MASONRY

MASONRY, in general, a branch of architecture, consisting in the art of hewing or squaring stones, and cutting them level or perpendicular, for the uses of building: but, in a more limited sense, masonry is the art of assembling and joining stones together with mortar.

Hence arise as many different kinds of masonry as there are different forms and manners for laying or joining stones. Vitruvius mentions several kinds of masonry used among the ancients; three of hewed stone, viz. that in form of a net, that in binding, and that called the Greek masonry; and three of unhewed stones, viz. that of an equal course, that of an unequal course, and that filled up in the middle; and the seventh was a composition of all the rest.

Net masonry, called by Vitruvius reticulatum, from its resemblance to the meshes of a net, consists of stones squared in their courses, and so disposed as that their joints

Masonry. joints go obliquely; and their diagonals are the one perpendicular and the other level. This is the most agreeable masonry to the eye, but it is very apt to crack.

Bound masonry, is that in which the stones were placed one over another, like tiles; the joints of their beds being level, and the mounters perpendiculars, so that the joint that mounts and separates two stones always falls directly over the middle of the stone below. This is less beautiful than the net work; but it is more solid and durable.

Greek masonry, according to Vitruvius, is that where after we have laid two stones, each of which makes a course, another is laid at the end, which makes two courses, and the same order is observed throughout the building; this may be called double binding, in regard the binding is not only of stones of the same course with one another, but likewise of one course with another course.

Masonry by equal courses, called by the ancients isodomum, differs in nothing from the bound masonry, but only in this, that its stones are not hewn.

Masonry by unequal courses, called pseudisodomum, is also made of unhewed stones, and laid in bound work; but then they are not of the same thickness, nor is there any equality observed excepting in the several courses, the courses themselves being unequal to each other.

Masonry filled up in the middle, is likewise made of unhewed stones, and by courses: but the stones are only set in order as to the courses.

Compound masonry is of Vitruvius's proposing, so called as being formed of all the rest. In this the courses are of hewed stone; and the middle being left void, is filled up with mortar and pebbles thrown in together: after this the stones of one course are bound to those of another course with iron cramps fastened with melted lead.

All the kinds of masonry now in use may be reduced to these five, viz. bound masonry; that of brick work, where the bodies and projections of the stones enclose square spaces or pannels, &c. set with bricks; that de moilon, or small work, where the courses are equal, well squared, and their edges or beds rusticated; that where the courses are unequal; and that filled up in the middle with little stones and mortar.

Free Masonry, denotes the rule or system of mysteries and secrets peculiar to the society of free and accepted masons.

1. When men are in a state of barbarity, and are scattered over the surface of a country in small and independent tribes, their wants are as small in magnitude, as they are few in number. It is in the power, therefore, of every individual, to perform for himself and his family, every work of labour which necessity or comfort requires; and while, at one time, he equips himself for the chase or the combat, at another, he is rearing a habitation for his offspring, or hollowing his canoe to surmount the dangers of the sea. But as soon as these tribes associate together, for the purposes of mutual protection and comfort, civilization advances apace; and, in the same proportion, the wants and desires of the community increase. In order to gratify these, the ingenuity of individuals is called forth; and those, who, from inability or indolence, cannot satisfy

their own wants, will immediately resort to the superior skill of their neighbours. Those members of the community, who can execute their work with the greatest elegance and celerity, will be most frequently employed; and, from this circumstance, combined with the principle of emulation, and other causes, that distinction of professions will arise, which is found only among nations considerably advanced in civilization and refinement.

2. One of the first objects of man, in a rude state, is to screen himself and his family from the heat of the tropic sun, from the inclemency of the polar regions, or from the sudden changes of more temperate climates. If he has arrived at such a degree of improvement, as to live under the dominion of a superior, and under the influence of religious belief, the palace of his king, and the temple of his gods, will be reared in the most magnificent style which his skill can devise and his industry accomplish, and decked with those false ornaments which naturally catch the eye of unpolished men. From that principle which impels the lower orders to imitate the magnificence and splendour of their superiors, a foundation will be laid for improvement in the art of building; and it is extremely probable, from the circumstances which have been mentioned, as well as from others which the slightest reflection will suggest, that architecture will be the first profession to which men will exclusively devote their attention, and for which they will be trained by an established course of preparatory education.

