Henry laid siege to Glogau, and after a spirited defence, the inhabitants were on the point of surrendering when Boleslas arrived and attacked the emperor with such vigour that he obliged him to retreat with disgrace into his own country. This soon brought on a peace, which was confirmed by a marriage between Boleslas and the emperor's sister. About 1135 he was brought into a war with Russia. He had conferred the government of Wielica, a strong town on the Nida, to a Hungarian who had insinuated himself into his affections; but the traitor delivered up the place to the Russians. Boleslas, incensed, immediately entered into a war with Russia. Having been implored for assistance by the inhabitants of Halitz, Boleslas marched to their relief with a choice body of troops; but as he was preparing to enter the town he was attacked by the Russian army, and, after a most violent conflict, entirely defeated. The unfortunate prince was so much afflicted by this reverse, that in a short time he died, after having reigned thirty-six years.

By his will he divided his dominions equally amongst his four grown-up sons. Uladislas, the eldest, had the provinces of Cracow, Seradz, Lencysya, Silesia, and Pomerania. Boleslas, the second son, had for his share the palatinates of Culm and Kujavia, with the duchy of Mazovia. The palatinates of Kalszh and Posen fell to Miecislas, the third son; and to Henry, who was the fourth, were assigned those of Lublin and Sandomir. No provision was, however, made for Casimir, the youngest child, then an infant in the cradle. The eldest son had a certain superiority over his brothers.

The harmony of the princes was soon disturbed by the ambition of Christina, the wife of Uladislas, who formed a scheme to get possession of all Poland. Having obtained History, her husband's concurrence, she assembled the states of Poland, and made a long speech, showing the dangers which might arise from a partition of the ducal dominions amongst so many; and concluded with attempting to show the necessity of revoking the ratification of the late duke's will, in order to insure the tranquillity of the republic. At length, all the nobility were gained over or intimidated by Uladislas, who then drove Boleslas from his territories, and next marching against Henry, dispossessed him also, forcing both to take refuge with Miecislas in Posmania, where all the three brothers were besieged. Thus driven to despair, the brothers sallied out, attacked the duke's army, and obtained a complete victory, taking possession of all his baggage and effects. They next laid siege to Cracow, which surrendered; and Uladislas retired into Germany to solicit assistance. Boleslas was raised to the supreme authority, and the new duke began his administration with an act of generosity towards his brother Uladislas, on whom he conferred the duchy of Silesia, which was thus separated from, and has never since been re-annexed to Poland. Uladislas, not content with this, found means to persuade the Emperor Conrad to invade Poland. Boleslas, however, so harassed and fatigued his army that he was soon obliged to return to his own country; and for some years Poland enjoyed profound tranquillity. The Emperor Frederic Barbarossa was next persuaded by Uladislas and his wife to invade Poland. The number of the Imperialists was so great that Boleslas and his brothers did not think proper to oppose them in the open field. They divided their forces, and laid waste the country before the enemy, burning all the towns and cities which were in no condition to stand a siege. Thus the emperor was at last reduced to such a situation that he was glad to come to terms, and the treaty was confirmed by a marriage between Adelaide, niece of the emperor, and Miecislas, Duke of Posen.

Boleslas subsequently attempted the conquest of Prussia, but his army having fallen into ambush, was almost entirely cut off; Duke Henry was killed, and Boleslas and Miecislas escaped with great difficulty. After this, Boleslas applied himself to promote the happiness of his subjects, and continued thus occupied until the period of his death, which happened in the year 1173.

On the death of Boleslas, the states raised his brother Miecislas to the ducal throne. But the moment that Miecislas ceased to be a subject he became a tyrant, and the slave of almost every vice; so that in a short time he was deposed, and his brother Casimir elected in his stead.

Casimir II., a prince remarkable for his justice and benevolence, set himself about securing peace and establishing tranquillity in all parts of his dominions. He redressed grievances, suppressed exorbitant imposts, and assembled a general diet, in which it was proposed to rescue the peasants from the tyranny of the nobility. The nobles, influenced by the example of their sovereign, immediately granted all that he required; and, to give still greater weight to this decision, the acts of the diet were transmitted to Rome, and formally confirmed by the Pope. But though the nobility in general consented to the partial retrenchment or limitation of their power, it occasioned discontent amongst some, who for this reason immediately became the partisans of the deposed Miecislas. That unfortunate prince was now reduced to such indulgence, that his brother Casimir, affected by the accounts he had received, tried every method to relieve him, and even coaxed at the arts that were practised by some discontented noblemen to restore him. But this generous and amiable conduct was repaid by the grossest ingratitude. Miecislas used every art to wrest from his brother the whole of his dominions, and actually conquered the provinces of Mazovia and Cujavia; but of these he was soon dispossessed, and only some places in Lower Poland were left him. The last action of this amiable prince was the conquest of Russia, which he effected rather by the reputation of his wisdom and generosity than by the force of his arms. The people of that country voluntarily submitted to a prince so famed for his benevolence, justice, and humanity. Soon after his return he died at Cracow, lamented as the best prince that had ever filled the throne of Poland.

Casimir left two sons very young, the elder of whom, named Lesko V., Lesko, was nominated his successor. Miecislas embraced the opportunity of renewing his attempts upon the throne, and formed an alliance with the Dukes of Oppeln, Pomerania, and Breslau. Having raised all the men in Lower Poland fit to bear arms, he took the road to Cracow with a numerous army. On the banks of the river Mozzarva a sanguinary conflict ensued; but both sides were so much weakened that they were forced to retire for some time, in order to repair their losses. Miecislas now had recourse to artifice rather than force; and having attempted in vain to corrupt the guardians of Lesko, he entered into a compact with the Princess Helen, his mother. Representing in the strongest manner the miseries which would ensue from war, he stipulated to adopt her sons Lesko and Conrad as his own; to surrender the province of Cujavia for their present support; and to declare them heirs to all his dominions. The principal nobility opposed this accommodation; but it was accepted by the duchess in spite of all their remonstrances; and Miecislas was once more put in possession of the capital, after having taken a solemn oath to execute punctually every article of the treaty. The princess was not long in perceiving that she had been duped, and having formed a strong party, she excited a general insurrection against the duke. Miecislas was expelled from Cracow, and on the point of being reduced to his former indigence, when he found means to foment a quarrel between the duchess and the palatine of Cracow, and thus once more turned the scale in his favour. He regained possession of Cracow, but did not long enjoy his prosperity, for he fell a victim to intemperance in 1203. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Uladislas III., a prince noble and generous as his father had been base and treacherous. Knowing that the III. crown rightfully belonged to his cousin Lesko, he was with difficulty induced to accept of it, and at length willingly resigned it to him, after a short reign of three years.

During the government of Lesko the Tartars made an irruption into that country, and everywhere committed the most cruel ravages. At last they came to an engagement with the Poles, and obtained a complete victory. This incursion, however, terminated as precipitately as it had commenced; but the devastations they had committed produced a famine, which was soon followed by a plague that depopulated one of the most populous countries of the north. In this unhappy situation of affairs, death ended the misfortunes of Lesko, who was assassinated by his own subjects. A civil war followed his death; and the history of Poland is for some time so confused that it is difficult to say who was his successor. During this unfortunate state of the country, the Tartars made a second irruption, laid all waste before them, and were advancing towards the capital, when they were attacked and defeated with great slaughter by the palatine of Cracow, with only a handful of men. Next year, however, they returned, and committed barbarities such as can scarcely be imagined. Whole provinces were ravaged, and every one of the inhabitants massacred. They were returning, laden with spoil, when the palatine fell upon them a second time, but after a most obstinate engagement, he was defeated, and all Poland was thus laid open to the ravages of the barbarians. The nobility fled into Hungary, and the peasants sought an asylum amongst rocks and impenetrable forests. Cracow was taken, pillaged, and burned; and the barbarians, penetrating Poland was in this dreadful situation when Boleslas, surnamed the Chaste, obtained the sovereignty. But this, so far from putting an end to the troubles, only superadded a civil war to the other calamities with which the country was afflicted. Boleslas was opposed by his uncle Conrad, the brother of Lesko, who having assembled a powerful army, gained possession of Cracow, and assumed the title of Duke of Poland. His avarice and pride, however, offended equally the nobility and the peasants; and they unanimously invited Boleslas, who had fled into Hungary, to return home and head the insurrection which now broke out in every quarter. On his arrival, he was joyfully received in the capital. But Conrad still headed a powerful party; and it is reported that on this occasion the knights of the Teutonic order were first called into Poland, to dispute the pretensions of Boleslas. All endeavours of Conrad, however, proved unsuccessful. He was defeated in two pitched battles, and forced to live in a private situation; though he never ceased to harass his nephew, and make fresh attempts to recover the crown. Of the reign of Boleslas, however, we have little information, except that he made a vow of perpetual continency, and imposed the same on his wife; that he founded nearly forty monasteries; and that, after a long reign, he died in 1279, having previously adopted Lesko, Duke of Cujavia, and procured a confirmation of his choice by the free election of the people.

The reign of this last prince was one continued scene of foreign and domestic trouble. On his accession, he was attacked by the united forces of Russia and Lithuania, assisted by the Tartars; but he had the good fortune to defeat the confederate barbarians in a pitched battle. This was followed by civil dissensions, which rose to such a degree that he was obliged to fly to Hungary, the common resource of distressed Polish princes. The inhabitants of Cracow alone remained firm in their duty, and withstood a tedious siege, until they were at last relieved by Lesko at the head of a Hungarian army, who defeated the rebels, and regained the government. But scarcely had he reascended the throne when the united forces of the Russians, Tartars, and Lithuanians made a second irruption into Poland, and desolated the country with the most savage barbarity. Their forces were now rendered more terrible than ever by their having along with them a vast number of large dogs trained to join in their attacks. With an army much inferior, however, Lesko obtained a complete victory, the Poles being animated by all the fury of despair. Soon after this, Lesko died, with the reputation of a wise, warlike, but on the whole an unfortunate prince.

As this prince died without issue, a civil war again ensued; and the affairs of the state continued in a very declining condition till 1296, when Przemyslas was crowned king by the Archbishop of Gnesa, a title which had been forfeited for more than 200 years. He did not enjoy this title for more than seven months, having been murdered, it is said, by some Brandenburg emissaries. A series of dissensions again succeeded till the year 1305, when Uladislas Lokietek, who had seized the throne in 1300, and afterwards been driven out, was restored. The first transaction of his reign was a war with the Teutonic knights, who, during the recent disturbances, had usurped the greater part of Pomerania. They had been settled in the territory of Culm by Conrad, Duke of Mazovia, but soon extended their dominion over the neighbouring provinces, and had even obtained possession of the city of Dantzig, where they massacred a number of Pomeranian gentlemen in cold blood. The knights were commanded by the sovereign Pontiff to renounce their conquests; but they set at nought all his thunders, and even suffered themselves to be excommunicated rather than part with their acquisitions.

Uladislas entered the territory of Culm, which he laid waste with fire and sword; and although opposed by the joint forces of the Marquis of Brandenburg, the knights, and the Duke of Mazovia, he obtained a complete victory, after a desperate and bloody engagement. Without following up the blow, however, he returned to Poland, where he recruited his army; and being reinforced by a body of auxiliaries from Hungary and Lithuania, he a second time ravaged all the dominions of the Teutonic knights. A treaty was concluded under the mediation of the kings of Hungary and Bohemia. But in a few months the knights not only refused to evacuate Pomerania, as had been stipulated in the treaty, but even endeavoured to extend their usurpations, and for this purpose assembled a very considerable army. Uladislas, enraged at their treachery, once more took the field, and gave them battle with such success that 4000 knights were left dead on the ground, and 30,000 auxiliaries killed or taken prisoners. Though the king had it in his power to destroy the whole order, he satisfied himself with obtaining the territories which had occasioned the war, after which he spent the remainder of his life in tranquillity and peace.

Uladislas was succeeded by his son Casimir III., surnamed Casimir III., the Great. Having in a single campaign subdued the province called Black Russia, he turned his arms against Mazovia, which he overran with great rapidity, and annexed as a province to the crown. He then applied himself to domestic affairs, and was the first who introduced a written code of laws into Poland. He was a most impartial judge, a rigid observer of justice, and the most submissive to the laws of any potentate mentioned in the history of Europe. He was a great patron of industry as well as an eminent legislator, and through his encouragement numbers flocked into his kingdom from various parts of Germany. He fortified many of his chief towns, which he also embellished; whilst colleges, hospitals, churches, and other public buildings, attested alike his genius, his magnificence, and his patriotism. His reign is considered as the golden age of Poland.

Casimir was succeeded in 1370 by his nephew Louis, Louis, King of Hungary; but as the Poles looked upon him as a foreign prince, they were not happy under his administration. He left Poland almost as soon as he was crowned, leaving the government in the hands of his mother Elizabeth. But at that time the state of Poland was too disturbed to be governed by a woman. The country was overrun with gangs of robbers, who committed the most horrid cruelties; the kingdom was likewise invaded by the Lithuanians, the province of Black Russia had revolted, and the land was universally filled with dissension. The Poles, displeased to see their towns occupied by Hungarian garrisons, sent a message to the king, informing him that they thought he had been sufficiently honoured in being elected king of Poland himself, without suffering the kingdom to be governed by a woman and his Hungarian subjects. Upon this, Louis raised a numerous army, intending to subdue the refractory spirit of his subjects. His first operations were directed against the Russians, whom he defeated, and again reduced to subjection. He then turned his arms against the Lithuanians, expelled them from the kingdom, and re-established public tranquillity. He died after a reign of twelve years, and his daughter Hedwig was proclaimed queen.

This princess married Jagellon, Duke of Lithuania, who was converted to Christianity, and baptized by the name of Uladislas. By this marriage, the duchy of Lithuania, as well as the vast provinces of Samogitia and Black Russia, were annexed to the crown of Poland. Such a formidable accession of power excited the jealousy of the Teutonic knights, and they assembled a large army, and suddenly invaded his territory. Uladislas raised a strong force with the utmost celerity, which he committed to the care of his brother Skirgello. The Teutonic knights were defeated, and obliged to abandon all their conquests.

After some years of peace, a long series of wars broke out between Poland and Prussia. The knights having now got possession of Samogitia, Mazovia, Culm, Silesia, and Pomerania, Uladislas resolved to punish them before they became too powerful; and with this view he assembled an army composed of several different nations. He then penetrated into Prussia; took several towns; and was advancing to Marienburg, the capital of Pomerania, when he was met by the army of the Prussian knights, who determined to hazard a battle. When the engagement began, the Poles were deserted by all their auxiliaries, and obliged to stand the brunt of the battle. But the courage and conduct of their king so animated them that, after a most desperate struggle, they obtained a complete victory; nearly 40,000 of the enemy being killed on the field, and 30,000 taken prisoners. Uladislas did not improve his victory, and a peace was concluded upon easier terms than his adversaries had any reason to hope for.

