Of the personal history of Publius Vergilius Maro, the greatest of Latin poets, little is known with certainty. The principal authority on which his biography rests is a life usually attributed to Tiberius Claudius Donatus, a grammarian who flourished in the fifth century of the Christian era. Its authenticity, however, is very questionable; and it is so much disfigured by interpolations, that it is difficult to extract from it such facts as may be implicitly relied on. To this suspicious document we have to add a few scanty allusions by the poet's contemporaries, and the scattered remarks of ancient scholastics and grammarians.

By all accounts, the parentage of Virgil (or more properly Vergil), is represented as exceedingly humble. Donatus informs us that, according to some authorities, his father was originally a potter, but according to others, and those the more numerous, he was the hired servant of a travelling merchant, to whom he recommended himself by his faithful services, and who gave him his daughter Maia in marriage. By his father-in-law he was intrusted with the charge of a small farm in the vicinity of Mantua, which he ultimately seems to have inherited, and which probably constituted the poet's patrimony. Whatever may have been the original condition of his father, it is gratifying to find this testimony to his moral worth, and to be assured that he was capable of appreciating, and possessed the means as well as the desire of cultivating the rising genius of his illustrious offspring. In this respect Virgil was equally fortunate with Horace, whose father, although possessed but of moderate fortune, placed him under the ablest masters at Rome, along with the sons of knights and senators.

Virgil was born at Andes, now called Pietola, a village about three miles distant from Mantua, in the year of Rome 684, B.C. 70, during the first consulship of Pompey and Crassus. He was thus seven years older than Augustus, and five years older than Horace. He commenced his studies at Cremona, where he remained till he assumed the toga virilis. This he did on entering his sixteenth year, on the very day, according to some accounts, on which Lucretius died; thus transmitting, without interruption, and with increasing splendour, the intellectual inheritance of Roman genius.

Virgil now proceeded to Milan, and from thence after a short stay, to Naples. Here he devoted himself to study with intense application, and laid the foundation of that varied learning for which he was no less remarkable than for poetical genius. To the language and literature of Greece he applied himself with peculiar ardour; and, in this department, enjoyed the instructions of Parthenius Nicenus, an author of some reputation. But literature alone, however varied and attractive, could not satisfy the inquisitive and capacious mind of Virgil. He strove also to penetrate the depths of philosophy and science; and medicine and mathematics continued to be favourite subjects of pursuit to him through life. Along with his friend Varus, he studied the system of Epicurus, under Cyro, a distinguished teacher of that sect, and the intimate friend of Cipero. Traces of this early discipline are perceptible in his works; although by some he is represented as an academic, and as preferring the sentiments of Plato to those of all other philosophers. To some traditions of his addiction to science, to the revelations contained in the sixth book of the Aeneid, and to the magic spells described in the eighth Eclogue, Virgil probably owes his reputation as a wizard, the character in which he principally figures during the middle ages.

Donatus carries Virgil from Naples to Rome, and there makes him the subject of several fabulous stories, which it would be idle to repeat. The probability is that he did not visit Rome at this time, but having finished his studies at Naples, returned directly to his paternal abode, where he continued to reside till his fame as a poet had begun to attract public notice.

Much uncertainty prevails respecting the early productions of his muse. That the Eclogues were not the first offspring of his genius, we have sufficient testimony; but the genuineness of the minor poems, which usually pass under his name, may well be questioned. The most probable conclusion is, that they are either entirely spurious, or so much disfigured by interpolators as to leave few traces of their original form. Donatus enumerates the following as youthful productions of Virgil:—Catalecta, Moretum, Priapeia, Epigrammatica, Dirae, Culex, and, while he ad- Virgil. mits that doubts existed respecting its authorship, Altna. He is also said to have undertaken a poetical work on the early wars of Rome, but to have been deterred from the prosecution of his design by the rugged and inharmonious structure of the ancient Italian names. To this attempt the poet probably alludes in the sixth Eclogue, where he represents himself as having prematurely undertaken a work beyond his strength. But whatever may have been the early essays of Virgil, there can be no doubt that he continued sedulously to cultivate those talents with which he was so richly endowed; and to persevere with intense admiration and delight those masterpieces of Grecian genius, which it was his great ambition to rival and excel. Nor was he inattentive to the literature of his own country; which, however, presented a comparatively limited field for the poetical student. Yet the works of Ennius, Plautus, Terence, Catullus, and, above all, Lucretius, contained a rich poetical mine, from which much precious ore might be extracted, and to which it is manifest he did not scruple freely to resort. Into the genius, structure, and capabilities of his native tongue, he appears to have penetrated more deeply than any other writer; and his diction became the standard to which succeeding poets yielded an implicit, perhaps a slavish obedience. What Cicero effected for prose, Virgil effected for poetry. Few literary phenomena, perhaps, are more remarkable than the mastery over the Latin language which even his earliest productions display. In the works of preceding writers may be found many detached passages scarcely to be surpassed; but in uniformly sustained beauty and propriety of diction, the Mantuan bard leaves all his predecessors, as well as successors, at an immeasurable distance.