3. Nor is it from this ground only, that masonry derives its superiority as a separate profession. While many other arts administer to our luxury and pride, and gratify only those temporary wants and unnatural desires which refinement has rendered necessary, the art of building can lay claim to a higher object. The undertakings of the architect, not only furnish us with elegant and comfortable accommodation from the inclemency of the seasons, from the rapacity of wild beasts, and the still more dangerous rapacity of man; they contribute also to the ornament and glory of nations, and it is to them that we are indebted for those fortresses of strength which defend us from the inroads of surrounding enemies. Nor can the works of the architect be ranked among those objects which furnish amusement and accommodation for a few years, or at most during the short term of human life; they descend unimpaired from generation to generation; they acquire additional grandeur and value from an increase of age; and are the only specimens of human labour which, in some measure, survive the revolutions of kingdoms, and the waste of time. The splendid remains of Egyptian, Grecian, and Roman architecture, which, in every age, have attracted the attention of the learned, and excited the astonishment of the vulgar, are standing monuments of the ingenuity and power of man; and, in ages yet to come, they will reflect a dignity on the art of building, to which no other profession can arrogate the slightest claim.

4. But there is still another consideration, which entitles architecture to a decided pre-eminence among the other arts. It is itself the parent of many separate professions; and requires a combination of talents, and an extent of knowledge, for which other professions have not the smallest occasion. An acquaintance with the sciences

Masonry. sciences of geometry and mechanical philosophy, with the arts of sculpture and design, and other abstruse and elegant branches of knowledge, are indispensable requisites in the education of a good architect; and raise his art to a vast height above those professions, which practice alone can render familiar, and which consist in the mere exertion of muscular force. It appears, then, from these considerations, that there is some foundation in the very nature of architecture, for those extraordinary privileges to which masons have always laid claim, and which they have almost always possessed—privileges, which no other artists could have confidence to ask, or liberty to enjoy; and there appears to be some foundation for that ancient and respectable order of free masons, whose history we are now to investigate.

5. But, that we may be enabled to discover free masonry under those various forms which it has assumed in different countries, and at different times, before it received the name which it now bears, it will be necessary to give a short description of the nature of this institution, without developing those mysteries, or revealing those ceremonial observances which are known only to the brethren of the order.

6. Free masonry is an ancient and respectable institution, embracing individuals of every nation, of every religion, and of every condition in life. In order to confirm this institution, and attain the ends for which it was originally formed, every candidate comes under a solemn engagement never to divulge the mysteries of the order, nor communicate to the uninitiated the secrets with which he may be entrusted, and the proceedings and plans in which the fraternity may be engaged. After the candidate has undergone the necessary ceremonies, and received the usual instructions, appropriate words and significant signs are imparted to him, that he may be enabled to distinguish his brethren of the order from the uninitiated vulgar, and convince others that he is entitled to the privileges of a brother, should he be visited by distress or want, in a distant land. If the newly admitted member be found qualified for a higher degree, he is promoted, after due intervals of probation, till he has received that masonic knowledge, which enables him to hold the highest offices of trust to which the fraternity can raise its members. At regular and appointed seasons, convivial meetings of the fraternity are held in lodges constructed for this purpose: temperance, harmony, and joy, characterise these mixed assemblies. All distinctions of rank seem to be laid aside, all differences in religious and political sentiments are forgotten: and those petty quarrels which disturb the quiet of private life, cease to agitate the mind. Every one strives to give

happiness to his brother; and men seem to recollect, for once, that they are sprung from the same origin, that they are possessed of the same nature, and are destined for the same end.

7. Such are the prominent features of an institution, which has of late produced so great division in the sentiments of the learned, respecting its origin and tendency. While a certain class of men (A), a little over-anxious for the dignity of their order, have represented it as coeval with the world; others, influenced by an opposite motive, have maintained it to be the invention of English Jesuits, to promote the views of that intriguing and dangerous association (B). Some philosophers, among whom we may reckon the celebrated Chevalier Ramsay, have laboured to prove, that free masonry arose during the crusades; that it was a secondary order of chivalry; that its forms originated from that warlike institution, and were adapted to the peaceful habits of scientific men (C). Mr Clinch (D) has attempted, with considerable ingenuity and learning, to deduce its origin from the institution of Pythagoras. M. Barruel (E) supposes it to be a continuation of the society of knights templars; while others, with a degree of audacity and malice rarely to be found in the character of ingenuous men, have imputed the origin of free masonry to secret associations, averse to the interests of true government, and pursuing the villanous and chimerical project of levelling the distinctions of society, and freeing the human mind from the sacred obligations of religion and morality.