Uladislas V., died in 1484, and was succeeded by his son Uladislas VI., at that time only nine years of age. He had scarcely ascended the throne, when the kingdom was invaded by the Tartars, who defeated the general of the Polish forces; and, committing everywhere dreadful ravages, returned to their own country loaded with booty. A few years afterwards the nation was involved in a war with Amurath, the sultan, who threatened to break into Hungary. But before the young king took the field, a strong body of auxiliaries was despatched under John Hunniades, voivode of Transylvania, to oppose the Turks, and likewise to support the election of Uladislas to the crown of Hungary. This detachment surprised the Turkish army near the river Morava, and defeated Amurath with the loss of 30,000 men; after which Hunniades retook all the places which had been conquered by Amurath, the sultan was forced to sue for peace, and Uladislas was raised without opposition to the crown of Hungary. A treaty was concluded, by which the Turks promised to relinquish their designs upon Hungary, and to give up all their conquests in Bosnia and Servia. This treaty was sealed by mutual oaths; but Uladislas broke it at the persuasion of the Pope's legate, who insisted that now was the time for humbling the power of the infidels, and produced a special commission from the Pope, absolving the king from the oath he had taken at the late treaty. The result of this perfidy was, that Uladislas was entirely defeated and killed at Varna, and the greater part of his army cut in pieces.

Uladislas VI. was succeeded by Casimir IV., in whose reign the Teutonic knights were subdued, and obliged to yield up the territories of Culm, Michlow, and the duchy of Pomerania, together with the towns of Elling, Marienburg, Talkmitz, Schat, and Christburg, to the crown of Poland. On the other hand, the king restored to them all the other conquests he had made in Prussia; granted a seat in the Polish senate to the grand-master; and endowed him with other privileges, on condition that, six months after his accession, he should do homage for Prussia, and take an oath of fidelity to the king and republic.

About this time the crown of Bohemia having become vacant, the barons were induced to bestow the crown upon Uladislas, eldest son of Casimir, in opposition to the intrigues of the King of Hungary. Not satisfied with this acquisition, Uladislas took advantage of the dissensions in Hungary, in order to unite that crown to his own, and thereby he greatly augmented his power. Casimir died in 1492. In the reign of this prince, the deputies of the provinces first appeared at the diet, and assumed to themselves the legislative power; all laws before that time having been framed by the king in conjunction with the senate.

During the succeeding reigns of John Albert and Alexander, sons of the last monarch, the affairs of Poland fell into decline, the kingdom being harassed by continual wars with the Turks and Tartars. But they were retrieved by Sigismund I., who ascended the throne in 1507. This Alexander monarch, having reformed some internal abuses, set about Sigismund rendering the kingdom as formidable as it had formerly been. He first quelled an insurrection which broke out in Lithuania; after which he drove the Wallachians and Moldavians out of Black Russia, and defeated the Russians in a pitched battle, with the loss of 30,000 men.

After this victory, the king turned his arms against the Teutonic knights, who had elected the Marquis of Brandenburg as their grand-master; whilst this prince not only refused to acknowledge the sovereignty of the crown of Poland, but even invaded the Polish territories. Sigismund marched against him, and gained possession of several important places in Brandenburg; but as he was pursuing his conquests, the marquis, reinforced by 14,000 Germans led by the Duke of Schonenburg, ventured to lay siege to Danzig, after having ravaged the neighbouring country. The Danteciers, however, defended themselves so bravely that the besiegers were soon obliged to relinquish their enterprise; whilst in their retreat they were attacked by a strong detachment of Polish cavalry, who made prodigious havoc amongst them, compelling the wretched remains to take shelter in Pomerania, where they were massacred by the peasants. Soon after this the marquis was obliged to submit to the clemency of the conqueror. To secure him in his interest, however, Sigismund granted him half the province of Prussia as a secular duke, dependent on the crown of Poland.

In the reign of Sigismund the kingdom of Poland may be considered as having attained its greatest pitch of glory. This monarch possessed, in his own person, the republic of Poland, the great duchies of Lithuania, Smolensko, and Sveria, besides vast territories lying beyond the Euxine and the Baltic; whilst his nephew Louis possessed the kingdoms of Bohemia, Hungary, and Silesia. But this glory received a sudden check in 1548, by the defeat and death of Louis, who perished in a battle fought with Solyman the Great, sultan of the Turks. The daughter of this prince had married Ferdinand of Austria, an alliance by which the dominions of Hungary, Bohemia, and Silesia became inseparably connected with the hereditary dominions of the Austrian family. Sigismund, then in the eighty-fourth year of his age, did not survive the news of this defeat many months, but died of a lingering disorder, leaving behind him the character of a complete general, an able politician, a good prince, and one of the strongest men in the North.

Sigismund Augustus, who succeeded his father Sigismund I., proved also a very fortunate prince. At that time, the most violent and bloody wars were carrying on in Germany, and indeed throughout other parts of Europe, on account of religion; but Sigismund wisely avoided interfering in these disputes. He would not admit into his dominions any of those divines who were taxed with holding heterodox opinions, nor even allow his people the liberty of corresponding with them; yet he never persecuted, nor employed any other means for the preservation of the state than those of a well-conducted and regular policy. He applied himself diligently to the reforming of abuses, enforcing the laws, enriching the treasury, promoting industry, and redeeming the crown-lands where the titles of the possessors appeared illegal. Out of the revenue recovered in this manner he raised a formidable standing army without laying any additional tax upon his subjects; and though he preferred peace to war, he was always able to punish those who offered indignities to his person or his crown.

His knowledge of the art of war was soon tried in a con- test with the Russians, who, encouraged by the disputes which had subsisted between the Teutonic knights and the Archbishop of Riga, cousin of Sigismund, had made an irruption into Livonia. The province was at that time divided between the knights and the prelate; and the Russians, under pretence of assisting the former, had seized great part of the dominions of the latter. The archbishop had recourse to his kinsman the King of Poland, who, after fruitless efforts to accommodate matters, marched towards the frontiers of Livonia with an army of 100,000 men. The knights were in no condition to resist such a formidable power; and therefore, deserting their allies, they put themselves under the protection of the King of Poland. But the czar, John Basildes, though deserted by the knights, did not lose his courage. His army consisted of 300,000 men, with whom he imagined himself able to reduce all Livonia, in spite of the utmost efforts of the King of Poland; but having met with some checks in that quarter, he directly invaded Poland with his whole army. At first he carried everything before him; but the Poles soon made a vigorous opposition; and the Russians, though everywhere defeated, still continued their incursions, which Sigismund at last revenged by invading Russia in his turn.

These mutual desolations and ravages at last made both parties desirous of peace, and a truce for three years was agreed on; but during the continuance of the armistice the King of Poland died, and with him was extinguished the house of Jagellon, which had governed Poland for nearly two hundred years. On the death of Sigismund, Poland became a prey to intestinal divisions; and intrigues were set on foot at the courts of Vienna, France, Saxony, Sweden, and Brandenburg, each of them endeavouring to establish a prince of their nation on the throne of Poland. The result of all this was, that the kingdom became one universal scene of corruption, faction, and confusion. The members of the diet consulted only their own interest, and were ready on every occasion to sell themselves to the best bidder. The Protestants had by this time got a considerable footing in the kingdom, and thus religious disputes were intermingled with political ones. One good effect, however, flowed from this confusion. A law was passed, by which it was enacted that no difference in religious opinions should occasion any contention amongst the subjects of the kingdom; that all the Poles, without discrimination, should be capable of holding public offices and trusts under the government; and that the future kings should swear expressly to cultivate the internal tranquillity of the realm, and to cherish without distinction their subjects of all persuasions.

Whilst the candidates for the throne were severally attempting to support their own interest in the best manner they could, John Crasoski, a Polish gentleman of great merit, but diminutive stature, had just returned from France, whither he had travelled for improvement. His humour, wit, and diverting size had rendered him universally agreeable at the court of France, and in a particular manner engaged the esteem of Catharine de' Medici, which the little Pole had the address to make use of for his own advantage. He owed many obligations to the Duke of Anjou, whom, out of gratitude, he represented in such favourable terms, that the Poles began to entertain thoughts of making him their king. These sentiments were confirmed and encouraged by Crasoski, who returned into France by order of several leading men in Poland, and acquainted the king and queen-mother that nothing was wanting except the formality of an embassy to procure the crown for the Duke of Anjou, almost without opposition. Charles IX., king of France, at that time also promoted the scheme; being jealous of the Duke of Anjou's popularity, and willing to have him removed to as great a distance as possible. The parties accordingly came to an agreement, in which it was stipulated that the Duke of Anjou should maintain the laws, liberties, and customs of the kingdom of Poland, and of the grand duchy of Lithuania; that he should transport all his effects and annual revenues in France into Poland; that the French monarch should pay the late King Sigismund's debts; that he should maintain a hundred young Polish gentlemen at his court, and fifty in other places; that he should send a fleet to the Baltic to assist Poland against the Russians; and, lastly, that Henry should marry the Princess Anne, sister of the late King Sigismund, though this article Henry refused to ratify till his return to Poland. Everything being thus settled, the young king quitted France, attended by a splendid retinue, and was accompanied by the queen-mother as far as Lorraine. He was received by his subjects on the frontiers of Poland, and conducted to Cracow, where he was soon afterwards crowned. The affections of the Poles were soon engaged by the youth and accomplishments of Henry; but scarcely had he been seated on the throne, when, by the death of Charles IX., he became heir to the crown of France. Being informed of this by repeated messages from Catharine, he repented his having accepted the crown of Poland, and resolved to leave it for that of France. But being sensible that the Poles would oppose his departure, he kept his intentions secret, and watched an opportunity of stealing out of the palace in disguise during the night-time. The Poles, as might well be expected, were irritated at being thus abandoned, from the mere motive of interest, by a prince whom they had so much loved and honoured. Parties were despatched after him by different roads; and Zamoski, a nobleman who headed one of these parties, overtook him some leagues distant from Cracow. All the prayers and tears of that nobleman, however, could not prevail on Henry to return; he rode post to Vienna, and then passed into France by the way of Italy. On the 15th of July 1575 he was in full diet solemnly divested of the regal dignity, and the throne declared vacant.

After the deposition of Henry, commotions and factions again occurred, but the contending parties were now reduced to two—one who supported the interest of Maximilian, Emperor of Germany; and the other, who were for electing the Princess Anne, and marrying her to Stephen Batory, prince of Transylvania. The latter prevailed; and Batory having married the princess, was crowned on the 1st of May 1576. No opposition was made to his authority, except by the inhabitants of Dantzig, who adhered to the interest of Maximilian, and after his death had the presumption to demand from the king an oath acknowledging their absolute freedom and independence. This led to a war in which the people of Dantzig were worsted; but it was not until after suffering severely that they were at length induced to submit.

The war with Dantzig had no sooner been ended than the king directed his whole strength against the Czar of Muscovy, who had laid siege to Revel, and made himself master of several important cities in Livonia. The czar behaved everywhere with the greatest cruelty, slaughtering without distinction all who were able to bear arms, and abandoning the women and children to the brutality of the Tartars who served in the army. At length, in 1578, a body of forces was despatched into the province; the towns of Wender and Dwinaburg were surprised; and an army sent by the czar to surprise the former was defeated. That unhappy province was at this time also invaded by the Swedes, who professed themselves to be enemies equally to both parties, and who in cruelty were scarcely inferior to the Russians themselves. The king, however, nothing daunted by the number of his adversaries, called to his assistance Christopher, prince of Transylvania, with all the standing forces of that country, and took the field in person against the Muscovites. He laid siege to Polocz, a town of great importance, situated on the river Dwina; and the Russians, in order to strike terror into the enemy, put to death all the citizens of the town. The river was dyed with blood, and a vast number of human bodies, fastened to planks and terribly mangled, were carried down the stream. But this barbarity, instead of intimidating the Poles, irritated them to such a degree that nothing could resist them. Finding that their cannon made little impression upon the walls of the city, which were constructed of wood, they advanced to the assault with burning torches in their hands, and reduced them to ashes. The Russian barbarians were thus obliged to surrender at discretion; and it reflects the highest honour on Batory that, notwithstanding the dreadful instances of cruelty which he had before his eyes, he did not suffer his soldiers to retaliate.

After the reduction of Poloz, Batory continued the war, and with great success. Two detachments from the army penetrated the enemy's country by different roads, wasted all before them to the gates of Smolensko, and returned with the spoils of 2000 villages which they had pillaged and destroyed. The czar was obliged to sue for peace, which he obtained on condition of relinquishing Livonia, after having thrown away the lives of more than 400,000 of his subjects in attempting to conquer it.

A peace was likewise concluded with the Swedes, and Batory being thus freed from war, applied himself to the internal government of his kingdom. He regulated the Polish cavalry in such a manner that they became formidable to the Turks and other neighbouring nations; and this is the military establishment to which the Poles have given the name of quartierne, because a fourth part of the revenue was employed in supporting it. Batory sent this body of cavalry towards the frontiers of Tartary, and by its means the Ukraine, a vast tract of desert country, was filled with flourishing towns and villages, and became a strong barrier against the Turks, Tartars, and Russians.

The last memorable action of this prince was his attaching to Poland the Cossacks, whom he civilized and instructed in the arts of war and peace. All kinds of manufactures at that time known in Poland were likewise introduced among the Cossacks; the women were employed in spinning and weaving woollen cloths, whilst the men were taught agriculture and the mechanical arts.

Whilst Batory was employed in this manner, the Swedes broke the convention into which they had entered with Poland, and were on the point of obtaining possession of Riga. To this, indeed, Batory himself had given occasion, by attempting to impose the Catholic religion upon the inhabitants, after having promised them entire liberty of conscience; a proceeding which so irritated them that they revolted, and were on the point of admitting a Swedish garrison into the city, when the king became informed of what was going forward. He resolved to take a most exemplary vengeance on the inhabitants of Riga; but before he could execute his intention, he died in 1586, the fifty-fourth year of his age, and tenth of his reign.

The death of Batory involved Poland in fresh troubles. Four candidates appeared for the crown: the princes Ernest and Maximilian, of the House of Austria; Sigismund, prince of Sweden; and Theodore, czar of Muscovy. Each of these had a separate party; but Sigismund and Maximilian managed matters so cleverly that in 1587 both of them were elected. The result was a civil war, in which Maximilian was defeated and taken prisoner; and thus, without opposition, Sigismund III., surnamed Vasa, obtained the throne of Poland. He waged a successful war with the Tartars, and was otherwise prosperous; but though he succeeded to the crown of Sweden, he found it impossible for him to retain both kingdoms, and he was formally deposed from the Swedish throne. In 1610 he conquered Russia, and placed his son on the throne of that country; but the Polish conquests of that country have always been short-lived. The young prince was soon afterwards deposed; and the Russians not only regained their liberty, but began to make encroachments on Poland itself. A very unfortunate war also took place with Sweden, which was now governed by the great Gustavus Adolphus; but the particulars of that contest, with the other exploits of that renowned warrior, are elsewhere related. At last, Sigismund, worn out with cares and misfortunes, died in 1632.

After Sigismund's death the affairs of Poland seemed to revive a little under Uladislas VII., who obliged the Russians to sue for peace, and Sweden to restore some of her conquests; but an attempt being made to abridge the liberty of the Cossacks, they revolted, and gave the Poles several terrible defeats; nor did the war terminate in the lifetime of Uladislas, who died in 1648. His successor, John Casimir, concluded a peace with these dangerous enemies, but the war was soon after renewed; and whilst Casimir, the kingdom was distracted between the hostility of the Cossacks and the discontents of its own inhabitants, the Russians took the opportunity of invading and pillaging Lithuania.