Virgil is usually represented as having undertaken the composition of his Eclogues at the suggestion of C. Asinius Pollio, a nobleman who was not more distinguished as a commander than as a cultivator and patron of letters. On the formation of the second triumvirate, A.D. 711, Pollio was intrusted by Antony, whose interests he had espoused, with the command of Gallia Transpadana, in which district the patrimony of Virgil lay. The rising talents of the youthful poet early attracted his notice; and he continued to extend to him his patronage and protection as long as he remained in the command of the province. The services thus generously and seasonably rendered to genius were amply rewarded; and the name of Pollio will forever continue associated with some of the poet's noblest strains.

The date and order of composition of the Eclogues have been matter of dispute among critics. By some they are supposed to have been written in the order in which they now stand in the printed editions, and, it is believed, in all the manuscripts of Virgil's works; by others, the second, third, fifth, and sixth, are thought to have preceded the first. The determination of the question is of little importance, and our present limits forbid discussion. The subject of the first Eclogue sufficiently indicates the date of its composition. After the battle of Philippi, A.D. 712, Augustus, in fulfilment of a promise which had been previously given to the army, made a large division of lands among the veteran soldiers. Cremona having espoused the cause of Brutus, was among the first to suffer on the present occasion. Its territory was assigned to the soldiers; but not proving of sufficient extent, the deficiency was supplied from the neighbouring district of Mantua. Virgil was thus involved in the general calamity, and driven with violence from his humble patrimony. About this time, however, he appears to have renewed his acquaintance and friendship with Alphenus Varus, who had been his fellow-student at Naples, and who now discharged some important public functions in the poet's district. Under his protection, it is supposed, Virgil repaired to Rome, and by personal application obtained from Augustus the restoration of his farm. To record his gratitude for this signal favour, he composed the first Eclogue, which, in the person of Meliboeus, presents a vivid picture of the distress and misery by which he was surrounded; while in that of Tityrus, he eulogizes in glowing strains, and honours as a god, the youth to whom he owed his own more fortunate lot. It appears, however, that he experienced no slight difficulty in recovering his farm, notwithstanding the order of Augustus; and that, on one occasion, when pursued by the tribune Arrius, who had taken forcible possession of it, he saved his life by swimming across the Mincius. To these fresh disasters he is supposed to allude in the ninth Eclogue. Besides Augustus, the persons chiefly celebrated in the Eclogues are Pollio, Varus, and Gallus, who had been the poet's earliest patrons, and who ever after continued his most esteemed and beloved friends.

The Eclogues, in the composition of which he is said to have spent three years, were received by his countrymen with unbounded applause. They were universally read and admired, and such was their popularity, that they were publicly recited in the theatre at Rome. Their novelty, for pastoral poetry now appeared for the first time in a Roman dress; the pictures which they presented of rural felicity, and of simple and innocent pleasures, so strongly contrasted with the scenes of violence and bloodshed which had so long deluged Italy; the descriptions of nature so exquisitely blended with human feelings and human sympathies; the allusions to recent and passing events; the polished simplicity, beauty, and harmony of the verse,—all contributed to enhance their merit in the eyes of his contemporaries, and to establish them in popular favour.