8. Without adopting any of these untenable opinions, or attempting to discover the precise period when free masonry arose, it may be sufficient to establish its claim to an early origin, and to shew that it has existed in different ages of the world under different forms and appellations (F). In the execution of this task, the candid enquirer will be satisfied with strong and numerous resemblances, as the nature of the subject excludes the possibility of rigid demonstration. Every human institution is subject to great and numerous variations; the different aspects under which they appear, and the principles by which they are regulated, depend upon the progress of civilization, upon the nature of the government by which they are protected, and on the peculiar opinions and habits of their members. If, therefore, in comparing free masonry with other ancient associations, we should find it coincide with them in every circumstance, there would be strong reasons for suspecting, that the imagination of the writer had counterfeited resemblances when destitute of authentic information; or that the order had adopted the rites and ceremonies of antiquity, to cloak the recency of their origin.

Masonry. origin, to command the veneration and excite the notice of the public. Against free masonry, however, this charge cannot be preferred: we shall have occasion to consider it when connected with the idolatry of the heathens, when devoted to the church of Rome, and when flourishing under the milder influence of the reformed religion.

Reasons why the knowledge of architecture would be confined to a few.

9. As men, in the early ages of society, were destitute of those methods of diffusing knowledge which we now enjoy, and even of those which were used in Greece and Rome, when the art of printing was unknown; the few discoveries in art and science which were then made, must have been confined to a small number of individuals. In these ages, the pursuit of science must have been a secondary consideration, and those who did venture to explore the untroubled regions of knowledge, would overlook those unsubstantial speculations, which merely gratify the curiosity of philosophers; and would fix their attention on those only which terminate in public utility, and administer to the necessities of life. As architecture could only be preceded by agriculture, it must have been in this science that the first efforts of human skill were tried; and in which man must have first experienced success in extending his dominion over the works of nature. The first architects, therefore, would be philosophers. They alone required the assistance of art; and they alone would endeavour to obtain it. The information which was acquired individually, would be imparted to others of the same profession; and an association would be formed for the mutual communication of knowledge, and the mutual improvement of its members. In order to preserve among themselves that information which they alone collected; in order to excite amongst others a higher degree of respect for their profession, and prevent the intrusion of those who were ignorant of architecture, and, consequently, could not promote the object of the institution, appropriate words and signs would be communicated to its members; and significant ceremonies would be performed at their initiation, that their engagement to secrecy might be impressed upon their minds, and greater regard excited for the information they were to receive. Nor is this mere speculation; there exist at this day, in the deserts of Egypt, such monuments of architecture, as must have been reared in those early ages which precede the records of authentic history; and the erection of these stupendous fabrics, must have required an acquaintance with the mechanical arts, which is not in the possession of modern architects. It is an undoubted fact, also, that there existed, in these days, a particular association of men, to whom scientific knowledge was confined, and who resembled the society of free masons in everything but the name.

10. In Egypt, and those countries of Asia which lie contiguous to that favoured kingdom, the arts and sciences were cultivated with success, while other nations were involved in ignorance: it is here, therefore, that free masonry would flourish, and here only can we

VOL. XII. PART II.

Masonry. discover marks of its existence in the remotest ages. It is extremely probable, that the first and the only object of the society of masons, was the mutual communication of knowledge connected with their profession; and that those only would gain admittance into their order, whose labours were subsidiary to those of the architect. But when the ambition or vanity of the Egyptian priests prompted them to erect huge and expensive fabrics, for celebrating the worship of their gods, or perpetuating the memory of their kings, they would naturally desire to participate in that scientific knowledge, which was possessed by the architects they employed; and as the sacerdotal order seldom fail, among a superstitious people, to gain the objects of their ambition, they would, in this case, succeed in their attempts, and be initiated into the mysteries, as well as instructed in the science of free masons. These remarks will not only assist us in discovering the source from which the Egyptian priests derived that knowledge for which they have been so highly celebrated; they will aid us also in accounting for those changes which were superinduced on the forms of free masonry, and for the admission of men into the order whose professions had no connection with the royal art.