In a little time afterwards, the whole kingdom was subdued by Charles Gustavus, successor to Christina, Queen of Sweden. Happily for Poland, however, a rupture took place between the courts of Sweden and Copenhagen, and the Poles were thereby enabled to drive out the Swedes in 1657. This was succeeded by civil wars and contests with Russia, which so much vexed the king that he resigned the crown in 1668. For two years after the resignation of Casimir the kingdom was filled with confusion; but on the 17th September 1670, one Michael Koributh Michael Wignowiecki, collaterally descended from the House of Wignowiecki, though in a very mean situation at that time, was chosen king. His reign continued only for three years, during which time John Sobieski, a celebrated Polish general, gave the Turks a dreadful overthrow, though their army consisted of more than 300,000 men; and if this blow had been followed up, the Cossacks would not only have been entirely subdued, but very advantageous terms might have been obtained from the sultan. Of that vast multitude of Turks, no more than 15,000 made their escape, the rest being all either killed or taken. However, the Polish soldiers, being only bound by the laws of their country to stay a certain time in the field, refused to pursue this signal victory, and suffered the king to make peace on any terms he could procure.

Wignowiecki died before the news of this transaction reached Cracow; and after his death a new scene of confusion ensued, till at last the fortune of John Sobieski prevailed, and he was elected king of Poland in 1674. He was a most magnanimous and heroic prince, and by his valour and good conduct retrieved the affairs of Poland. The Turks were everywhere defeated; but notwithstanding his great qualities, Poland was now so thoroughly corrupted, and pervaded by such a spirit of disaffection, that the latter part of this monarch's reign was involved in troubles, through the ambition and contention of some powerful noblemen. Sobieski died in 1696, and with him the glory of Poland descended into the tomb.

Most violent contests now took place about the succession, but the recital of these would far exceed our limits. At last, Frederick Augustus, elector of Saxony, prevailed; but as some of the most essential ceremonies were wanting in his coronation, because the primate, who was in an opposite interest, would not perform them, he found it extremely difficult to keep his subjects in proper obedience; and, to add to his misfortunes, having engaged in a league with Denmark and Russia against Sweden, he was attacked with irresistible fury by Charles XII. The particulars of this war, however, as they form great part of the exploits of that northern hero, more properly fall to be related under the head of Sweden. Here, therefore, we shall only observe, that Augustus was reduced to the humiliating necessity of renouncing the crown of Poland on oath, and even of congratulating his rival Stanislas upon his accession to the throne. But when the power of Charles was broken by his defeat at Pultowa, the fortune of Augustus again prevailed; Stanislas was driven out; and the former, being absolved from his oath by the pontiff, resumed possession of the throne of Poland.

After this Poland makes no figure, except in the history of political iniquity. Weakened by internal dissensions, it became unable to resist foreign aggression, and fell an easy prey to the ambitious powers by which it was surrounded. On 5th October 1763, Augustus II., elector of Saxony and king of Poland, died, and was succeeded by Count Poniatowski, a Polish grandee, who, on 7th September 1764, was proclaimed king by the name of Stanislas Augustus, and crowned on 25th November the same year. During the interregnum which took place between the death of Augustus III. and the election of Stanislas, a decree had been passed by the convocation-diet of Poland, with regard to the Dissidents, as they were called, or dissenters from the Catholic faith, by which they were prohibited the free exercise of their religion, and excluded from all offices and places under the government. On this occasion several of the European powers interposed, and the courts of Russia, Prussia, Great Britain, and Denmark, tendered remonstrances to the Diet; but notwithstanding these, the decree was confirmed by the coronation-diet held soon after the king's election.

On the 6th of October 1766, an ordinary Diet was assembled. Here declarations from the courts above mentioned were presented to his Polish majesty, requiring the re-establishment of the Dissidents in their civil rights and privileges, and the peaceable enjoyment of their modes of worship secured to them by the laws of the kingdom, which had been observed for two centuries. These privileges, it was alleged, had been confirmed by the treaty of Oliva, concluded by all the northern powers, and could not now be altered except by the consent of all the contracting parties. The Catholic party contended strongly for a confirmation of some decrees against the Dissidents, made in the years 1717, 1723, and 1736. The deputies from the foreign powers replied, that those decrees had passed in the midst of intestine troubles, and were contradicted by the formal protestations and express declarations of those powers. At last, after a violent contest, the matter was referred to the bishops and senators for their opinion; and upon a report from them, the Diet came to a resolution that they would maintain the Dissidents in all the rights and prerogatives to which they were entitled by the laws of their country and by treaties; and that as to their complaints with regard to the exercise of their religion, the college of archbishops and bishops, under the direction of the prince primate, would endeavour to remove all those difficulties in a manner conformable to justice and charity. In the mean time, the court of Russia, resolved to enforce her remonstrances, marched a body of troops to within a few miles of Warsaw. These resolutions of the Diet were by no means agreeable to the Dissidents. The latter dated the beginning of their sufferings from the year 1717. Referring their grievances to the archbishops and bishops was looked upon as a measure the most unreasonable that could be imagined, as that body of men had always been their opponents, and in fact the authors of the evils which had befallen them. When matters came to be considered in this view, an additional body of Russians, to the number of about fifteen thousand, entered Poland.

The Dissidents, being now pretty sure of the protection of foreign powers, entered, on the 20th of March 1767, into two confederacies, at Thorn and Sluck. One of these was signed by the Dissidents of Great and Little Poland, and the other by those of the grand duchy of Lithuania. The purpose of these confederacies was, an engagement to exert themselves in the defence of their ancient privileges, and the free exercise of their religion; professing at the same time the utmost loyalty to the king, and resolving to send him a deputation to implore his protection. They even invited those of the Catholic communion, and all true patriots, to unite with them in maintaining the fundamental laws of the kingdom, the peace of religion, and the rights of men in society. They also claimed, by virtue of public treaties, the protection of the powers who were guarantees of their liberties, namely, Russia, Sweden, Great Britain, Denmark, and Prussia. And they protested, that they had no intention of acting to the detriment of the Roman Catholic religion, which they duly respected, but only asked liberty for their own, and the re-establishment of their ancient rights. The three cities of Thorn, Elbing, and Dantzig, acceded to the confederacy of Thorn on the 10th of April; as did the duke and nobles of Courland to that of Sluck on the 15th of May. In the mean time the empress of Russia and the king of Prussia continued to issue forth new declarations in favour of the Dissidents; and the Russian troops in Poland were gradually augmented to thirty thousand men. Great numbers of other confederacies were also formed in different parts of the kingdom; but these at first took little part in the affair of the Dissidents. They complained chiefly of the administration of public affairs, in which they alleged that innovations had been introduced, and were therefore for some time called Confederations of Malcontents. All these confederacies published manifestos, in which they recommended to the inhabitants to receive and treat the Russian troops as the defenders of the liberties of Poland.

The different confederacies of malcontents formed in the General twenty-four districts of Lithuania united at Wilna on the confederation of June; and that general confederacy re-established. Prince Radzivill, who had married the king's sister, in his liberty, estates, and honour, of which he had been deprived in 1764 by the states of that duchy. On the 23rd of June Prince Radzivill was chosen grand marshal of the general confederacy of all Poland, which then began to be called the National Confederacy, and was said to be composed of seventy-two thousand noblemen and gentlemen. The general confederacy now took such measures as appeared most proper for strengthening their party. They sent to the several voivodes of the kingdom, requiring that all the gentlemen who had not signed the confederacy should do it immediately; that all the courts of justice should subsist as formerly, but not judge any of the confederates; that the marshals of the crown should not pass any sentence without the participation of at least four of the confederates; and that the marshals of the crown and the treasurers should be immediately restored to the possession of their respective rights. In the mean time the Catholic party were not idle. The bishop of Cracow sent a letter to the Diet assembled at Warsaw on the 13th of August, in which he exhorted them to arm their nuncios with courage, by giving them orthodox and pious instructions, that they might not grant the Dissidents new advantages beyond those which were secured to them by the constitutions of the country and the treaties with foreign powers. The pope also sent briefs to the king, the great chancellor, the nobility, the bishops of the kingdom, and to the prince primate, with such arguments and exhortations as were thought most calculated to ward off the impending danger. Councils in the mean time were frequently held at the bishop of Cracow's palace, where all the prelates at Warsaw assembled. On the 26th of September 1767 the confederacy of Dissidents was united with the general confederacy of malcontents in the palace of Prince Radzivil, who on that occasion expressed great friendship for the Dissidents. In a few days afterwards the Russian troops in the capital were reinforced, and a considerable body of them was posted at about five miles distance.

On the 5th of October an extraordinary Diet was held. But the affair of the Dissidents met with such opposition, that it was thought necessary to adjourn the meeting till the 12th, during which interval every expedient was used to gain over those who opposed Prince Radzivil's plan. This was, to appoint a commission furnished with full power to enter into conference with Prince Repnin, the Russian ambassador, concerning the affairs of the Dissidents. But notwithstanding all the pains taken, the meeting of the 12th proved exceedingly tumultuous. The bishops of Cracow and Klow, with some other prelates, and several magnates, declared that they would never consent to the establishment of such a commission; and at the same time they spoke with more vehemence than ever against the pretensions of the Dissidents. Some of the deputies replied with great warmth; and this occasioned such animosities, that the meeting was again adjourned till the 16th.

On the 13th the bishops of Cracow and Klow, the palatine of Cracow, and the starost of Domski, were carried off by Russian detachments. The crime alleged against them, in a declaration published next day by Prince Repnin, was, that they had been wanting in respect to the dignity of the empress of Russia, by attacking the purity of her intentions towards the republic; though she was resolved to continue her protection and assistance to the general confederacy united for preserving the liberties of Poland, and correcting all the abuses which had been introduced into the government of that country.

It was probably owing to this violent proceeding of the Russians that Prince Radzivil's plan was at last adopted, and several new regulations were made in favour of the Dissidents. These innovations, however, soon produced a civil war, which at last ended in the ruin of the kingdom. In the beginning of the year 1768, a new confederacy was formed in Podolia, a province bordering on Turkey; it was afterwards called the Confederacy of Bar, and the intention of it was to abolish, by force of arms, the new constitutions, particularly those in favour of the Dissidents. The members of the new confederacy likewise expressed great indignation at the carrying away the bishops of Cracow, Klow, and others, and still detaining them in custody.

Podolia was reckoned the fittest place for the purpose of the confederates, who imagined that the Russians could not attack them there without giving umbrage to the Ottoman court. Similar confederacies, however, were quickly entered into throughout the kingdom. The clergy excited all ranks of men to exert themselves in defence of their religion; and so effectual did their exhortations prove, that even the king's troops could not be trusted to act against these combinations. The empress of Russia threatened the new confederates as disturbers of the public tranquillity, and declared, that if they persisted, her troops would act against them. It was some time, however, before the Russian troops were considerably reinforced; nor did they at first seem inclined to act with the vigour that they might have exerted. A good many skirmishes soon occurred between the contending parties, in which the confederates were for the most part defeated. In one of these encounters, the latter being worsted, and hardly pressed, a number of them passed the Dnieper and took refuge in Moldavia. This province had formerly belonged to Poland, but was now subject to the grand signior. The Russians, however, pursued their enemies into Moldavia; but in order to prevent any offence being taken by the Porte, Prince Repnin wrote to the Russian resident at Constantinople, that the conduct of the Russian colonel who commanded the party was quite contrary to the orders of his court, and that he would therefore be dismissed.

Great cruelty was in the mean time exercised against the War between this Dissidents where there were no Russian troops to protect them. Towards the end of October 1768, Prince Martin Lubomirski, one of the southern confederates, who had been driven out of Poland, and had taken shelter with some of his adherents amongst the mountains of Hungary, caused a manifesto to be posted up on several of the churches of Cracow, in which he invited the nation to a general revolt, assuring them of the assistance of the Ottoman Porte, with whom he pretended to have concluded a treaty. The unhappy kingdom of Poland became the first scene of this war, and in a short time it was reduced to the most deplorable situation. In the end of the year 1768, the peasants of the Greek faith in the Ukraine took up arms, and committed the greatest ravages, having, as they pretended, been threatened with death by the confederates unless they would become Roman Catholics. Against these insurgents the Russians employed their arms, and made great numbers of them prisoners. The rest took refuge amongst the Haidamacks, by whom they were soon joined, and in the beginning of 1769 they entered the Ukraine, committing everywhere the most horrid massacres. Here, however, they were at last defeated by the Polish troops, at the same time that several of the confederacies in Poland were severely chastised. Soon afterwards, the khan of the Crimean Tartars having been repulsed with loss in an attempt on Servia, entered the Polish territories, where he left frightful marks of his inhumanity; which, with the cruelties exercised by the confederates, induced the Polish Cossacks of Bracau and Klovia, amounting to near thirty thousand effective men, to join the Russians, in order to defend their country against these destroyers. Matters continued much in the same state during the rest of the year 1769; and in 1770 skirmishes frequently occurred between the Russians and confederates, in which the latter were almost always worsted; but they took care to revenge themselves by the most barbarous cruelties on the Dissidents, wherever they could find them. In 1770, a considerable number of the confederates of Bar, who had joined the Turks, and been excessively ill used by them, came to an accommodation with the Russians, who took them under their protection upon very moderate terms. In the mean time agriculture had been so much neglected, that the crop of 1770 proved deficient. This encouraged a number of desperadoes to associate, who, under the denomination of Confederates, were guilty of still greater excesses than those who had been under some kind of regulation; and thus a great part of the country was at last reduced to a mere desert, the inhabitants being either exterminated, or carried off to stock the remote Russian plantations.

In the year 1771, the confederacies, which appeared to have been extinguished, sprang up afresh, and increased to a great degree. This was occasioned by their having been secretly encouraged and supplied with money by France. A great number of French officers also engaged as volunteers in their service; and having introduced discipline amongst their troops, they acted with greater vigour than formerly, sometimes proving more than a match for their enemies. But these gleams of success served only to light them on to their ruin. The Russians were reinforced and properly supported. The Austrian and Prussian troops entered the country, advancing on different sides; and in a short time the confederates found themselves entirely surrounded by enemies, who seemed to have nothing less in view than an absolute conquest of the country, and sharing it amongst themselves.

Before matters came to this crisis, however, the confede- Attempt to rates had formed a design of assassinating the king, on ac- assassinate count of his supposed attachment to the Dissidents. A Po- the king. lishe nobleman, named Pulaski, a general in the army of the confederates, was the person who planned the enterprise; and the conspirators who carried it into execution were about forty in number, headed by three chiefs, named respectively Lukawski, Strawenski, and Kosinski. On the 2d of September they obtained admission into Warsaw, unsuspected and undiscovered. On Sunday night, the 3d of September 1771, a few of these conspirators remained in the skirts of the town; but the others repaired to the place of rendezvous, the street of the Capucines, where his majesty was expected to pass about his usual hour of returning to the palace. The king had been to visit his uncle Prince Czartoryski, grand chancellor of Lithuania, and was on his return from thence to the palace between nine and ten o'clock. He was in a coach, accompanied by at least fifteen or sixteen attendants, besides an aide-de-camp in the carriage. Scarcely was he at the distance of 200 paces from Prince Czartoryski's palace, when he was attacked by the conspirators, who commanded the coachman to stop on pain of instant death. They fired several shots into the carriage, and almost all the other persons who preceded and accompanied his majesty were dispersed; the aide-de-camp having also abandoned him, and attempted to conceal himself by flight. The king himself attempted to escape under cover of the night, which was extremely dark, but they immediately laid hold of him by the collar, and, mounting on horseback, dragged him along the ground between their horses at full gallop for nearly 500 paces through the streets of Warsaw. Finding that he was incapable of following them on foot, they set him on horseback, and then redoubled their speed for fear of being overtaken.