But, however great their merit in other respects, the Eclogues of Virgil can lay little claim to the praise of originality. They are, for the most part, imitations, and occasionally little more than translations of Theocritus. Roman literature was indeed essentially imitative; and its greatest masters rarely ventured to give unfettered scope to the impulses of their native powers. Seldom venturing to depart from their Grecian models, they were content to follow closely in their footsteps, and deemed it sufficient to clothe in the language of Rome those ideas and descriptions which were furnished by their intellectual masters. Yet Virgil, while retaining the substance of Doric song, succeeded in impressing on his Italian transcript not a little of his own calm and meditative nature, and in awakening the popular sympathies of his countrymen in a manner which at once stamped him as the national poet of Rome. Not the least difficulty which he had to encounter in introducing this new species of composition, was the apparently intractable and inflexible nature of the language which he had to employ, little fitted, apparently, for the description of pastoral and rural scenes. But the powers of the poet triumphed, in a great measure, even over this difficulty; and although unable to rival the matchless melody of the Doric reed, he imparted to his native tongue a delicacy, softness, and variety, of which till then it had been considered unsuceptible. In estimating the immediate reception of the Eclogues, we must not altogether overlook the skill and dexterity with which the poet paid court to his early patrons, whose voice was perhaps no less potential in the literary than in the political world. Their publication must, at all events, be considered an important era in the literary history of Rome, as exhibiting the first-fruits of that genius which was destined to stamp its indelible impress on the literature of future ages.

About the thirty-third year of his age, Virgil removed to Rome. Here he experienced the bounty, as well as friendship, of Mecenas and Augustus, and appears to have been placed by their liberality in circumstances which enabled Virgil ever after to devote his undivided energies to his favourite pursuits. It is pleasing to find the most cordial relation subsisting, even at this early period, between such men as Virgil and Horace. Both candidates for popular favour, in circumstances which too frequently produce rivalry, if not hostility, these illustrious poets appear to have been united in the closest ties of friendship. Virgil is said to have introduced Horace to the notice of Maecenas; and the deep feeling of respect and admiration with which Horace regarded Virgil is manifested in several parts of his works. The sixth Satire of the first book exhibits a pleasing picture of the intimate terms on which they lived with their common patron Maecenas, and with some of their poetical contemporaries. During his residence at Rome, Virgil inhabited a house on the Esquiline Hill, near the gardens of Maecenas. He was treated with universal respect; and on one occasion, when some of his verses were recited in the theatre, the whole audience rose to salute him, with the same respect that they were accustomed to bestow on the emperor. But his modesty shrank from the public gaze; and amid the splendour and homage of Rome, he longed for scenes more in harmony with his poetical and contemplative genius, and, it may be added, better suited to the delicacy of his constitution. After a brief sojourn in the metropolis, he accordingly retired to Naples, at that time the favourite retreat of literary men; and there, or at a delightful residence in the vicinity of Nola, about ten miles distant, he continued chiefly to reside during the remainder of his life.

Having thus chosen a congenial place of abode, Virgil, at the suggestion of Maecenas, commenced the composition of the Georgics. The subject was selected, we are told, with the view of restoring among the Romans a love of those rural pursuits to which they had been peculiarly addicted in early times, but which, amid the desolation and bloodshed of the civil wars, had been entirely abandoned and forgotten. Little is known of the private life of Virgil during the composition of this immortal poem, which occupied the space of seven years. Donatus and others relate, that he was accustomed to dictate a number of verses in the morning, and spend the day in polishing and reducing them to a smaller number. From internal evidence, this appears to be no inaccurate description of his literary habits.