11. When the Egyptian priests had, in this manner, procured admission into the society of free masons, they connected the mythology of their country, and their metaphysical speculations, concerning the nature of God and the condition of man, with an association formed for the exclusive purpose of scientific improvement, and produced that combination of science and theology which, in after ages, formed such a conspicuous part of the principles of free masonry.

12. The knowledge of the Egyptians was carefully concealed from the vulgar; and when the priests did condescend to communicate it to the learned men of other nations, it was conferred in symbols and hieroglyphics, accompanied with particular rites and ceremonies, marking the value of the gift they bestowed. What those ceremonies were, which were performed at initiation into the Egyptian mysteries, we are unable, at this distance of time, to determine. But as the Eleusinian and other mysteries had their origin in Egypt, we may be able, perhaps, to discover the qualities of the fountain, by examining the nature of the stream.

13. The immense population of Egypt, conjoined with other causes, occasioned frequent emigrations from and mysteries of the that enlightened country. In this manner it became the centre of civilization, and introduced into the most distant and savage climes the sublime mysteries of its religion, and those inventions and discoveries which originated in the ingenuity of its inhabitants. The first colony of the Egyptians that arrived in Greece, was conducted by Inachus, about 1970 years before the Christian era; and about three centuries afterwards, he was followed by Cecrops, Cadmus, and Danaus (G). The savage inhabitants of Greece beheld with astonishment the magical tricks of the Egyptians; and regarded as gods those skilful adventurers, who communicated

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Masonry. to them the arts and sciences of their native land (H). In this manner were sown those seeds of improvement, which, in future ages, exalted Greece to such pre-eminence among the nations.

Institution of the Eleusinian mysteries. 14. After the Egyptian colonies had obtained a secure settlement in their new territories, and were freed from those uneasy apprehensions which generally trouble the invaders of a foreign land, they instituted, after the manner of their ancestors, particular festivals or mysteries, in honour of those who had benefited their country by arts or by arms. In the reign of Erithonius, (A. C. 1500), the mysteries of the Egyptian Isis were established at Eleusis under the name of the Eleusinian. They were instituted in honour of Ceres, who having come to Greece in quest of her daughter Proserpine, resided with Triptolemus at Eleusis, and instructed him in the knowledge of agriculture, and in the still more important knowledge of a future state (I).

Institution of the Panathenaean and Dionysian mysteries. Resemblance between the Eleusinian and Dionysian mysteries. 15. About the same time, the Panathenaean were instituted in honour of Minerva, and the Dionysian mysteries in honour of Bacchus, who invented theatres (K), and instructed the Greeks in many useful arts, but particularly in the culture of the vine (L). That the Eleusinian and Dionysian mysteries were intimately connected with the progress of the arts and sciences, is manifest from the very end for which they were formed; and that they were modelled upon the mysteries of Isis and Osiris, celebrated in Egypt, is probable from the similarity of their origin, as well as from the consent of ancient authors (M). If there be any plausibility in our former reasoning concerning the origin of knowledge in Egypt, it will follow, that the Dionysia and the mysteries of Eleusis, were, like the societies of free masons, formed for scientific improvement, though tinctured with the doctrines of the Egyptian mythology.

Similarity between the Eleusinian mysteries and free masonry. 16. But it is not from conjecture only that this conclusion may be drawn. The striking similarity among the external forms of these secret associations, and the still more striking similarity of the objects they had in view, are strong proofs that they were only different streams issuing from a common fountain. Those who were initiated into the Eleusinian mysteries, were bound