The night was exceedingly dark, and they were absolutely ignorant of the way; so that they wandered through the open meadows without getting to any distance from Warsaw. At length they were suddenly alarmed by a Russian patrol or detachment, and instantly a number of the assassins disappeared, leaving only three with the king. Scarcely a quarter of an hour after, a second Russian guard challenged them anew, and two of the assassins then fled, leaving Kosinski alone with the king. At length, by means of expostulation and entreaty, the king prevailed on Kosinski to restore him to liberty, and upon his return to Warsaw, he was received with the utmost demonstrations of joy. But neither the virtues nor the popularity of the sovereign could allay the factions spirit of the Poles, nor prevent the dismemberment of his kingdom.

The partition of Poland was first projected by the King of Prussia. Polish or Western Prussia had long been an object of his ambition. Exclusively of its fertility, commerce, and population, its local situation rendered it highly valuable to that monarch; it lay between his German dominions and Eastern Prussia, and whilst in the possession of the Poles it cut off at their will all communication between them. The period had now arrived when the situation of Poland seemed to promise the easy acquisition of this valuable province. Frederic, however, pursued it with all the caution of an able politician. On the commencement of the troubles, he showed no eagerness to interfere in the affairs of this country; and although he had concurred with the Empress of Russia in raising Stanislas Augustus to the throne of Poland, yet he declined taking any active part in his favour against the confederates. Afterwards, when in 1769 the whole kingdom became convulsed with civil commotions, and desolated by the plague, he, under pretence of forming lines to prevent the spreading of the infection, advanced his troops into Polish Prussia, and occupied the whole of that district. Though now completely master of the country, and by no means apprehensive of any formidable resistance from the disunited and distracted Poles, yet, as he was well aware that the security of his new acquisition depended upon the acquiescence of Russia and Austria, he planned the partition of Poland. He communicated the project to the emperor, either upon their interview at Niess in Silesia in 1769, or in that of the following year at Nieustadt in Austria, and from him the overture met with a ready concurrence. To induce the Empress of Russia to acquiesce in the same project, he despatched to St Petersburg his brother Henry, who suggested to the empress that the House of Austria was forming an alliance with the Porte, with which she was then at war; that if such alliance took place, it would create a most formidable combination against her; that nevertheless the friendship of that house was to be purchased by acceding to the partition; that, upon this condition, the emperor was willing to renounce his connection with the grand signior, and would suffer the Russians to prosecute the war without interruption. Catharine, anxious to push her conquests against the Turks, and dreading the interposition of the emperor in that quarter; perceiving likewise, from the intimate union between the courts of Vienna and Berlin, that it would not be in her power at the present juncture to prevent the intended partition; closed with the proposal, and selected no inconsiderable portion of the Polish territories for herself. The treaty was signed at St Petersburg in the beginning of February 1772, by the Russian, Austrian, and Prussian plenipotentiaries. It would be tedious to enter into a detail of the pleas urged by the three powers in favour of their several demands; nor would it be less uninteresting to lay before the reader the answers and remonstrances of the king and Senate, as well as the appeals to the other states which had guaranteed the possessions of Poland. The courts of London, Paris, Stockholm, and Copenhagen remonstrated against these usurpations; but remonstrances without assistance could be of no effect. Poland submitted to the dismemberment not without the most violent struggles; and now for the first time that unhappy country felt and lamented the fatal effects of faction and discord.

A Diet being demanded by the partitioning powers, in order to ratify the cession of the provinces, it met on the 19th of April 1773; and such was the spirit of the members that, notwithstanding the deplorable situation of their country, and the threats and bribes of the three powers, the partition-treaty was not carried through without much difficulty. For some time the majority of the nuncios appeared determined to oppose the dismemberment, and the king firmly persisted in the same resolution. The ambassadors of the three courts enforced their requisitions by the most alarming menaces, and threatened the king with deposition and imprisonment. They also gave out by their emissaries that, in case the Diet continued refractory, Warsaw should be pillaged. This report was industriously circulated, and made a sensible impression upon the inhabitants. By menaces of the same sort, by corrupting the marshal of the Diet, and by bribes, promises, and threats, the members were at length prevailed on to ratify the dismemberment.

The partitioning powers, however, did less injury to the republic by dismembering its fairest provinces than perpetuating the principles of anarchy and confusion. Under pretence of amending the constitution, they confirmed all its defects, and took effectual precautions to render this unhappy country incapable of ever emerging from the deplorable state into which it had fallen, as was seen in the failure of the most patriotic attempt ever made by a king to reform the constitution of his kingdom.

The kings of Poland were anciently hereditary and absolute, but afterwards became elective and limited. In the reign of Louis, towards the end of the fourteenth century, several limitations were imposed on the royal prerogative. In that of Casimir IV., who ascended the throne in 1445, representatives from the several palatinates were first called to the Diet; the legislative power till then having been lodged in the states, and the executive in the king and Senate. On the decease of Sigismund Augustus, it was enacted by law that for the future the choice of a king should perpetually remain free and open to all the nobles of the kingdom; and this law was accordingly observed, to the great injury of the kingdom.

As soon as the throne became vacant, the authority was transferred to the primate, who in quality of interrex, had in some respects more power than the king himself. He notified the vacancy of the throne to foreign princes, and issued the universalia, or circular letters for the election.

The place of election was the field of Vola, at the gates of Warsaw; and all the nobles of the kingdom had a right of voting. The Poles encamped on the left side of the Vistula, and the Lithuanians on the right, each under the banners of their respective palatinates. The field of election was surrounded by a ditch provided with three gates; one to the east for Great Poland, another to the south for Little Poland, and a third to the west for Lithuania. In the middle of the field was erected a great building of wood, named the Szopa, or Hall of the Senate. All who aspired openly to the crown were expressly excluded from the field of election, that their presence might not constrain the voters. The king must be elected nomine contradicente, by all the suffrages without exception. The primate in few words recapitulated to the nobles on horseback the respective merits of the candidates; he exhorted them to choose the most worthy, invoked heaven, gave his blessing to the assembly, and remained alone with the marshal of the Diet, while the senators dispersed themselves into the several palatinates to promote a unanimity of sentiment. If they succeeded, the primate himself went to collect the votes, at the same time naming again all the candidates. "Szoda," answered the nobles, "that is the man we choose;" and instantly the air resounded with his name, together with cries of "Viva," and the noise of pistols. If all the palatinates agreed in their nominations, the primate got on horseback, and then, the profoundest silence succeeding to the greatest noise, he asked three times if all were satisfied, and after a general approbation, three times proclaimed the king; upon which the grand marshal of the crown repeated the proclamation three times at the three gates of the camp.

Before the king was proclaimed, the pacta conventa were read aloud to him, which, on his knees at the altar, he swore to observe. This contract, which had been drawn up, methodized, and approved by the Senate and nobility, was deemed the great part of the charter of Poland. It provided that the king should not attempt to encroach on the liberty of the people by rendering the crown hereditary in his family; that he should preserve all the customs, laws, and ordinances respecting the freedom of election; that he should ratify all treaties subsisting with foreign powers, which were approved by the Diet; that it should be his chief study to cultivate peace, preserve the public tranquillity, and promote the interest of the realm; that he should not coin money except in the name of the republic, or appropriate to himself the advantages arising from coinage; that in declaring war, concluding peace, making levies, hiring auxiliaries, or admitting foreign troops upon any pretext within the Polish dominions, the consent of the Diet and Senate should be necessary; that all offices and preferments should be given to natives of Poland and Lithuania; that the king should not marry without the approbation of the Senate; that he should administer justice by the advice of the Senate and his council; that he should not diminish the treasure kept at Cracow; but, on the contrary, endeavour to augment it, as well as the number of the crown jewels; that he should not borrow money without the consent of the Diet; that he should not equip a naval force without the consent and full approbation of the republic; that he should profess the Roman Catholic faith, and promote, maintain, and defend it, throughout all the Polish dominions; and, finally, that all their several liberties, rights, and privileges should be preserved to the Poles and Lithuanians in general, and to all the districts and provinces contained within each of these great divisions, without change, alteration, or the smallest violation, except by the consent of the republic.

The Diet of Poland was composed of the king, the Senate, the bishops, and the deputies of the nobility or gentry of every palatinate, called, in their collective capacity, comitia togata, that is, when the states assembled in the city without arms and horses; or comitia paludata, when they met in the fields armed, as during an interregnum, at the Diet of election. When it was proposed to hold a general Diet, the king, or, in case of an interregnum, the primate, issued writs to the palatinates of the several provinces, specifying the time and place of the meeting. A sketch likewise was sent of the business to be deliberated on by the assembly; the Senate was consulted in this particular, and six weeks were allowed the members to prepare themselves for the intended session. The Diet never sat more than six weeks even in the most critical conjunctures and pressing emergencies. On receipt of the king's writ, the palatine communicated the meeting of the Diet to all the castellans, starosts, and other inferior officers and gentry within his jurisdiction; requiring them to assemble on a certain day to elect deputies, and take into consideration the business specified in the royal summons. These meetings were called petty diets, dietines or lantage, in the language of the country, every gentleman possessing three acres of land having a vote, and matters being determined by a majority; whereas in the general Diet decrees were only valid when the whole body was unanimous. Every palatinate had three representatives, though the business devolved on one called a nuncio, who was elected on account of his ability and experience; and the other two were added only to give weight to this leading member. As these deputies, since the reign of Casimir III., had seats in the Diet, it naturally divided the general assembly into two bodies, the upper and lower; the one being composed of the Senate, the superior clergy, and the great officers; and the other of the representatives of the palatinates, who prepared all business for the superior body.

Among the inconveniences which attended the constitution of the Diet of Poland was a spirit of venality in the deputies, and a general corruption, that possessed all ranks and degrees in that assembly. There, as in some other countries, the cry of liberty was kept up for the sake of private interest. Deputies came with a full resolution of profiting by their patriotism, and not lowering their voice without a gratification. Determined to oppose the most salutary measures of the court, they either withdrew from the assembly, and protested against all that should be transacted in their absence, or else excited such a clamour as rendered it necessary for the court to silence them by some lucrative pension, donation, or employment. Unanimity was necessary to the passing of any bill.

Perhaps the most respectable department of the Polish government was the Senate, composed of the bishops, palatinates, castellans, and ten officers of state, who derived a right from their dignities of sitting in that assembly, and amounting in all to 144 members, who were styled "senators of the kingdom," or "counsellors of the state," and had the title of Excellency,—a dignity supported by no pension or emoluments necessarily annexed to it. The Senate presided over the execution of the laws, and was the guardian of liberty, the judge of right, and the protector of justice and equity. All the members except the bishops, who were senators ex officio, were nominated by the king, and took an oath to the republic before they were permitted to enter upon their functions. Their honours continued for life.

Such was the constitution of Poland before being new-modelled by the partitioning powers. That it was in all respects a very bad one, needs no proof whatever. But those foreign reformers did not improve it. For two centuries at least the Poles had with great propriety denominated their government a republic, because the king was so exceedingly limited in his prerogative that he resembled more the chief of a commonwealth than the sovereign of a powerful monarchy. That prerogative, already too confined to afford protection to the peasants, groaning under the tyranny of the nobles, was, after the partition-treaty, still further restrained by the establishment of the Permanent Council, which was vested with the whole executive authority, leaving to the sovereign nothing but the name. The Permanent Council consisted of thirty-six persons, elected by the Diet out of the different orders of nobility; and though the king, when present, presided in it, he could not exert a single act of power without the consent of the majority of persons, who might well be called his colleagues.

That Stanislas should have laboured to extricate himself and the great body of the people from such unparalleled oppression, and that the more respectable portion of the nation should have wished to give to themselves and their posterity a better form of government, was surely very natural and very meritorious. The influence of the partitioning powers was indeed exerted to render the king contented with his situation. His revenues, which before did not exceed L100,000, were now increased to three times that sum. The republic likewise agreed to pay his debts, amounting to upwards of L400,000. It also bestowed on him, in hereditary possession, four starosties or governments of castles, with the districts belonging to them, and re-insured him for the money which he had laid out on account of the state. It was likewise agreed that the revenues of the republic should be raised to 33,000,000 of florins, or nearly L2,000,000 sterling; and that the army should consist of 30,000 men. Soon after the conclusion of peace with Turkey, the Empress of Russia also made the king a present of 250,000 rubles, as a compensation for that part of his dominions which had fallen into her hands.

These bribes, however, were not sufficient to blind the penetration of Stanislas, nor to cool the ardour of his patriotism. He laboured for posterity, and with such apparent success that, on the 3d of May 1791, a new constitution of the government of Poland was established by the king, together with the confederate states assembled in double number to represent the Polish nation. That this constitution was perfect, we are far from asserting; but it was probably as much so as the inerterate prejudices of the nobles would admit of. It deviated as little as possible from the ancient forms, and consisted of eleven articles respecting the government of the republic, to which were added twenty-one sections, regulating the dietines or primary assemblies of Poland.

The first article of this constitution established the Roman Catholic faith, with its various privileges and immunities, as the dominant national religion; but to all other people, of whatever persuasion, it secured peace in matters of faith, and the protection of government. The second article guaranteed to the nobility or the equestrian order all the privileges which it enjoyed under the kings of the House of Jagellon. The third and fourth articles granted to the free royal towns internal jurisdictions of their own; and exempted the peasants from slavery, declaring every man free as soon as he set his foot on the territory of the republic. The fifth article, after declaring that in civil society all power should be derived from the will of the people, enacted that the government of the Polish nation should be composed of three distinct powers: the legislative, in the states assembled; the executive, in the king and the Council of Inspection; and the judicial power, in the jurisdictions existing or to be established. According to the sixth article, the Diet, or the legislative power, was to be divided into two houses,—viz., the House of Nuncios or deputies, and the House of Senate, where the king was to preside. The former, being the representative and central point of supreme national authority, was to possess the pre-eminence in the legislature; therefore all bills were to be decided first in this house. The Senate was to consist of bishops, palatines, castellans, and ministers under the presidency of the king.

These ordinary legislative Diets were to have an uninterrupted existence, and be always ready to meet. The length of sessions was to be determined by the law concerning diets. If convened upon some urgent occasion out of ordinary session, they were only to deliberate on the subject which occasioned such a call, or on circumstances which might arise out of it. No law or statute enacted by such ordinary Diet could be altered or annulled by the same. The majority of votes was to decide everything and everywhere. Every twenty-five years an extraordinary constitutional Diet was to be held for the revision of the constitution, and making such changes and alterations as might be found requisite. The seventh article intrusted to the king and his council the highest power of executing the laws. The duty of such executive power was to watch over the laws, and to see them strictly executed according to their import, even by means of public force, should it be found necessary. The throne was to cease to be elective, and on the death of the present king was to become hereditary in the family of the Elector of Saxony. Every king, on his accession, was to take a solemn oath to support the present constitution, and to fulfil the pacta conventa. The king's person was sacred and inviolable. As no act could proceed immediately from him, he could not in any manner be responsible to the nation; he was not an absolute monarch, but the father and the head of the people; and his revenues, as fixed by the pacta conventa, were to be sacredly preserved. All public acts, the acts of magistracies and the coin of the kingdom, were to bear his name. He had the right of pardoning those who were condemned to death, except the crimes were against the state; and in time of war he had the supreme command of the national forces, but he might appoint the commanders of the army, with the consent of the states. The nomination to all offices and dignities was vested in him. The king's Council of Inspection was to consist of the primate as the head of the clergy, and the president of the commission of education, or the first bishop in ordine; of five ministers,—viz., those of police, justice, war, finances, and foreign affairs; of two secretaries to keep the protocols, one for the council and another for the foreign department, but both with a decisive vote. The hereditary prince, on coming of age, and having taken the oath to preserve the constitution, might assist at all sessions of the council, but could have no vote therein.

