or SERVETO, alias REYES, MICHAEL, a learned Spanish physician, and a renowned heretic, was born at Villanova, in Aragon, in 1509. His father, who exercised the profession of a notary, early designed him for the church, but subsequently perceiving in him a decided taste for theological speculation, and an open hostility to scholasticism, he deemed it more prudent to educate him for the law. In 1528 he went to the University of Toulouse, where he formed a connection with some inquiring youths who had become interested in the Lutheran innovations. On his leaving Toulouse in 1530, he found himself an ardent reformer, and set out for Italy and Germany to publish his new doctrines. Taking up his residence at Bâle, near Ecolampadius, he was at first well received by that reformer. Servetus, however, in his youthful zeal, had driven his speculations much too far for the purposes of the Reformation, and Ecolampadius, on becoming aware of his views regarding the doctrine of the Trinity, is said at once to have withdrawn his friendship from him. A like reception awaited him at Strasbourg from Bucer and Capito. Hope was high, and intellectual strength was unquestionable in Servetus; he accordingly resolved to publish a book regarding the Trinity, which appeared at Haguenau in 1531, under the title of *De Trinitatis Erroribus, Libri vii*. This was followed up by another publication next year, entitled, *Dialogorum de Trinitate, Libri duo*, and with an appendix, consisting of *De Justicia Regni Christi, capitula quatuor, Per Michaelem Serveto, alias Reves, ab Aragonia Hispanum*, 1532, in which he came forward with those theories which were subsequently more fully developed in succeeding publications. These feelings which Servetus had cast out brought in rather alarming intelligence, which prompted him at once to change his place of residence, his profession, and his name. He accordingly packed up for France in 1533, under the title of Villanovanus, and settled in Paris, where he studied medicine with brilliant success. Having graduated in medicine, he wrote a learned book, entitled, *Ratio Syruporum*, which he gave to the world under the authorship of Michael Villanovanus. Servetus could not be at peace. His ever active intellect, and his restless desire for controversy, got him into endless difficulties. Having quarrelled with the physicians of Paris, he wrote an *Apolo- gia*, which was suppressed by order of parliament, and Servetus, judging discretion to be the better part of valour, took himself to Lyons in 1535. Here he engaged with an eminent printing firm of the day to correct the press, and during his residence here he published, with characteristic notes, a good edition of Ptolemy's *Geography*. The medical hostility which his presence had engendered in the capital having now died out, he set out for Paris in 1537, where he taught geography, mathematics, and even astrology, with success. The last branch of knowledge not being quite to the taste of the doctors of the Sorbonne, drew down upon the head of Servetus another sentence of the parliament. The ubiquitous Spaniard forsook the capital for ever, and took up his residence at Charleu, near Lyons, where he began practice as a physician. In 1540, solicited by the invitations of the Roman Catholic Archbishop, Pierre Paumier, whom he had formerly met in Paris, he was induced to exchange his residence for Vienne, in Dauphiné. Here he was diligent in the pursuit of his profession of a physician, and filled up his leisure hours with literary work for the booksellers of Lyons. It was during this time he published his edition of the Bible in Latin, with a preface and notes.

Theology, which he had ostensibly exchanged for medicine, was nevertheless his darling study. He allowed few days of his life to pass by without seeing a new theological speculation raised or completed. His mind had now become mature, and his circumstances were prosperous; why should not he endeavour to urge on the Reformation of Christianity which had already been begun, but which had not, in his estimation, gone anything like so far as truth would warrant? Why should not he make himself a name that would be remembered as well as Luther and Calvin, when he should no longer be known? Why, in short, should not he give publicity to those opinions which he knew only too well how to maintain, and which few men could surpass him in ingeniously, and even sophistically, defending? Some, or all of these motives, doubtless actuated the subtle and ambitious heretic, and he resolved now to put himself in communication with the great Genevan divine, and see what would come out of it. Some say he had known Calvin in Paris, but it is most probable his knowledge of him was merely epistolary. After the exchange of some preliminary courtesies, Servetus asked Calvin's judgment of a portion of his future volume *Christianismi Restitutio*. The Reformer combated very sharply this portion of his lucubrations, and Servetus replied with all the cool bitterness of a thorough-paced controversialist. This was what Calvin was not prepared for, and possibly his temper had become more than ruffled by the rude manner of the Spanish doctor. In Calvin's letter to Farel, of 13th February 1546, he thus writes of Servetus:—"He offers to come hither, if I please. But I do not wish to pledge my word for his safety; for if he come, I shall not suffer him to depart alive, if my influence be of any avail." (Calvin's *Letters*, vol. ii., 1857.) This is very definite. Servetus now had recourse successively to Abel Popin, a pastor at Geneva, and to Pierre Viret, pastor at Lausanne, without any better result. He had now completed his *Christianismi Restitutio*, and Marinus, a German publisher at Bâle, got the first offer of it. The German was too wary to engage in any such enterprise, and Servetus had accordingly to prevail upon a bookseller in Vienne secretly to engage in the printing of it. The work was gone about with due caution, and on its publication in 1553, it was forwarded to Frellon, publisher in Lyons, who had formerly employed Servetus, and through whom the Spaniard had corresponded with Calvin. It was through this man, it is reported, that Calvin came by his copy of the work of Servetus; others say it reached him through the ordinary channels of the trade. At all events, De Trie, then residing at Geneva, and a friend of the Reformer, sent to a Lyonnese the first sheet of this work, and pronounced Servetus the author. More letters came to Lyons, in which were some of those sent to Calvin by Servetus himself. The upshot was that the engines of the Inquisition were set in motion, and had not the Spaniard escaped from the prison in which he was confined in Vienne, he would, without doubt, have suffered the extreme penalty of the law. The ordinary tribunal of the Bailiwick of Vienne sat in judgment on the outlaw, and condemned him to the flames on the 17th of June 1553. So far as it is possible to ascertain anything with regard to the opinions promulgated in the *Christianismi Restitutio*, they seem to have been decidedly anti-Trinitarian. The author sought to bring men back to the simple faith of primitive Christianity, which, in his opinion, both the Reformed and Roman Catholic churches had forsaken. What galled Calvin perhaps nearly as much as the doctrines the book contained was the spirit in which he, the Reformer of Geneva, was spoken of in that publication. It is difficult on any other assumption to account for his singular animosity against Servetus. All the accustomed respect paid to Calvin was here treated with derision, and he was pelted at once with the most ingenious arguments and handled with the most scurrilous abuse.