by the most awful engagements, to conceal the instructions they received, and the ceremonies that were performed (N). None were admitted as candidates, till they arrived at a certain age; and particular persons were appointed, to examine and prepare them for the rites of initiation (O). Thole, whose conduct was found irregular, or who had been guilty of atrocious crimes, were rejected as unworthy of initiation; while the successful candidates were instructed, by significant symbols, in the principles of religion (P), were exhorted to quell every turbulent appetite and passion (Q), and to merit, by the improvement of their minds, and the purity of their hearts, those ineffable benefits which they were still to receive (R). Significant words were communicated to the members: grand officers presided over their assemblies (S): Their emblems were exactly similar to those of free masonry (T); and the candidate advanced from one degree to another, till he received all the lessons of wisdom and of virtue which the priests could impart (U). But besides these circumstances of resemblance, there are two facts, transmitted to us by ancient authors, which have an astonishing similarity to the ceremonies of the third degree of free masonry. So striking is the resemblance, that every brother of the order who is acquainted with them, cannot question, for a moment, the opinion which we have been attempting to support (X).

17. Having thus mentioned some features of resemblance between the mysteries of Eleusis, and those of free masonry, let us now attend to the sentiments of contemporaries, respecting these secret associations, and we will find, that they have been treated with the same experience, illiberality and insolence. That some men, who, from the self-sufficiency, or unsocial dispositions, have refused to be admitted into these orders, should detract from the character of an association, which pretends to enlighten the learned, and expand the affections of narrow and contracted minds, is by no means a matter of surprise; and it is equally consistent with human nature, that those, whose irregular conduct had excluded them from initiation, should calumniate an order, whose blessings they were not allowed to participate, and whose honours they

Masonry. they were prohibited to share. Men of this description represented the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries, as scenes of riot and debauchery; and reproached the members of the association, that they were not more virtuous and more holy than themselves (Y). But it is the opinion of contemporary writers, that these rumours were completely unfounded, and arose from the silence of the initiated, and the ignorance of the vulgar. They even maintain, that the mysteries of Eleusis produced sanctity of manners, attention to the social duties, and a desire to be as distinguished by virtue, as by silence. See ELEUSINIA. The illustrious Socrates could never be prevailed upon to partake of these mysteries (Z); and Diogenes, upon receiving a similar solicitation, replied, "That Pattecon, a notorious robber, obtained initiation; and that Epaminondas and Agesilaus never desired it (A)." But did not these men know, that in all human societies, the virtuous and the noble must sometimes associate with the worthless and the mean? Did they not know that there often kneel in the same temple, the righteous and the profane; and that the saint and the sinner frequently officiate at the same altar? Thus did the philosophers of antiquity calumniate and despise the mysteries of Eleusis; and, in the same manner, have some philosophers of our own day, defamed the character, and questioned the motives of free masons.

Objection answered 18. This similarity of treatment, which the mysteries of Ceres and free masonry have received, is no small proof of the similarity of their origin, and their object. To this conclusion, however, it may be objected, that though the points of resemblance between these secret societies are numerous, yet there were circumstances in the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries, which have no counterpart in the ceremonies of free masonry. The sacrifices, purifications, hymns, and dances, which were necessary in the festival of Ceres, have, indeed, no place in the society of free masons. But these points of dissimilarity, instead of weakening, rather strengthen our opinion. It cannot be expected, that in the reign of Polytheism, just sentiments of the deity should be entertained; and much less, that the adherents of Christianity should bend their knees to the gods of the heathens. The ancients worshipped those beings, who conferred on them the most signal benefits, with sacri-

fices, purifications, and other tokens of their humility and gratitude. But when revelation had disclosed to man more amiable sentiments concerning the Divine Being, the society of free masons banished from their mysteries those useless rites, with which the ancient brethren of the order attempted to appease and requite their deities; and modelled their ceremonies upon this foundation, that there is but one God, who must be worshipped in spirit and in truth.

19. The mysteries of Ceres were not confined to the city of Eleusis; they were introduced into Athens about 1356 B. C. (B); and, with a few slight variations, were observed in Phrygia, Cyprus, Crete, and Sicily (C). They had reached even to the capital of France (D); and it is highly probable that, in a short time after, they were introduced into Britain, and other northern kingdoms (E). In the reign of the emperor Adrian (F), they were carried into Rome, and were celebrated, in that metropolis, with the same rites and ceremonies which were performed in the humble village of Eleusis. They had contracted impurities, however, from the length of their duration, and the corruption of their abettors; and though the forms of initiation were still symbolical of the original and noble objects of the institution; yet the licentious Romans mitook the shadow for the substance; and, while they underwent the rites of the Eleusinian mysteries, they were strangers to the object for which they were framed.