The eighth article regulated the administration of justice. It constituted primary courts of justice for each patalinate or district, composed of judges chosen at the dietine; and appointed higher tribunals, one being erected in each of the three provinces into which the kingdom was divided, with which appeals might be lodged from the primary courts. It likewise appointed for the trial of persons accused of crimes against the state one supreme general tribunal for all classes, called a comital tribunal, or court composed of persons chosen at the opening of every Diet. The ninth article provided a regency during the king's minority, in case of his settled alienation of reason, or upon the emergency of his being made a prisoner of war. The three great divisions of the kingdom (Great and Little Poland, and Lithuania) were entitled to send sixty-eight deputies each to the House of Nuncios. Every possessor of land, however small, had the right of voting at the election of representatives to the Diet. Every person of the equestrian order that paid territorial tax to government was eligible to all the elective offices in his district.

Such were the chief heads of the Polish constitution established by the king and the confederates in 1791. It cannot be compared with systems that have been matured by long experience; but it is surely infinitely superior to the motley form of government which, for a century previous, rendered Poland a perpetual scene of war, tumult, tyranny, and rebellion. Many of the corrupt nobles, however, perceiving that it would curb their ambition, deprive them of the base means which they had long enjoyed of gratifying their avarice by setting the crown to sale, and render it impossible for them to continue with impunity their tyrannical oppression of the peasants, protested against it, and withdrew from the confederates. This was nothing more than what might have been expected, or than what the king and his friends undoubtedly expected. But the malcontents were not satisfied with a simple protest; they preferred their complaints to the empress of Russia, who, ever ready on all occasions, and on the slightest pretence, to invade Poland, poured her armies into the republic, and surrounding the king and the Diet with ferocious soldiers, compelled them, by the most indecent menaces, to undo their glorious labour of love, and to restore the constitution as settled after the partition-treaty.

On the 21st of April 1792, the Diet received the first notification from the king, of the inimical and unjust intentions of Russia. He informed them that, without the shadow of pretence, this power had determined to invade the territory of the republic with an army of sixty thousand men. This formidable force, commanded by Generals Solitikof, Michelson, and Kosakowski, was afterwards to be supported by a corps of twenty thousand, and by the troops then acting in Moldavia, amounting to seventy thousand. The king, however, professed that he was not discouraged; and he declared his readiness to put himself at the head of the national troops, and to terminate his existence in a glorious contest for the liberties of his country. Then, and not before, the Diet decreed the organization of the army, and its augmentation to a hundred thousand. The king and the council of inspection were invested with unlimited authority in everything that regarded the defence of the kingdom. Magazines were ordered to be constructed when it was too late, and quarters to be provided for the army. The Diet and the nation rose as one man to maintain their independence. All private animosities were obliterated, all private interests were sacrificed; the greatest encouragements were held forth to volunteers to enroll themselves under the national standard; and it was unanimously decreed by the Diet that all private losses should be compensated out of the public treasury.

On the 18th of May the Russian ambassador delivered a declaration worthy of such a cause. It asserted that this wanton invasion, which was evidently against the sense of almost every individual Pole, was intended solely for the good of the republic. It censured the precipitancy with which the new constitution had been adopted, and ascribed the ready consent of the Diet to the influence of the mob of Warsaw. It represented the constitution as a violation of the principles on which the Polish republic was founded; complained of the licentiousness with which the sacred name of the empress was treated in some speeches of the members; and concluded by professing, that on these accounts, and in behalf of the emigrant Poles, her imperial majesty had ordered her troops to enter the territories of the republic. At the moment when this declaration was delivered to the Diet, the Russian troops, accompanied by Counts Potocki, Rzewuski, Branicki, and a few Polish renegades, appeared upon the frontiers, and, before the close of the month, entered the territories of the republic in several columns.

The spirit manifested by the nobility was truly honourable to that body. Some of them delivered in their plate the nobles to the mint. Prince Radzivil engaged voluntarily to furnish ten thousand stand of arms, and another noble offered to provide a train of artillery. The courage of the new and hastily embodied soldiers corresponded with the patriotism of their chiefs. Prince Poniatowski, nephew of the king, was appointed commander-in-chief; and though his force was greatly inferior to the enemy, it must be confessed that he made a noble stand.

The perfidy, the meanness, and the duplicity manifested by Prussia on this occasion is probably without a parallel in history. By the treaty of defensive alliance, solemnly contracted between the republic of Poland and the king of Prussia, and ratified on the 23rd of April 1790, it is expressly stipulated, that the contracting parties shall do all in their power to guarantee and preserve to each other reciprocally the whole of the territories which they respectively possess; that, in case of menace or invasion from any foreign power, they shall assist each other with their whole force, if necessary; and that if any foreign power whatever should presume to interfere in the internal affairs of Poland, his Prussian majesty would consider this as a case falling within the meaning of the alliance, and assist the republic according to the tenor of the above article, that is, with his whole force. What, then, was the pretext for violating this treaty? It was this, that the empress of Russia had shown a decided opposition to the order of things established in Poland on the third of May 1791, and was provoked by Poland presuming to put herself into a posture of defence. It is ascertained, however, by the most authentic documents, that nothing was effected on the 3rd of May 1791, to which Prussia had not previously assented, and which she did not afterwards sanction; and that Prussia, according to the assertion of her own king, did not intimate a single doubt respecting the revolution till several months after it had taken place; in short, to use the king's own words as explanatory of his double politics, "not till the general tranquillity of Europe permitted him to explain himself." Instead, therefore, of assisting Poland, Prussia insultingly recommended to Poland to retrace her steps; in which case, she said that she would be ready to attempt an accommodation in her favour. But this attempt was never made, and probably never intended; for the empress pursued her measures without opposition.

The duchy of Lithuania was the great scene of action in War with the beginning of the war. But the Russians had made little progress before the middle of the month of June. On the 10th of that month, General Judycki, who commanded a detachment of the Polish troops between Mire and Swierzna, was attacked by the Russians; but, after a combat of some hours, he obliged them to retire with the loss of five hundred men dead on the field. The general was desirous of profiting by this advantage, by pursuing the enemy, but was prevented by a violent fall of rain. On the succeeding day, the Russians rallied again to the attack; and it then too fatally appeared that the Poles, being young and undisciplined, were unable to contend with an inferior force against experienced troops and able generals. By a masterly manoeuvre, the Russians contrived to surround their antagonists, at a moment when the Polish general supposed that he had obliged the enemy to retreat; and though the field was contested with the utmost valour by the troops of the republic, they were at length compelled to give way, and to retire towards Niesziesz.

On the 14th engagement took place near Lubar, on the banks of the river Sluzec, between a detachment of the Russian grand army and a party of Polish cavalry despatched by Prince Joseph Poniatowski to intercept the enemy. The patriotic bravery of the Poles proved victorious in this contest; but upon reconnoitring the force of the enemy, the prince found himself incapable of making a successful stand against such superior numbers. He, therefore, gave orders to strike the camp at Lubar, and commenced a precipitate retreat. During their march, the Polish rear was harassed by a body of about four thousand Russians. The Polish army next directed its course towards Zielime, where meeting, on the 17th, with a reinforcement from Zaslow, it halted to give battle to the enemy. The Russians were upwards of seventeen thousand strong, with twenty-four pieces of cannon, and the force of the republic much inferior. After a furious contest, from seven in the morning till five in the afternoon, the Russians were at length obliged to retreat, and leave the field of battle in possession of the patriots.

Notwithstanding these exertions, the Poles were obliged gradually to retire before their numerous and disciplined enemies. Niesziesz, Wilna, Minsk, and several other places of less consequence, fell one after another into their hands. On a truce being proposed to the Russian general Kochowski, the proposal was haughtily rejected; whilst the desertion of vice-brigadier Rudnicki and some others, who preferred dishonour to personal danger, proclaimed a tottering cause. The progress of the armies of Catharine was marked with devastation and cruelty; whilst such was the aversion of the people, both to the cause and the manner of conducting it, that, as they approached, the country all around became a wilderness, where scarcely a human being was to be seen.

In the mean time, a series of petty defeats, to which the inexperience of the commanders, and the intemperate valour of newly-raised troops, appear to have greatly contributed, served at once to distress and dispirit the defenders of their country. Prince Poniatowski continued to retreat; and on the 17th of July, his rear being attacked by a very superior force, it suffered a considerable loss, although the skill and the courage of General Kosciuszko enabled him to make a most respectable defence. On the 18th, a general engagement took place between the two armies. The Russian line extended opposite Dubienka, along the river Bug, as far as Opalin; and the principal columns, consisting of fourteen thousand men, was chiefly directed against the division of General Kosciuszko, which consisted only of five thousand men. After a most vigorous resistance, in which the Russians lost upwards of four thousand men, the troops of the republic were compelled to give way before the superior numbers of the enemy, and to retire further into the country.

This unequal contest was at last prematurely terminated. The king, whose benevolent intentions were, perhaps, overpowered by his mental inactivity, and whose age and infirmities, probably, rendered him unequal to the difficulties and dangers which must attend a protracted war, instead of putting himself at the head of his army, determined at once to surrender at discretion. On the 23d of July he summoned a council of all the deputies at that moment in Warsaw, and laid before them the last despatches from the empress, which insisted upon total and unreserved submission. He pointed out the danger of a dismemberment of the republic, should they delay to throw themselves upon the clemency of the empress, and to entreat her protection. He also mentioned the fatal union of Austria and Prussia with Russia, and the disgraceful supineness manifested by every other court in Europe. Four citizens, the intrepid Malachowski, and the Princess Sapieha, Radzivil, and Soltan, vehemently protested against these tardy proceedings; and the following evening a company of gentlemen from the different provinces attended for the same purpose. The assembly immediately waited upon these four distinguished patriots, and returned them their acknowledgements for the spirit and firmness with which they had resisted the usurpations of despotism. The submission of the king to the designs of Russia was no sooner made known than Poland was bereft of all her best and most respectable citizens. Malachowski, as marshal of the Diet, and Prince Sapieha, grand marshal of Lithuania, entered on the journals of the Diet strong protests against these proceedings, and declared solemnly that the Diet legally assembled in 1788 was not dissolved.

On the second of August a confederation was formed at Warsaw, of which the renegade Potocki was chosen constitutional. The acts of this confederation were evidently the despotic dictates of Russia, and were solely calculated to restore the ancient abuses, and to place the country under the aggravated oppression of a foreign yoke. It is remarkable, however, that at the very moment when Poland was surrendering its liberties to its despotic invaders, the generous sympathy of Great Britain was evinced by a liberal subscription, supported by the most respectable characters in the nation, of every party and of every sect, for the purpose of assisting the king and the republic to maintain their independence; and though the benevolent design was frustrated, yet the fact remains on record as a noble testimony of the spirit by which Britons are animated in the cause of freedom, of the indignation which fills every heart in this empire at the commission of injustice, and of the liberality with which all are disposed to assist those who suffer from the oppression of tyrants.

Not satisfied with restoring the old wretched constitution, the empress of Russia seized upon part of the territory which, at the last partition, she and her coadjutors had left to the republic; and her ambassador entering into the Diet with a crowd of armed men, compelled the king and that assembly to grant the form of legality to her usurpations. The nation, however, did not submit.

In February 1794 General Kosciuszko appeared in the neighbourhood of Cracow with a small force of armed men, fort of Kosciuszko. He beat some detachments of Russians and Prussians, compelled them to evacuate Cracow, and there proclaimed the constitution of 1791. Everywhere the people and the nobles flew to arms. The Russians, who occupied Warsaw with fifteen thousand men, began to seize suspected persons, and demanded possession of the arsenal. But at that moment the news arrived of a defeat sustained by a corps of six thousand Russians, with the loss of a thousand killed, and their general, Woronzow, made prisoner. Encouraged by this event, the people rose on the garrison, and after forty-eight hours' hard fighting, drove them out, with the loss of six thousand killed, three thousand prisoners, and fifty pieces of cannon. The whole country was now in arms. Russia and Prussia, however, sent a hundred and ten thousand men into Poland. Kosciuszko, pressed by superior forces, made an able retreat upon Warsaw. The king of Prussia, after besieging the city during three months, was compelled to retire towards his own territories with the loss of twenty thousand men. Here he was harassed for some time by Madalinsky with a small corps of cavalry. Kosciuszko, relieved from the Prussians, marched against the new Russian armies, which, during the siege of Warsaw, had reconquered Lithuania and Volhynia. But the battle of Noeczyca, on the 16th of October 1794, in which the Poles fought with heroic resolution against overpowering numbers, proved fatal to their unhappy country. Kosciuszko was made prisoner and carried to St Petersburg, where he languished in a dungeon until the death of Catharine. Russians, after this event, united their forces and marched upon Warsaw, where the Poles had named Wawrzezyki general-in-chief. He had only ten thousand men to oppose to fifty thousand, but an obstinate resistance was nevertheless offered. The last remains of the national army were concentrated at Praga, on the right bank of the Vistula, immediately opposite Warsaw; but they were soon broken by the furious charges of the Russian general Suvarof, who gratified his natural cruelty by the most frightful carnage.

The fate of Poland was now decided. After the capture of Praga, Warsaw capitulated. Nine thousand Poles fell in the fight; thirty thousand persons of all ages and either sex were destroyed in cold blood; and thirty thousand more, who still refused to submit, were suffered to leave the place, and afterwards hunted down by the soldiery. The most distinguished chiefs were carried away to distant provinces; and the wretched king was sent to Russia, where he ended his days in 1798.

The two powers were proceeding to divide the remaining provinces between them, when Austria interfered, and declared that she would not permit the destruction of Poland unless she received a share. At that moment it was not thought prudent to raise up a new enemy; and Austria obtained a considerable addition of territory, without having struck a blow or expended a florin. The negotiation continued till 1795, when the definitive treaty of partition was signed, which closed a series of transactions unparalleled for perfidy, cruelty, and infamy in the history of Europe. Austria received Cracow, with the country lying between the Pilitsa, the Vistula, and the Bug. Prussia had the capital, with the territory as far as the Niemen. The lion's share, as usual, fell to Russia. After an existence of near ten centuries, the republic was thus erased from the list of nations. No people on earth, perhaps, have ever shown so much personal bravery as the Poles. Their whole history indeed is full of wonderful victories. But with such a vicious frame of society as we have already described, the most chivalrous valour, and the most splendid military successes, could avail nothing. It could not enforce obedience to the laws, nor maintain domestic tranquillity; it could not preserve the proud nobles from dissipation, nor prevent them from receiving bribes to repair their shattered fortunes; it could not restrain the powers which lavished the means of corruption into interfering in the affairs of the kingdom; it could not dissolve the union of these powers with the malcontents at home; it could not infuse vigour into a government corrupted by foreign gold, nor avert the invasion of foreign armies to support the factious and rebellious; it could not, while divided against itself, uphold the independence of the nations against foreign and domestic treason; in a word, it could not effect impossibilities, and though it might dazzle by its glory, it could not counteract those slow but sure-working causes which determined the inevitable doom of Poland.