For a time Servetus lay concealed in the French territory, but subsequently taking courage, he set out for Geneva, and arrived there towards the end of the month of July, on his way to Italy. It is not certain by whom he was recognised; some would have it by Calvin himself. But this seems doubtful. The words of the *Procès* are, "M. Servetus was recognised by some brethren." Calvin instructed his servant, Nicolas de la Fontaine, to have him imprisoned, and to stand security according to the *lex talionis*, then a judicial usage in Geneva. Calvin writes, in his letter to Farel of the 20th August 1553, "Nicolas was released from prison on the third day, having given up my brother as his surety; on the fourth day he was set free." (Calvin's *Letters*, vol. ii., 399.) The forty charges brought against Servetus had been found proven by the Senate. Calvin says in the same letter, "I hope that sentence of death will at least be passed upon him; but I desire that the severity of the punishment may be mitigated." The Senate of Geneva, despite the remonstrances of Calvin to the contrary, resolved to lay the case before the Swiss Churches of Berne, Zurich, Schaffhausen, and Basle. Calvin now busied himself in writing to the leading brethren of the several churches regarding the criminality of Servetus. He urged upon them, with more than ordinary warmth, the necessity for giving a judgment which should at once rid the church and the world of this man and his "detestable mockeries." The churches were unanimous in their verdict of the theological culpability of Servetus, and mildly exhorted their Genevan brethren to rid the church of this noisome pest. (See Calvin's Letters, vol. ii., p. 417.) After such replies the decision could not be long doubtful. Yet the sentence which was pending has been denounced by Lord Brougham, the greatest lawyer of the present generation, as "a mockery of a trial." On the 27th of October 1553, Servetus was led forth to hear his doom pronounced. He had escaped the terrors of the Inquisition at Vienne, only to meet death at Geneva. From the site where the fatal pile was erected beyond the walls of the city, he bequeathed with his breath a mournful souvenir to the Reformation, and an eternal subject of accusation to the enemies of Calvin. Persecution was the sad legacy left by the middle ages to Christian communities. The error of Calvin in the death of Servetus was the error likewise of Bucer, of Oecolampadius, of Melanchthon, and of Bullinger, for they all agreed in the sentence of condemnation pronounced upon the unfortunate Spaniard. Hence, while one cannot but deplore the error into which they were led, and feel a just pity for a great victim, respect for the memory of the Reformers whom an unhappy time made the accusers and judges of Servetus cannot but commingle with that righteous indignation which every one must feel at such an enormous departure from the principles of enlightened justice.

Many copies of the Christianismi Restitutio had been conveyed to Frankfurt for the Easter fairs; and Calvin lost no time in sounding the alarm to the pastors of that church to have them instantly and entirely destroyed. So successfully was the work done, that only three copies of the book are now in existence, one in the Imperial Library of Paris, another in that of Vienna, and a third in a private collection. (See Rilliet, Relation du Procès de Servet, p. 9, 1844.) Among other curious things contained in this very rare book, there is an important theory regarding the circulation of the blood. Servetus held, in opposition to all physicians of his day, that the whole mass of the blood passes through the lungs by the pulmonary artery and vein. From this suggestion Harvey had only to advance a single step to render himself immortal. (The chief authorities for the life of Servetus are De la Roche, 1712; Mosheim (in German), 1748; Treschel (in German), 1839; and Rilliet (in French), 1844, translated by Tweedie, 1846; besides the latest published authority, in Calvin's Letters, 1857.)