20. About the beginning of the fifth century, Theodosius the Great prohibited, and almost totally extinguished the Pagan theology in the Roman empire (G); and the mysteries of Eleusis suffered in the general devastation (H). It is probable, however, that these mysteries were secretly celebrated, in spite of the severe edicts of Theodosius; and that they were partly continued during the dark ages, though stripped of their original purity and splendour. We are certain, at least, that many rites of the Pagan religion were performed, under the dissembled name of convivial meetings, long after the publication of the emperor's edicts (I); and Plinius (K), informs us, that the mysteries of Ceres subsisted in Athens till the eighth century of the Christian era, and were never totally suppressed.

21. Having thus considered the origin and decline of the mysteries of Eleusis, and discovered in them numerous and prominent features of resemblance to those of free masonry; we may reasonably infer, that the Egyptian mysteries which gave rise to the former, had a still nearer affinity to the latter; and, from this conclusion, the opinions that were formerly stated, concerning the antiquity of the order, and the origin of Egyptian knowledge, will receive very considerable confirmation.

22. Let us now direct our attention to the Dionysia, or mysteries of Bacchus, which were intimately connected with those of Ceres, and, perhaps, still more with the mysteries of free masonry. Herodotus (L) informs us that the solemnities, in honour of Dionysius or Bacchus, were originally instituted in Egypt; and were transported from that country into Greece, by one Melampus. But not only did the mysteries of Ceres and Bacchus flow from the same source; the one was in some measure interwoven with the other, and it is almost certain, from what we are now to mention, that those who were initiated into the former, were entitled to be present at the celebration of the latter. The sixth day of the Eleusinian festival was the most brilliant of the whole. It received the appellation of Bacchus, because it was chiefly, if not exclusively, devoted to the worship of that god. His statue, attended by the initiated and the ministers of the temple, was conducted from Athens to Eleusis, with much pomp and solemnity (M). And after it had been introduced into the temple of Ceres, it was brought back to Athens with similar ceremonies. The connection between the Eleusinian and Dionysian mysteries is manifest, also, from the common opinion, that Ceres was the mother of Bacchus (N). And Plutarch assures us, that the Egyptian Isis was the prototype of Ceres; that Osiris was the same with Bacchus; and that the Dionysia of Greece was only another name for the Pamylia of Egypt (O). As Bacchus was the inventor of theatres, as well as of dramatical representations, that particular class of masons, who were employed in the erection of these extensive buildings, were called the Dionysian artificers (P), and were initiated into the mysteries of their founder, and consequently into those of Eleusis (Q). But, from the tendency of the human mind to embrace the ceremonial, while it neglects the substantial part of an institution, the Dionysian festival, in the degenerate ages of Greece, was more remarkable for inebriation and licentiousness, than for the cul-

tivation of virtue and of science; and he who was at first celebrated as the inventor of arts, was afterwards worshipped as the god of wine. Those who were desirous of indulging secretly in licentious mirth and unhallowed festivity, cloaked their proceedings under the pretence of worshipping Bacchus; and brought disgrace upon those mysteries, which were instituted for the promotion of virtue, and the improvement of art.

23. About 200 years B. C. an illiterate and licentious priest came from Greece to Tuscany, and instituted the Bacchanalia, or feast of the Bacchanals (R). From Tuscany they were imported to Rome; but the promoters of these midnight orgies having proceeded to the farthest extremity of dissipation and disloyalty, they were abolished throughout all Italy, by a decree of the senate (S). It has been foolishly supposed, that the Bacchanalia were similar to the Dionysian mysteries, merely because they were both dedicated to Bacchus. The Liberalia of Rome was the festival corresponding to the Dionysia of Greece (T); and it is probable that this feast was observed throughout the Roman empire, till the abrogation of the Pagan theology in the reign of Theodosius. The opinion which an impartial inquirer would form, concerning the nature and tendency of the mysteries of Bacchus, would not be very favourable to the character of the institution. But it should be remembered that deviations from the intentions and form of any association, are no objection to the association itself. They are rather proofs of its original purity and excellence; as it is not from the paths of vice, but from those of virtue, that we are accustomed to stray.