The extinction of the Polish republic afforded ample scope for political declamation. The tribunes of France, the parliament of England, and the press of both countries, resounded with eloquent invectives against the perfidy and violence of the partitioning powers, and general sympathy was awakened in favour of a people whose great actions were entitled to admiration, whilst their misfortunes moved our commiseration. But complete impunity awaited the spoilers of that unhappy country. The troubled state of affairs throughout Europe did not permit any power to interfere in behalf of the oppressed. A selfish and short-sighted policy paralysed every arm, and chilled every heart. The great cause of public justice and national independence found no advocates, whilst the attention of all was absorbed in a narrow and confined struggle for their own preservation. The three potentates were therefore enabled to perfect their common wickedness without the slightest hindrance; to repress the indignant efforts of the sufferers; to crow their prisons with the best and bravest, who had either distinguished themselves in the recent struggle, or had ventured to express dissatisfaction with the new state of things; to disarm the inhabitants of the great towns, and to establish formidable garrisons of foreign troops, who were ready to crush the very first attempt at insurrection.

The Poles had no longer a country to fight for or defend; they had lost everything but honour and the feeling of revenge. They carried all they had left, namely, their valour, into the market, and soon entered into a compact with republican France. At Cracow was formed a secret confederation, the members of which offered to the French Directory to sacrifice their lives at the first call of the republic. Nor was this a vain or futile offer. Hundreds of the warlike nobles, escaping from bondage at home, proceeded to Venice or to Paris, and under Dombrowski, their brave leader, were formed Polish legions, in aid of the newly-created Italian republics, and ready to act wherever their services might be required. Their pay and subsistence were to be furnished by the Italian states; they preserved their national arms and dress; and, taking as their motto that all freemen are brothers, they fully participated in that daring spirit which then shook Europe to its centre. That they were allured by the prospect which had been held out to them of their country's restoration, is well known; and if their faith was rather the measure of their own ardent hopes than the result of any rational or well-grounded conviction, it may at least be pleaded in their favour, that the unfortunate are naturally credulous, and that a true Pole can never eradicate from his heart the belief that all his fondest wishes will one day be gratified. But be this as it may, their martial prowess contributed essentially to the success of the republican cause. Their number was increased by fresh recruits, which more than compensated the casualties of the field; their brilliant valour shone resplendent in every battle where they were engaged; patriotism and revenge alike nerved their arms for the conflict. But they soon had occasion to distrust the fair professions of the republican hero. When anxious, by his means, to preserve an entrance to the congress of Rastadt for a representative of Poland, they were coolly told that the hearts of all friends of liberty were for the brave Poles, but that time and destiny alone could restore them as a nation. Still they did not despair. If the day of regeneration was deferred, might it not yet arrive, perhaps at no distant period, when a more favourable conjuncture of circumstances would render it impossible for the French government any longer to evade urging their claims? Where justice, and freedom, and independence were concerned, they could not believe that fortune would always frown on their cause, or that iniquity in high places would secure for itself an immunity from all retribution.

The connection of the Polish legions with France exhibits the same unvaried picture of gallant services performed, and of hope deferred. Their loyalty was sustained by a strong passion for military fame; to them the tent was their home, the battle-field their country; and though they suffered severely, particularly during the absence of Napoleon in Egypt, yet they repaired their losses with astonishing promptitude, and, in the year 1801, amounted to fifteen thousand. But their blood flowed in vain. In every treaty which their valour had been instrumental in winning, their services were overlooked, and their country was forgotten. In Italy and on the Danube, Generals Dombrowski and Kniazievich, with their legions, represented the Polish nation, and maintained its ancient renown in arms, though to little purpose, as far as regarded their country. For five years, their bravery proved unavailing; in as far as concerned the main object for which they had fought and bled.

But with the year 1806 new hopes began to revive. brilliant campaign of that year, the simultaneous victories of Jena and Auerstedt, and the advance of the French army into Poland, seemed an earnest of future success, a sure pledge of approaching restoration. A general burst of enthusiasm followed. Polish regiments were organized with amazing rapidity, and the approach of Kościuszko was proclaimed. On the 27th of November, Napoleon entered Posen in triumph; in December Warsaw received him with not less enthusiasm; a commission of government was immediately organized; and as his purpose was announced, his armies were recruited by thousands of the best troops in Europe. The battle of Eylau had been a mere butchery, unproductive of any result; but on the field at Friedland, Dombrowski had given signal proofs of his own talents and the valour of the heroes he commanded; and the opening of the negotiations at Tilsit was hailed by the Poles as the dawning of a bright and auspicious futurity. But the result proved that they had been far too sanguine in their anticipations. Napoleon in effect, though not probably in intention, betrayed them, and at the same time lost the opportunity of erecting a powerful barrier against the encroachments of Russia. Instead of restoring the kingdom of Poland in something like its ancient power and dimensions, he contented himself with forming a small portion of his conquests into the grand duchy of Warsaw, which he united with Saxony.

The duchy of Warsaw, thus established, consisted of the departments of Posen, Kalisch, Plock, Warsaw, Lomza, and Bydgoszcz, with a population somewhat exceeding two millions. With this shred and mockery of a country the Poles were highly dissatisfied. They had been taught to expect that the ancient kingdom, if not Lithuania itself, would become irrevocably their own; and their mortification may therefore be conceived on finding that Prussia was to retain several palatinates, that Austria was guaranteed in her Polish possessions, that the provinces east of the Bug were to remain in the power of Russia, and that a considerable portion of the ancient republic west of that river, as far as the department of Bialystok, was ceded in perpetual sovereignty to the czar. Still the establishment of this duchy was probably intended as a point of departure in a new order of things, the ultimate term of which should be the restoration of Poland. By the new constitution, the Catholic religion was declared to be the religion of the state; but ample toleration, and even a community of civil rights, were allowed to the Dissidents. Serfage was abolished. In the king of Saxony, as grand duke of Warsaw, was vested the initiative of all bills or projects of law, the selection of senators, the nomination of the presidents of the dieties and the communal assemblies, and the appointment of all officers, civil and military; and the Code Napoleon was subsequently admitted as the basis of all judicial proceedings.

Something had thus been gained, though the arrangement was far from being satisfactory; indeed, by some the peace of Tilsit was regarded as the grave of all their hopes. But the greater number, reposing an unexhausted faith in the justice of their cause, consoled themselves with the belief that eventually Poland would be recalled into political existence, and her independence re-established upon a sure foundation. Accordingly, in the war with Austria in 1809, they rendered the most important services to Napoleon. They conquered Galicia, without the smallest aid from France; they reduced Cracow and the adjoining territory; they regained possession of the capital, which the archduke had temporarily occupied; and they humbled their enemies on every side. What their own arms had won, they conceived that they had a right to retain, and they regarded as inevitable the incorporation of these conquests with their infant state. But they were destined to be speedily undeceived. Not a foot of ground were they allowed to retain in Galicia; and half of their other conquests between the capital and the Austrian frontier was wrested from their hands. Four departments were indeed incorporated with the grand duchy, viz. Cracow, Pradom, Lublin, and Siedlec. This acquisition, however, afforded but a small compensation for the sacrifices which had been made, the forcible loans which had been raised, the lives which had been wasted, and the misery which afflicted every class of the inhabitants. In truth, the policy pursued by Napoleon in regard to the Poles bore traces of doubt and hesitation; it was always timid, seldom judicious, never generous. He had not the courage to break through the entanglements of diplomacy, by which his inclinations were fettered, and to do a great act of retributive justice, leaving the consequences to Providence. He suffered himself to be paralyzed by conflicting pretensions, and sacrificed his own glory to conciliate powers who took the earliest opportunity of betraying him.

Nevertheless, when the war with Russia became inevitable, Napoleon, with the view of interesting the Poles in Russia in his behalf, had recourse to all the arts of popular excitement, 1812, and, strange as it may seem, with his usual success. The more reflecting portion, wearied out and disgusted, refused to be again deluded. "We are flattered when our services are required," said they. "Is Poland always to be fed on hope alone?" The mass, however, swayed by their feelings, listened to the representations of the imperial agents, and a great body of Poles took the field, whilst a general confederation of nobles declared the republic restored, the declaration being signed by the king of Saxony, in whose house the hereditary monarchy was to be vested. But the enthusiasm thus excited proved short-lived. The reply of Napoleon to the Polish deputation, which had followed him to Wilna, at once dissolved the spell, by showing the deputies that he had guaranteed to the Emperor Francis the integrity of the Austrian possessions in Poland. Illyria therefore could not, as they had hoped, be exchanged for Galicia; and as to Lithuania, Napoleon not only considered, but even proclaimed it a hostile country, and treated it accordingly. But still the deputation erred egregiously in giving up all for lost. Everything depended on the success of the expedition, which would have enabled Napoleon to give the law to Austria as well as to Russia; and hence, when he exhorted them to fight for their own independence, and assured them that if all the palatinates combined they might reasonably expect to attain their object, he gave them advice which they would have done well to follow. At a moment so critical he could not give Austria a fair pretence for betraying him on the occurrence of the very first reverse; this would indeed have been the height of folly in one who had risked everything upon the issue of a single campaign. But, on the other hand, the success of the expedition must have proved highly beneficial to Poland; and, in chilling the national enthusiasm at this time, the deputation were innocently instrumental in inflicting the greatest evils on their unhappy country.

This is not the place to dwell on the unexampled disasters of the Russian campaign, which were greatly aggravated by the apathy of the Poles, and their refusal to co-operate in covering the retreat of the French army. The details are in the memory of all. The work of Napoleon was destroyed; the grand duchy of Warsaw ceased to exist; the king of Saxony was stripped at once of it and of a portion of his hereditary dominions; the allied, who were also the partitioning powers, again took possession of the towns which they had held previous to the invasion of Napoleon; and in this state matters remained, awaiting the meeting of a congress, which was to assemble to decide, amongst other things, the fate of this unhappy country.

The negotiations which commenced with the downfall of Treaty of Napoleon, and were completed by the treaty of Paris in Paris, 1814, necessarily embraced the future condition of Poland, which, though then occupied by Russian troops, had from previous cession to France become a fit subject of arrange- ment, not for the eventual benefit of Russia alone, but for that of the whole European commonwealth. Public opinion, the interests of rulers, and the sympathies of the governed, were all in favour of the re-establishment of the kingdom in its ancient integrity; and the side of justice, policy, and humanity was powerfully advocated by France and England, whose ministers regarded the Polish question as one in comparison of which all others were of but secondary importance. But neither of these powers, nor both of them united, were in a situation to control the views of those interested in maintaining the state of things created by the successive dismemberments of Poland. France, exhausted by long wars, and now restricted within her ancient limits, had no longer a voice potential in the decision. Britain, with the right of remonstrance, which her minister freely exercised, was in no condition to have two great military powers; and although Austria not only expressed a desire for Polish independence, but a readiness to surrender part of her Galician provinces in order to endow the new kingdom, yet all this might have been easily counteracted by the predominant influence of Russia and Prussia. At that period, indeed, the Emperor Alexander displayed or affected a spirit of liberality, which appears to have owed its origin to various circumstances; but whether he was sincere or the contrary, "an accident," as Madame de Staël described him, or merely the impersonation of hypocrisy and perfidy, it was certain the genius of the Russian system would govern the ultimate determinations of his policy on a subject of so much importance to his empire.

At this juncture, however, Napoleon escaped from Elba, and the whole question assumed a new phasis. In the common danger, Poland was scarcely remembered; and the czar, finding that his aid would be indispensable in the approaching contest, was enabled to insist on a measure which he had long contemplated, namely, the union of the grand duchy with Russia as a separate kingdom. The facility with which he carried his object proves the alarm that had been occasioned by the re-appearance of Napoleon, and the anxiety felt to adopt any measure calculated to prevent Polish partisanship from swelling the ranks of the invader. It was therefore decided that the grand duchy of Warsaw should be attached to the empire of Russia, under the name of the kingdom of Poland, and that it should be governed by separate institutions. "The duchy of Warsaw, with the exception of those provinces and districts which are otherwise disposed of, is united to Russia. It shall be irrecoverably bound to the Russian empire by its constitution, to be enjoyed by his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, his heirs and successors, for ever." Such are the expressions employed in an article relating to this point in the treaty of Vienna. The two sovereignties were united by the constitution alone, and not otherwise. This was the connecting link which bound them together. Austria and Prussia acceded to a similar arrangement, and also agreed to confer on their Polish subjects a national representation and national institutions. The concessions required by public opinion were made, and certain bases were solemnly sanctioned by the treaty of Vienna.

These were four in number. In the first place, Galicia and the salt-mines of Wieliczka were restored to Austria. Secondly, the grand duchy of Posen, forming the western palatinates bordering on Silesia, and containing a population of about eight hundred thousand souls, was surrendered to Prussia; which power was also confirmed in the conquests made at the period of the first partition. Thirdly, the city and district of Cracow, about 445 English square miles in extent, and containing a population exceeding an hundred thousand souls, was formed into a free and independent republic, under the guarantee of the three powers. Fourthly, the remainder of ancient Poland, comprising the chief part of the recent grand duchy of Warsaw, with a population of about four millions, reverted to Russia, and was to form a kingdom irrecoverably bound, by the constitution which the czar had engaged to confer upon it, to the Russian empire. "The kingdom of Poland," said the Emperor Alexander, "shall be united to the empire of Russia by the title of its own constitution, on which I am desirous of founding the happiness of the country." Thus a part of Poland was re-established as a separate state, by the act of all the powers of Europe; and although the emperor of Russia was to be king of that state, still the independence and separate existence of the kingdom were not only recognised in the fullest manner, but at the same time solemnly guaranteed.

The new kingdom of Poland was proclaimed on the 20th June 1815, and on the 24th of December following a constitutional charter was granted to the Poles. The articles of this charter, by which Poland became united to Russia, were of so liberal a nature as to astonish all Europe. According to some, they prove that, at the time of their promulgation, Alexander was no enemy to liberal institutions. But the more probable supposition seems to be, that the earnest and loyal interposition of Great Britain and France, favoured by the declared disposition of Austria, and strengthened by the public opinion of Europe, had more effect on the mind of the czar than any presumed inclination towards liberal institutions, of which he afterwards became the most uncompromising opponent. The principle articles, which are now only matter of history, were as follow.

The Catholic religion was declared to be the religion of the state; but all dissidents were placed on a footing of perfect equality as to civil rights, with the professors of the established faith. The liberty of the press was recognised in its fullest extent. It was provided that no subject could be arrested prior to judicial conviction. The inviolability of person and property was, in the strictest sense, guaranteed. All public business was to be transacted in the Polish language; and all offices, civil or military, were to be held by natives alone. The national representation was to be vested in two chambers, one of senators and another of deputies. The power of the crown was not greater than seemed necessary to give due weight to the executive. All kings of Poland were to be crowned at Warsaw, at the same time swearing to maintain the full observance of the charter; and during the absence of the sovereign for the time being, the chief authority was to be vested in a lieutenant and council of state. The great public departments of the state were to be presided over by responsible ministers. The legislative power was vested in the king and the two chambers; an ordinary Diet to be held every two years, and to sit thirty days, and an extraordinary Diet to be convened whenever this should be judged necessary by the king. No member of the Diet could be arrested during a session, except for great offences, and not even then without the concurrence of the assembly. The deliberations of the Diet extended to all projects submitted to it by the ministry, affecting the laws and the whole routine of internal administration. The deliberations of the Diet were to be public, except when committees were sitting. All projects of law originated with the council of state, and were laid before the chambers by order of the king; such projects, however, being previously examined by committees of both houses. In the case of all projects or bills, the majority of votes was to decide. The senators were to be nominated by the king, and to exercise their functions during life. The deputies, a hundred and twenty-eight in number, were seventy-seven for as many districts, and fifty-one for communes, or about double the number of senators. To become a member of the second or lower chamber, the qualifications were, citizenship, the age of thirty, possession of some portion of landed property however small, and the payment in annual contributions to the state of a hundred Polish florins. No public functionary was eligible to a seat without the consent of the head of his department. The nobles of each district were to meet in dietines for the purpose of electing one of their body to the general Diet, and returning two members to the palatine assemblies, all dietines being convoked by the king.