The Georgics more than realized the highest expectations that had been formed of Virgil's poetical powers. This work, which is dedicated to Maecenas, is divided into four books, and treats in succession of husbandry, planting, cattle, and bees. Our limits forbid any attempt at analysis; nor indeed could words convey any adequate notion of the wonderful union which this masterpiece presents of didactic precept, varied and splendid description, touching pathos and sensibility, episodes at once appropriate and striking, historic and mythologic allusion, displaying all the resources of the richest poetical treasury. The sweetness and easy flow of versification by which the Eclogues are distinguished, gave but faint indication of the matchless power, variety, and magnificence of the Georgics. Although the subject of this poem is peculiarly national, yet the same imitative spirit which pervades the whole literature of Rome, exercised its influence here also. As in the Eclogues Theocritus, so here Hesiod formed the chief model for the general structure and conduct of the work. But in this poem Virgil perhaps owes less to his prototypes than in his other productions; and he has diffused over the whole a flood of poetical light peculiarly his own. The poet has indeed exhibited the happiest combination of genius and art, and has succeeded in imparting to didactic themes a life, an interest, and a grandeur, of which, from their nature, they seem scarcely susceptible. Here the Romans found scenes and modes of life in which their fathers had delighted, depicted in colours which could not fail to excite the deepest interest, and rekindle in their breasts the love of pursuits, which, though for a time banished by the rude collisions of civil strife, were associated in their minds with the heroes and patriots of old, with the undying achievements and illustrious characters of ancient times. In estimating the merits of the Georgics, we must not pass without special notice the matchless beauty of the versification. In sustained majesty, in melody that ever satisfies but never cloy the ear, in variety of modulation, in stateliness but freedom of march, it stands unapproached by any other Roman poet, and unsurpassed by Virgil himself.

Having with such signal success enriched the literature of his country with two species of poetry, of which till then it possessed no example, he resolved to attempt a work of a still higher nature. It is evident that he had long meditated such a work; as we find allusions to it both in the Eclogues and Georgics. He commenced the Aeneid, A.D. 724, the year in which he completed the Georgics. This great work, undertaken, we are told, at the request of Augustus, occupied him till his death, and even then had not received his finishing touch. As he proceeded with its composition, the greatest interest was excited respecting it, and the highest expectations were entertained of its merits, as may be gathered from the prognostication of Propertius, who thus anticipates its future fame:

"Celitte Romani scriptores, edite Grali, Nescio quid majus nascetur Iliade."

In 729, Augustus expressed a strong desire to be favoured with a perusal of the poem, so far as it had been completed; but Virgil excused himself, on the ground that the work was not yet worthy of such an honour. About a year afterwards, however, he was prevailed on to read the sixth book to Augustus, in the presence of his sister Octavia. When the poet reached the beautiful passage in which he alludes so pathetically to the death of her son Marcellus, the adopted child of Augustus, and the universal favourite of Rome, Octavia is said to have swooned away; and, on reviving, to have ordered the poet to be rewarded with ten sesterces for each line. In conformity with the usual practice among Roman poets, Virgil occasionally recited portions of his verses to his literary friends; not, however, for the sake of display, but in order to be favoured with their critical remarks. His recitation is represented as highly effective, and as distinguished by remarkable sweetness and propriety of articulation.

Having completed the Aeneid, he resolved to travel into Greece, that he might, at leisure, correct and polish his great work, and bring it to the greatest possible perfection before giving it to the world. On this occasion, Horace addressed to him the beautiful ode, beginning, "Sic te diva potens Cyri;" in which he expresses in the most affectionate terms, his anxiety for the safe return of his beloved friend. On arriving at Athens, Virgil proceeded to execute the task which he had imposed upon himself; and, besides, composed the splendid introduction to the third book of the Georgics. His original intention, on quitting Italy, was to dedicate three years to the work of revision, and then, amid the scenes of his native country, to devote the rest of his life to the study of philosophy, in which he had always delighted. Augustus, however, on his return from the East, having reached Athens, Virgil, probably in consequence of the state of his health, resolved to accompany him to Rome. But his days were now numbered. The vessel in which he sailed along with the emperor touched at Megara, where he was seized with extreme debility; and his distemper increased so much during the remainder of the voyage, that he died a few days after reaching Brundusium. This event took place A.D. 735, in the fifty-first year of his age. In compliance with his dying wishes, his bones were conveyed to Naples, where, in literary seclusion, he had spent so many years of his life; and his tomb is still pointed out at a spot about two miles distant from that city. The urn which was supposed to contain his ashes bore the following inscription, which is said, but without sufficient authority, to have proceeded from the lips of the dying poet:

"Mantua me genuit; Calabri rapuero; tenet nunc Parthenope: oceli pascua, rura, duces."

The precise locality of Virgil's tomb has been made the subject of controversy; but there seems to be no good reason for rejecting the common tradition of the country on this point. He bequeathed the greater part of his wealth to his brother; the rest, to Augustus and Maecenas, and his friends L. Varus and Plotius Tucca.