The class of electors was numerous, comprising, first, all landowners, however small, who paid any contribution towards the support of the state; secondly, every manufacturer or shopkeeper possessing a capital of ten thousand florins; thirdly, all rectors and vicars; and, lastly, all artists or mechanics distinguished for talent. The electors required to be enrolled, and to have attained the age of twenty-one years. The tribunals were to be filled with judges partly nominated by the king, and partly elected by the palatines; the former being appointed for life, and removable only for misconduct, or judicial iniquity, in the discharge of their functions.

Such were the principal provisions of the charter which was thus conferred on the Poles, and received by them as the first instalment of that restitution which they hoped would one day be made effectual and complete. Its greatest defect consisted in the incompetency of either chamber to propose laws, the initiative being confined exclusively to the executive, or the king and the council of state, and an effectual check thereby applied to legislative amelioration. Nor was any provision made in the charter for the establishment of trial by jury, an institution which, however suitable to our habits and modes of thinking, may not have been equally so to those of the Poles. But it is nevertheless certain that Alexander, on his return from witnessing the prosperity of this country, which he attributed in part to our judicial system, ordained the establishment of trial by jury throughout Poland within six months; being in this carried by mere impulse, without any regard to the fitness or unfitness of the institution to the wants, habits, and prejudices of the people amongst whom he proposed to naturalize it. It is not thus that national benefits are really conferred, or that new systems can ever be advantageously introduced.

From the re-establishment of the kingdom in 1815, until the year 1820, the affairs of Poland were conducted apparently in conformity with the constitution. The benefits of the government had to a certain extent disarmed the prejudices and antipathies of the people; the opposition to ministers in the lower chamber was comparatively trifling; the emperor's lieutenant, Count Zayonczek, a Pole, endeavoured to attach the Poles to his sway; and Alexander, congratulating himself on the liberal policy which he had adopted towards his new subjects, declared in full senate at Warsaw, that he only wanted to try the effect of the free institutions he had given them, in order to extend those institutions over all the regions which Providence had placed under his sway. But all this fair promise proved hollow and deceptive. From the very first there had been perpetual breaches in the constitution; and after the Spanish revolution of 1820, followed as it speedily was by the establishment of the Holy Alliance, all disguise was thrown aside, and an attempt made to suppress entirely the spirit of national independence in Poland. Count Zayonczek was only nominally the king's lieutenant. The real power was invested in the Grand Duke Constantine, who held the appointment of commander-in-chief of the army. This personage, who played so conspicuous a part in the affairs of Poland, is deserving of notice, in consequence of the position in which he was placed. Although possessed of considerable talents, he was, in fact, an untamed tiger, giving way on all occasions to the most violent paroxysms of passion. He had a strong sense of the rights of his order, and held as nought the feelings of every other class. As soon, therefore, as he found that his brother was no longer the liberal patron of constitutional rights, he gave the most unrestrained license to his natural violence and caprice. The outrages ascribed to him display a mixture of ferocity, cruelty, and cowardice, altogether unparalleled. With him no right was respected, and no condition safe. Females were insulted, abused, sometimes kicked; shaving the heads of such women as displeased him was a common occurrence; and to this was added tarring and feathering, a favourite recreation of the commander-in-chief, whose delight it was to witness these barbarities. He kept in his employment a legion of spies; and the liberty or life of every man was at the mercy of a common informer. With him suspicion was a sufficient warrant to exclude the proof of innocence, and accusation led at once to conviction.

But whilst acts of private oppression were calling forth political hatred of Russia which is the birthright of every tyranny supreme, political tyranny was superadded, as if it were desirable to concentrate upon one point the entire indignation of a brave and devoted people. The liberty of the press was abolished, and a censorship established, in violation of article sixteenth of the constitutional charter. This was effected by an ordinance dated the 31st of July 1819; and not long afterwards the patriotic association formed by General Dombrowski, who had modelled it almost after the recommendation of Alexander, was suppressed, and a military commission appointed, which tried and condemned civilians without any of the prescribed formalities. "What have we to hope," exclaimed Dombrowski; "what have we not to fear?" This very day might we not tremble for the fate which may await us to-morrow?" Meanwhile, the secret police pursued its fatal career, and arbitrary arrests, followed by hidden condemnations, the banishment of many and the imprisonment of more, signaled its hateful activity. The university of Wilna was also visited with severity by the agents of this dreaded institution. Twenty of its students were seized, and subjected to different punishments. Nor were those of Warsaw treated with greater leniency. A state-prison was likewise erected in the capital, and its dungeons were soon crowded with inmates, victims of the execrable system adopted by the government. Nor were these the only grievances of which the people had reason to complain. Although the constitutional charter had provided that Russian troops, when required to pass through Poland, were to be maintained at the sole charge of the Russian treasury, yet for years they had been stationed at Warsaw, and paid by the inhabitants of the capital, whom they were employed to overawe. Further, independently of the violations of individual liberty, the difficulty of procuring passports, the misapplication of the revenue to other objects than those for which it had been raised (as the maintenance of the secret police), and the nomination of men as senators, without the necessary qualifications, or any other merit than that of being mere creatures of the government, were infractions of the charter as wanton as they were intended to be humiliating. But the worst of all yet remains to be told. In the dietines Russian money and influence were unblushingly employed to procure the return to the general Diet of such members only as were known to care less for the honour of their country than the advancement of their own fortunes. Instead of a Diet being held every two years, in accordance with article eighty-seventh of the charter, none was convoked from 1820 to 1825, and only one from the year 1825 until after the accession of Nicolas in 1829. Finally, an ordinance issued as early as 1825 had abolished the publication of the debates in the two chambers; and on one occasion, the most distinguished members of opposition were forcibly removed from Warsaw the night preceding the opening of the Diet. Add to all this the constant irritation produced by the ungovernable temper and consequent excesses of Constantine; the useless but vexatious manoeuvres he introduced into the army; his rigorous mode of exercise, exceeding the ordinary measure of human strength and endu- rance; his overbearing manner towards the best and highest officers in the service; and, above all, that progressive increase in cruelty which a regimen of terror presupposes and almost necessitates: take these matters into consideration, along with all the other circumstances of grievous oppression which have already been stated as affecting the mass of the people, and it will easily be seen that it was vain to whisper peace, and that the grand duke was treasuring up to himself wrath against the day of wrath.

It has been matter of some surprise to foreigners that the discontented Poles did not take advantage of the Russo-Turkish war to favourable erect the standard of independence. The reverses experienced by the Russian army on the Danube in the campaign of 1832, were so great, that an insurrection in Poland at that critical and perilous moment would have had almost every chance in its favour. But at that period the plan of the Poles had evidently not been matured. That it was even so in November 1830 may reasonably be doubted. In fact, no preparations seem to have been made, and when the explosion actually took place, it was wholly unexpected by the leading patriots, who conceived that the propitious moment had not yet arrived. At the same time it must be confessed, that the French Revolution of July 1830 produced an almost electric effect on the whole Polish nation, and, by its daring character and its splendid success, disposed the initiated to anticipate the time for a general rising. Besides, it is generally believed that emissaries from Warsaw had held confidential meetings with the leaders of the Revolution of July, and were instigated to rouse their countrymen by the promise of immediate aid from the government of the citizen king; and that such aid was confidently relied on by the Polish patriots themselves, must be known to all who have conversed with those who acted a prominent part in the national insurrection, and seems to be further confirmed by the universal impression of the people. Two other circumstances also contributed to accelerate the catastrophe. The army began to entertain a notion, not altogether unfounded, that it was to be removed to the south of Europe, to assist in extirpating freedom in France and other countries; and that its place was to be supplied by a native Muscovite force. The students of the military school likewise found ample cause of apprehension in the previous arrest of several of their number, upon suspicion of being connected with secret associations, which had for their object to promote a general rising. The repugnance of the army to the service intended for them; the apprehensions of the students, who had everything to fear from the grand duke, should he try their companions by martial law, as he had threatened to do, and most probably meditated; the conviction that the whole populace of the capital were friendly to the project of an insurrection; the secret encouragement held out by France; the eagerness of the enterprising to court danger for its own sake; the number of those who had personal wrongs or insults to avenge; and, lastly, the presumed, or rather the certain, approbation of the free in all countries towards the insurrection itself, if not towards the time and the circumstances; all these, therefore, concurred to hasten the opening of the great tragedy, the enacting of which all Europe regarded with such deep and thrilling interest.

The first object of the actors in this enterprise was to seize the person of the grand duke, their most obnoxious enemy, and to detain him as a hostage for their own safety in the event of failure. The students of the military school were the voluntary leaders of the movement, which burst forth on the 29th of November 1830. Early in the evening of that day, several of them repaired to their barracks, in accordance with a preconcerted plan; and having addressed their comrades, summoned them to take up arms. The call thus made was instantly obeyed. On their way to the residence of Constantine, who had established himself at the palace of Belvedere, in the outskirts of the city, their number was increased by the students of the university, and the young men attending the public schools. Constantine had no troops about his residence, but at a short distance from it were the barracks of three regiments of Russian guards. The hour chosen for the attack was seven o'clock, and at that time the assailants proceeded to the bridge of Sobieski, where the main body posted themselves, whilst some of the most determined pressed forward to complete their object. They forced their way into the palace, where they were first opposed by the director of the police, Lubowidzki, who, on being wounded, took to flight. Next they encountered the Russian general, Gendre, a man obnoxious for his cruelties and crimes, who was killed in the act of resisting. Lastly, when on the point of reaching the bedchamber of the grand duke, whom the alarm had just awakened from his evening siesta, they were stopped by a valet, Kochanowski, who, closing a secret door, thus enabled his master to escape undressed through a window. Constantine fled to his guards, who instantly turned out. Disappointed in their prey, the devoted band rejoined their companions at the bridge of Sobieski, where they had been awaiting the result of the attack on the palace. On finding that their first object had failed, they now resolved to gain the city, and at once proclaim a general insurrection. Their retreat was opposed by the Russian guards, close to whose barracks it was necessary to pass. But such was the spirit which animated them, such were the skill and courage they displayed, that they killed three hundred of their opponents, and triumphantly effected their retreat. On reaching the city, they instantly liberated every state-prisoner, and were joined by the school of engineers and the students of the university. A party entered the only two theatres which were open, calling out, "Women, home; men, to arms." Both requisitions were instantaneously complied with. The arsenal was next forced, and in less than two hours from the first movement, so electrical was the cry of liberty, forty thousand men of all descriptions were in arms. The sappers and the fourth Polish regiment declared early in favour of the insurrection; and by eleven o'clock the remainder of the Polish troops in Warsaw, with the exception of two regiments of guards whom Constantine had forced along with him, espoused the popular cause, declaring that their children were too deeply compromised to be abandoned. Never perhaps was any popular movement more universal or more triumphant.

By the morning of the 30th of November the commotion had subsided, and the results could be calmly surveyed. Besides the troops of the line which had joined the patriots, nearly thirty thousand citizens had taken up arms, and now swelled their dense ranks. In twelve hours the revolution had been begun and completed. In vain did the grand duke, who lay without the walls, meditate the recovery of the intrenchments and fortifications. His isolated though desperate efforts to re-enter the city were repulsed with serious loss; and finding it hopeless to contend with the mass opposed to him, he not only desisted from all further attempts of the kind, but removed to a greater distance from the walls. In the excitement consequent on this extraordinary commotion, no one will be surprised to learn that, notwithstanding the regularity with which every part of it was conducted on the part of the principal actors, some excesses were committed. But these were neither many in number nor aggravated in character; and although some Russians lost their lives, as did also several Poles, who were known to have been on terms of intimacy with Constantine, yet these men courted their fate by recklessly intermingling amongst an excited population when their passions were inflamed by the heat of battle, the tumult of victory, and the feverish excitement of revolution.

The functionaries of the government having abandoned their posts, an administrative council was immediately form- ed to preside over the destinies of the new state. It consisted of men distinguished for their talents, their character, or their services, and numbered among its members Czartoryski, Radziwiłł, Niemcewicz, Chłopicki, Pac, Kochoński, and Lelewel. But no good resulted from this heterogeneous assemblage of persons professing moderate and ultra opinions, or what may be called Whigs and Radicals. The former were not men made for revolutions, though in this instance they obtained the direction of the movement; and in the hope of accommodation, which from the first was desperate, they allowed the grand duke to retire under a convention, when they might have captured his entire army, and detained himself as a hostage. At first they evidently entertained no intention of throwing off their allegiance to the Czar. All their proclamations ran in his name, and their claims were confined to a due execution of the charter. On the part of the provisional government, however, this seems to have been the very excess of weakness. Men who engage in revolutions, if they hope or wish to succeed, should, when they draw the sword, throw away the scabbard. Besides, as nothing less than unconditional submission would gratify the Czar, it is obvious that negotiation was at once a waste of time, and a confession of indecision. The next blunder of the council was in the opposite direction. As their patriotism appears to have risen with their success, they at length insisted on the incorporation of Lithuania, and the other Polish provinces subject to Russia, with the kingdom; and, as if this had not been enough, they some months afterwards declared the throne vacant, an act which, upon their own principles, was equally rash and impolitic. But, what was worst of all, they lost precious time. The force of the first impulsion was wasted. The great and sudden outbreak of national enthusiasm was allowed to exhaust itself. Russia had been braved at a time when all her energies might be concentrated to enforce submission; when neither foreign war nor domestic disturbance distracted her councils or divided her means; yet, so far from profiting by the only advantage resulting from the wild improvisation so rapidly nationalized, the provisional government acted as if their sole object had been to forego the chances which the national movement had, in the first instance, accumulated in their favour.

But all these errors were nobly redeemed. When it appeared that negotiation was vain, and that nothing but unconditional submission would satisfy the Czar, they gallantly prepared themselves for the unequal struggle. Their plans were evidently not matured. Neither from Lithuania, nor from any of the other Polish provinces incorporated with Russia, did they receive the aid on which they had relied; so that the honours of the first campaign were exclusively their own. Their efforts were stupendous, and their bravery was worthy the age of Boleslas and Sobieski. The laurels which Diebitsch Zabalkanski had reaped in his campaign against the Turks, protected by mountains and fortresses, were blighted and withered in the plains of Poland. On the 25th of February 1831 his dense masses, first brought into contact with the patriotic forces at Grochow, recoiled from the shock, after one of the most unequal and sanguinary conflicts of modern times. March was illustrated by the victories of Dembiewiecki and Wawr; and in May was fought the celebrated battle of Ostrolenka, where, after performing prodigies of valour, the Polish army retired from the field, unpursued, towards Modlin. In the meantime, Diebitsch had perished, the victim of disease, chagrin, and fatigue. Paskewitsch, distinguished by his Armenian campaigns, succeeded, and, following the example of his predecessor Suwarof, concentrated all his means for an attack on the capital. On the 6th, 6th, and 7th of September was fought the ever-memorable battle of Warsaw, which ended in the defeat of the patriot forces and the loss of that city, after a struggle unparalleled in history. This blow proved decisive. European interference had been hoped for, but in vain; the faith of treaties had been appealed to without effect; the interests and the sympathies of the civilized nations of the West and the South had been invoked to no purpose. A powerful force still remained, and, for a time at least, a partisan warfare might have been carried on; but thus abandoned to its own resources, Poland must at last have yielded to her gigantic antagonist. That country had no mountain fastnesses, where her children, when overpowered by numbers, might take shelter; it had no fortresses capable of arresting and breaking the force of her assailants. Nothing could have saved her but a prompt and active interposition, founded on the treaty of Vienna; and such was the situation of France and England at the time that neither judged it safe or expedient to interfere otherwise than by remonstrance.

The Poles submitted. With reluctance they laid down those arms which they had taken up in the hope of reconquering their national independence, and which they had so gloriously employed in many a hard-fought field. But all former experience of Muscovite vengeance could scarcely have prepared them for the miseries which have since been accumulated, in new and fearful forms, on their unhappy country. To say nothing of proscription and confiscation, her plains have been covered with ruins, her resources exhausted, her industry and commerce destroyed; abundance has given place to wretchedness and want; she has no longer a name or a place amongst the nations; her language, her literature, and her history cannot any more be publicly taught in her schools; and every effort has been made to destroy that sentiment of nationality which is part of the inheritance of every Pole. And all this has been done in the face of the public guarantee of the powers of Europe, if not without remonstrance, at least without any effectual opposition.

The history of the little republic of Cracow forms an appropriate sequel to that of the unhappy kingdom of Poland. That small state, created by the treaty of Vienna, and having its independence guaranteed by the same general compact, enjoyed the constitution which had been conferred on it until the year 1846, when it was seized upon by Austria, Russia, and Prussia; and by decree of 9th November its freedom was abolished, and it was annexed to Austria. (See Cracow.) A greater outrage against every principle of public law or public faith was never probably perpetrated. It was an act of naked despotism, done in defiance of the other powers of Europe, and in open contempt of the most sacred principles of public law and public justice. Soon afterwards the kingdom of Poland was incorporated with Russia, and made a Russian province; and the history of Poland becomes a part of the history of the countries with which it has been united. (See Russia, Prussia, and Austria.)

In former times the commerce of Poland was very considerable; the natural resources of the country and liberal commercial regulations opened a wide field for the activity and enterprise of foreign merchants. During the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, Poland not only carried on a lucrative commerce with the Levant, the Black Sea, and the Mediterranean, and maintained a commercial intercourse with the Italian republics, particularly Venice, but she also exported her corn and other raw materials to the western countries of Europe, especially Holland, Sweden, and Denmark, and formed an entrepôt of oriental merchandise for the northern part of Germany and the countries adjoining. Owing to their commercial activity, Cracow and Dantzig were at an early period admitted into the Hanseatic League.

Besides wood, flax, tallow, and some other products, corn has always been the principal article of export. According to Cellarius, who wrote in the sixteenth century, the amount of corn exported in one year was 10,950,000 korzec, or 4,380,000 English quarters. Opalinski, a writer of the seventeenth century, states that in his time Dantzig alone received from the interior of the country more than 6,000,000 korzec, or 2,400,000 English quarters, of different kinds of grain for exportation. The importation of foreign produce was of course proportioned to the exportation of home produce; and it was abundantly supplied to Poland both by national and foreign bottoms. Holland and Venice were extensively engaged in trade with this country. But with the political misfortunes of Poland its commercial importance declined; and its destruction has been completed in consequence of the system of monopoly pursued by the governments of Russia, Prussia, and Austria. In that part of Poland which is under the dominion of Russia, the consumption of every article of foreign produce is strictly prohibited, and every branch of industry is discouraged; whilst the governments of Austria and Prussia overwhelm their Polish subjects with disproportionate taxes, in the hope of thereby retaining them in more complete subjection. The consequence is, that the farmers have no motive or interest to produce more grain than they require for their own consumption; and hence, whenever any unforeseen contingency occurs, a famine must ensue, as has actually happened in some parts of Volhynia, Podolia, and the Ukraine; countries the soil of which is perhaps the most fertile of any in Europe.

Poland never was a great manufacturing country. Her natural resources consisted in the produce of her soil, and her commerce in exchanging these for the cheaper and superior manufactures of other countries. With more than 80,000 square miles of fine wood; with the richest mines of salt Europe possesses at Bohemia and Wieliczka; with the fertile plains of the Ukraine, Podolia, Volhynia, and Landomierz; with the flax of Samogitia (so much employed in the English manufactures), the wool of Great Poland imported into Saxony, fine cattle and horses, abundance of tallow and other products; Poland possessed resources which, under a good government, might have made her, not indeed a manufacturing, but certainly one of the most commercial nations of Europe.

Before the introduction of Christianity in the tenth century, the Polish language could boast of numerous traditional tales, warlike songs, and pastoral poems, which have been collected by Wodrich, and show that this language, having already attained to some degree of perfection, had consequently taken the lead of almost all the other Slavonic tongues. It is no doubt true that the introduction of Christianity at first retarded the natural improvement of the language, by an admixture of foreign terms; but it enlarged and purified the ideas of Polish writers, and opened a new and attractive field for their talents and genius. It may appear surprising to some that, from the tenth till the end of the sixteenth century, Poland should have produced such a number of writers in the native idiom and in Latin; especially considering the continual wars in which she was engaged for the defence of her frontiers. But the wonder will cease when it is known that schools and colleges were then thrown open to every one; that education was eagerly sought after and freely imparted; that the order of St Benedict, assisted by other religious communities, devoted their whole time and attention to the gratuitous education of every class, implanting in all a love of science and literature, a taste for the arts, a knowledge of the classics, and an affection for the Muses; and that, under these same orders, the youth of the country were, both by precept and example, trained up to the practice, and excited to aspire to everything that was liberal, generous, and manly. Hence, prior to the foundation of the university of Cracow, which took place during the reign of Casimir the Great, in 1347, and preceded that of the universities of Prague, Vienna, and Leipzig, Poland possessed several historians and other learned men, whose writings still survive to attest the early cultivation of literature in that country.

Amongst these, the first place is due to the chroniclers. Gallus wrote his Chronicle of Poland between 1110 and 1185. Matthias Cholewa, Bishop of Cracow, who wrote a Chronicle of Poland, died in 1165. Kadułek Vincent, born at Cracow in 1160, enjoyed the favour of Casimir surnamed the Just, and officiated as tutor to Lesko the Fair. He wrote his Chronicle under the title of Historia Polonica, which was first published in 1612. Godslas Reszko, dean of Cracow, composed Annals of Great Poland. Martinus Polonus is known by his numerous writings, and particularly by his Chronicles of the Popes and Emperor. He died at Bologna in 1278. To this period also belong several men of science. Amongst these may be mentioned Octavian Wolner of Cracow, an architect who, a little before 1044, was invited to Vienna to erect the church now called St Stephen's. Ciolek, in Latin Vitellio, a native of Cracow, was celebrated as a naturalist and mathematician. He lived in the middle of the thirteenth century, and was considered as having contributed to improve and extend the science of optics. His works were printed for the first time at Nuremberg in 1533, under the title of Vitellionis Perspectiva libri decem.

But whilst the intellectual superiority of Poland at this period was owing to her frequent and direct intercourse with Italy, it is to be observed that after the foundation of the university of Cracow, about the middle of the fourteenth century, she herself became the centre and source of civilization to the neighbouring nations. From this time Hungarians, Bohemians, Germans, Swedes, and Danes, who formerly used to repair to Italy for study, resorted almost exclusively to the university of Cracow. Of those who added celebrity to the university, there were some whose reputation was not confined to their own country. George of Sanok, born about 1400 and died in 1477, was first professor of moral philosophy in the university of Cracow, and afterwards archbishop of Leopol. His biography was written by Buonaccorsi, surnamed Callimachus, a celebrated Italian philosopher. John of Glogau, born in 1440 and died in 1477, was also a professor in the university of Cracow, and left numerous manuscripts on different subjects, but mostly on the Aristotelian philosophy, several of which were afterwards published. Dlugossz, in Latin Dlugossius, born in 1415 and died in 1480, was a statesman and historian. As great treasurer of Poland, he, on many occasions, rendered important services to his native country; he also protected science, established hospitals, and founded an exhibition or bursary in the university of Cracow. Of his numerous writings, the most important is his History of Poland. Budzewski, born in 1445 and died in 1497, studied at Cracow, and afterwards became professor of mathematics in that university, where he had the distinction of being the master of Copernicus. He left several works, the principal of which treat of astronomical subjects and the construction of the astrolabe. Nicolas Copernik, called in Latin Copernicus, born in 1473 and died in 1543, studied at Cracow, and by divining, through the mists of error rendered venerable by time, the true system of the world, established for himself a name which will live whilst sun and moon endure. Martin of Olkusz, the school-fellow and friend of Copernicus, died in the year 1530.

These men, however, with all their individual merits, were only the precursors or harbingers of a period of higher excellence and greater refinement. Free at home and powerful abroad, Poland during the sixteenth century occupied a distinguished place amongst the states of Europe; and the period of her political glory was also the golden age. of her literature. Amongst the poets of this period, the first place belongs to John Kochanowski, born in 1530 and died in 1584, who is justly regarded as the father of Polish literature. He was the author of works both lyrical and dramatic, and translated Anacreon, Horace, some parts of the Iliad, and also the Psalms of David, which are remarkable for purity and vigour of style. Rey of Naglowice also wrote several works in verse and prose; whilst Peter Kochanowski left translations of Tasso's Gerusalemme Liberata, and Ariosto's Orlando Furioso, which were printed at Cracow in the year 1618. Miaskowski, Sarzynski, Rybinski, Grochowski, and Klonowicz, were likewise eminent as poets. As prose writers, may be mentioned Michowita, who wrote several important works, particularly on Polish history; Kromer, the son of a peasant, who by his talents obtained the highest ecclesiastical dignity in Poland (that of Prince-Bishop of Warmia), and left important works on the history of his country; Bieliski, who wrote on subjects of moral philosophy and history; Gornicki, an eminent writer on politics and history, and whose style is remarkable for its purity; Stryjkowski, a poet and historian; and Orzechowski, an apostate priest, but a distinguished writer and speaker, who, by his defence of the principles of the Dissidents, attracted the notice of Pope Julius III., with whom he maintained a long and animated controversy.

This period also produced several men distinguished in law, ethics, mathematics, and astronomy, the natural sciences, medicine, and agriculture. Amongst the lawyers and jurists consults may be mentioned Herbert, secretary of Sigismund Augustus, who published a collection of statutes and privileges; Malecki, who wrote a book entitled The Lawful Marriage of Bishops, Priests, and Monks; Groicki, a civilian of eminence, the author of a work on the statute law of Magdeburg; besides Januszewski, Lazarowitz, and Smiglecki. In ethics, Rey, Koszucki, and particularly Petrycy, distinguished themselves, though in different degrees. Petrycy translated the Ethics of Aristotle, and also the Politics of the same author, which he published at Cracow in 1618, along with his own commentaries. In mathematics and astronomy, Poland could boast some of the most distinguished men of the age; but as most of them published their works in Latin, it is only necessary to mention here those who wrote in Polish. These were Klos, author of a treatise on arithmetic, published at Cracow in 1538; Grzebski, professor in the university of Cracow, whose works on geometry were published in 1656; and the astronomers Latos, Rosciszewski, Zebrowski, and Bernat. Nor were the cultivators of the natural sciences either few in number or inferior in zeal and knowledge. Amongst the more eminent may be mentioned Spitzynski, who wrote several works on botany, published at Cracow; Martin of Urzadow; Fali- mierz Syrenski, professor of medicine in Cracow, whose work on the properties and uses of plants, published after his death, is highly esteemed; Peter of Kobylny, Andrew Glader, Valenti of Lublin, Oleszko, and Umiastowski, skillful physicians, who published important works on different maladies; Trzecieski, author of several works on agriculture and husbandry published at Cracow in 1540 and 1571; and Dubrawski, whose work on fishes, published in 1600, is still considered a work of great merit. There were also during this period several writers on the art of war, amongst whom may be mentioned Strubiez, Paprocki, and Cielecki.

This, the golden age of Polish literature, continued from the middle of the fifteenth until the commencement of the seventeenth century. But from the reign of Stephen Bátyory, in 1586, we may date the temporary decline of Polish literature and the corruption of the Polish language. During the seventeenth century the introduction of the Latin language into official transactions, and the great political crisis which Poland had to undergo, obstructed the tendency of the national literature, and directed the energies of the Poles towards one great object, namely, the preservation of their political existence. Amidst growing internal disorder, at once the cause and the effect of national calamity, the peaceful pursuits of science were neglected; and under the two princes of the houses of Saxony, Augustus I. and his son Augustus II., Poland sunk into a state of both political and intellectual degradation; nor was it until towards the end of the eighteenth century that the national mind awoke from its long trance, and a reform was effected which has since produced good fruit. Whilst Konarski and a few others began to combat that maccaronic mixture of Latin and Polish which was then so much in fashion, a number of distinguished men, such as Krasicki, Archbishop of Warmia, a poet and political writer; Naruszewicz, Archbishop of Luck, a poet and historian; the two brothers Augustus and Michael Czartoryski, Albertyndy, Zamojski, Potocki, Kollontay, Czacki, and many others, opened a new career for Poland; and by the impulse thus given the regeneration of literature was assured, although the liberties of the nation have been destroyed.

The first place amongst modern Polish writers is commonly assigned to John Paul Weronicz, born in 1757 and died in 1829, the archbishop of Warsaw, metropolitan primate of the kingdom of Poland, and an eminent poet and prose writer. Julian Ursyn Niemcewicz, distinguished alike as a poet, a historian, and a statesman, has been elevated by his tales to a high place amongst modern Polish writers; whilst in some of his other productions, particularly his Powrot Posla, or the Return of a Deputy to his Home, he has exhibited a most lively and animated picture of Polish habits and manners. Karpiński is the Burns of Poland; and Brodziński, Felinski, and Osolinski are likewise popular poets. Of the patriotic bards, Adam Mickiewicz is the head and prince. His effusions are generally of a plaintive character, except when they dwell with rapture on the past glories of Poland. The muse of freedom is indeed the idol of his poetical worship, and like many other great poets, he has taken from the altar of liberty that hallowed fire, the divine flame of which warms and animates his strains. Lastly, in the class of modern historical writers, no one can claim precedence of Joseph Lelewel, a name venerable in literature, and honourably known for his strict regard to truth and the liberality of his political writings.

Lastly, in closing this brief survey, a melancholy feeling is awakened in the mind. We are, in fact, writing of the past, without almost any reference to the present. Since the failure of the insurrection of 1830-1831, literature may be said to have expired in Poland, or rather to have been destroyed by the barbarous despot who has sought to proscribe her history, and even to eradicate her language; but amongst the exiles there are many men of distinguished literary acquirements whose talents and learning enable us to form a tolerable estimate of the general state of education in their native country previously to the revolution; and we know from history that high mental cultivation has long co-existed in Poland with that chivalrous heroism for which they have always been pre-eminently distinguished.

At the date of the first partition Poland had an area of about 282,764 English square miles, and a population of about 12,216,000.

| Area | Population | |------------|------------| | Russia | 41,804 | | Prussia | 13,335 | | Austria | 27,693 | | Russia | 96,972 | | Prussia | 22,436 | | Russia | 42,968 | | Prussia | 21,103 | | Austria | 17,653 | | Total | 282,764 |

Total: 12,216,000