Virgil is represented as tall of stature, of a swarthy complexion, negligent in his dress, and somewhat ungraceful in his deportment. The melancholy with which he was tinged probably arose from the delicacy of his constitution, and the ill health under which he laboured. Of the native warmth of his heart, and the sincerity of his friendships, it is impossible to doubt, since he was universally beloved as well as admired by his contemporaries; who, amid their mutual jealousies and literary rivalry, seem to have united in doing honour to one who ever cheerfully recognised the merits of others, and rejoiced in and to the utmost of his power promoted their success. Of the more private and familiar life of Virgil nothing is known. Unlike Horace, whose works constitute his best biography, Virgil has few allusions to himself, and none that throw light on his domestic habits. He passes before us with much of the indistinctness and shadowy grandeur in which he envelops the shades in Elysium.

When he perceived his end approaching, he is said to have ordered Varus and Plotius Tucca to burn the *Aeneid*, on which he had expended so many years' labour, and on which his future fame was expected mainly to rest. The reason of this command has been the subject of much discussion. The common opinion is, that not having received his finishing-hand, he was unwilling to transmit to posterity and peril his name on a work which he had not brought to that degree of perfection which he had contemplated. Some, again, account for the poet's conduct on the supposition that, on the approach of death, he felt regret at having produced a work which, instead of inspiring sentiments of liberty, was intended to reconcile his countrymen to the chains which had been imposed upon them by a successful but unworthy usurper. Fortunately for the interests of literature, Augustus interposed his authority to save a poem to the completion of which he had looked forward with intense interest, and from which he anticipated so much glory to himself and the Roman state. It was intrusted to Varus and Tucca for revision and publication, but with express injunctions that they should make no additions to the words of the poet; and we have reason to believe that they executed their honourable task in a spirit of due reverence for departed genius.

The *Aeneid*, as already mentioned, excited the highest expectations among the literary contemporaries of the poet during its composition; and on its publication, was hailed with universal approval. Ovid alludes to it more than once in terms expressive of his conviction that it occupied the first place in Roman literature, and that, in common with the other works of the author, it would last while the eternal city should endure. The sentence thus early pronounced, has been confirmed by the consenting voice of succeeding ages; and, whatever difference of opinion may have existed respecting its comparative merits, the *Aeneid* has ever been ranked as one of the rare productions of human genius which are destined to immortality. If considered as the rival of the *Iliad*, the *Aeneid* will be presented in a false as well as unfavourable point of view; and it is difficult to conceive that it was composed under any such predominating idea. Neither the age which produced it, nor the genius of the poet, was favourable to such an achievement; but having resolved to compose an epic poem, Virgil no doubt took Homer as his model, and endeavoured to transplant into the fabric of his work as many of the beauties of the Grecian poet as suited the nature of his subject. We accordingly find that he drew equally on the *Iliad* and *Odyssey*, the first six books being on the model of the former, and the remaining six on that of the latter. How far his plan was adopted with a view to avail himself of the whole range of Homeric materials, it is difficult to determine; but it was a bold attempt, if it was ever contemplated, to rival or surpass in a single work, the combined excellences of his matchless models.

The chief design of the *Aeneid* appears to have been, to deduce the origin of the Romans from the Trojans, and by tracing the family of Augustus to *Eneas*, to establish his divine title to the sovereignty of Rome. This leading idea pervades the whole texture of the work; and the restraint which was thus necessarily imposed on the poet must have interfered most unfavourably with the freedom of epic movement. The character of *Eneas* is meant to shadow forth that of Augustus; but, while he constantly occupies the foreground, he is invested with few attributes calculated to excite admiration, or awaken a vivid interest in his career. He is represented as the mere passive instrument of fate, and there is consequently little about him of heroic daring. The Romans, however, could not fail readily to recognise the intended resemblance; and the halo thrown around the hero of the *Aeneid* was calculated to reconcile them to the destined sway of his descendant, which had been mysteriously announced by oracles.

We cannot enter into the details of the *Aeneid*, or point out the manner in which the poet has accomplished his main design. As might be expected, he has availed himself of all the native as well as foreign resources within his reach, while the whole displays that sober and chastened judgment for which he was so remarkable, and which, in his case, was so admirably combined with high poetical genius. The *Aeneid* has been generally censured for want of variety in the characters. That this charge is well founded, must to a certain extent be allowed; but the fault is inseparable from the very design and structure of the work. The chief object being the exaltation of Augustus, no formidable competitor could be admitted on the scene. The whole attention is fixed on one central figure, to which all the others are made subordinate. But although the contrasts of character are not glaring, they are frequently not indistinctly marked; and if they are apt to elude the notice of the careless observer, they reveal themselves with sufficient clearness to the more searching and curious eye. But the great merit of the *Aeneid* lies, not in its leading design and general conduct, but in the beauty of its details; many of which will bear comparison with the happiest inspirations of the father of epic song. It may not be improper to remark, that Virgil, amid the fulsome homage and adulation, which, in common with the other poets of that age, he bestows on Augustus, frequently displays a truly Roman spirit; and, from the manner in which he represents the agents and events of the olden times, appears to sympathize with and appreciate the sterner and nobler virtues by which Rome was distinguished, while the genius of freedom yet presided over her destinies.

In the composition of his works, Virgil drew unsparingly, not only on the poetic treasures of Greece, but on the more limited resources of his native literature. This however he did in conformity with the universal practice of his countrymen; and it may with truth be affirmed, that he borrowed nothing which he did not adorn. His imputed pla- girias have sometimes been pointed out with a malicious industry; but when properly viewed, with reference to the position and mission of the poet, they will be found to prove at once the soundness of his judgment, and the purity and refinement of his taste.

The general character of Virgil as a poet may be considered as fixed by the concurring testimony of critics of all ages. That he was deficient in the highest attribute of genius, in the power of creating and embodying forth original conceptions, must be admitted; but, with this limitation, there are few qualities in which he will be found wanting; In soundness of judgment, and correctness of taste; in depth and tenderness of feeling; in chastened fancy and imagination; in vivid and picturesque description; in the power of appreciating and portraying the beautiful, whether in nature or art; of depicting passion, and touching the chords of human sympathy; in matchless beauty of diction, and in harmony and splendour of versification, he stands alone among the poets of his own country, and will bear a favourable comparison with those of any other. His works have taken their place among the imperishable offspring of genius, and, while literature lasts, will continue to exercise a powerful influence on the poetical taste of successive generations.

The editio princeps of Virgil was printed at Rome, by Sweynheim and Pannartz, sine anno, most probably 1469. Of the immense number of editions which have succeeded it, we must content ourselves with mentioning the following, as among the most valuable: N. Helmsii, Amst., 1676, 12mo.; Ruel in usuum Delphini, Par., 1675, 4to; often reprinted. Emmensissii, Lugd. Bat., 1680, 3 tom. 8vo; Massivi, Leovard, 1717, 2 vola, 4to; Burmanni, Amst., 1743, 4 tom. 4to; Heyll, Lips., 1803, 4 tom. 8vo. An edition of Heyll's Virgil appeared, with valuable critical additions by Warton, Edin., 1819, 5 tom. 8vo. Hummel, Novi Fir., 1810, 2 tom. 8vo; remarkable for the accuracy of its text. Forbigerii, Lips., 1836-39, 3 tom. 8vo; second edition, 1845-46.

Of the English translations of Virgil, that of Dryden (1649-50) is the most popular. Ogilby's verse translation of Virgil appeared during the same year; and Martyr's prose translation of the Georgics and Eclogues in 1741-49. There is likewise a dull blank verse translation by Dr Joseph Trapp. A translation of the Eclogues and Georgics by Warton, and of the Aeneid by Pitt, appeared in 1753, 4 vols, 8vo. These are held in high repute. The Aeneid has also been translated into English verse by Symmons and Ring; and into Scottish verse by Gavin Douglas, bishop of Dumbeld, in 1553. Of this last work, an excellent edition was published by Rudallman, Edin., 1710, fol.; but a still more valuable edition, in 3 vols, 4to, has been published by the Banatmey Club, under the superintendence of George Dundas. Of the Georgics, Sotheby's translation is incomparably the best. It is accompanied by the versions of De Lille, Soave, Guzman, and J.H. Voss. (w.r.—p. 1.)