24. Hitherto we have considered the Dionysian mysteries under an unpropitious aspect; let us now trace them in their progress from Europe to Asia, where they retained their primitive lustre, and effectually contributed to the rapid advancement of the fine arts.

25. About 1000 years B. C. (U), the inhabitants of Attica, complaining of the narrowness of their territory, and the unfruitfulness of their soil, went in quest of more extensive and fertile settlements. Being joined by a number of the inhabitants of surrounding provinces, they sailed to Asia Minor, drove out the inhabitants, seized upon the most eligible situations, and united them under the name of Ionia, because the greatest number of the refugees were natives of that Grecian province (X). As the Greeks, prior to the Ionic migration,

Masonry. gration, had made considerable progress in the arts and sciences (Y), they carried these along with them into their new territories; and introduced into Ionia the mysteries of Minerva and Dionysius (Z), before they were corrupted by the licentiousness of the Athenians. In a short time the Asiatic colonies surpassed the mother-country in prosperity and science. Sculpture in marble, and the Doric and Ionic orders, were the result of their ingenuity (A). They returned even into Greece; they communicated to their ancestors the inventions of their own country; and instructed them in that style of architecture which has been the admiration of succeeding ages. For these improvements the world is indebted to the Dionysian artificers, an association of scientific men, who possessed the exclusive privilege of erecting temples, theatres, and other public buildings in Asia Minor (B). They supplied Ionia, and the surrounding countries, as far as the Hellepont, with theatrical apparatus by contract; and erected the magnificent temple at Teos, to Bacchus, the founder of their order (C). These artists were very numerous in Asia, and existed, under the same appellation, in Syria, Persia, and India (D). About 300 years before the birth of Christ a considerable number of them were incorporated, by command of the kings of Pergamus, who assigned to them Teos as a settlement, being the city of their tutelary god (E). The members of this association, which was intimately connected with the Dionysian mysteries, were distinguished from the uninitiated inhabitants of Teos, by the science which they possessed, and by appropriate words and signs, by which they could recognize their brethren of the order (F). Like free masons they were divided into lodges, which were distinguished by different names (G). They occasionally held convivial meetings in houses erected and consecrated for this purpose; and each separate association was under the direction of a

master, and presidents or wardens (H). They held a general meeting once a year, which was solemnized with great pomp and festivity; and at which the brethren partook of a splendid entertainment, provided by the master, after they had finished the sacrifices to their gods, and especially to their patron Bacchus (I). They used particular utensils in their ceremonial observances; some of which were exactly similar to those that are employed by the fraternity of free masons (K). And the more opulent artists were bound to provide for the exigencies of their poorer brethren (L). The very monuments which were reared by these masons, to the memory of their masters and wardens, remain to the present day in the Turkish burying grounds, at Siverhisar and Eraki (M). The inscriptions upon them express, in strong terms, the gratitude of the fraternity, for their disinterested exertions in behalf of the order; for their generosity and benevolence to its individual members; for their private virtues, as well as for their public conduct. From some circumstances which are stated in these inscriptions, but particularly from the name of one of the lodges, it is highly probable, that Attalus, king of Pergamus, was a member of the Dionysian fraternity.

26. Such is the nature of that association of architects, who erected those splendid edifices in Ionia, whose ruins even afford us instruction, while they excite our surprise. If it be possible to prove the identity of any two societies, from the coincidence of their external forms, we are authorized to conclude, that the fraternity of the Ionic architects, and the fraternity of free masons, are exactly the same; and as the former practised the mysteries of Bacchus and Ceres, several of which we have shown to be similar to the mysteries of masonry; we may safely affirm, that, in their internal, as well as external procedure, the society of free masons resembles the Dionysians of Asia Minor (N).

27. The

(Y) According to the author of Anacharsis's Travels, the arts took their rise in Greece about 1547, B. C.
(Z) Chandler's Travels in Asia Minor, p. 100, 4to. 1775. The Panathena and the Dionysian mysteries were instituted about 300 years before the Ionic migration.
(A) Gillies's Hist. Ant. Greece, vol. ii. p. 162.
(B) Strabo, lib. iv. Chishull Antiquitates Asiaticæ, p. 107. Robison's Proofs of a Conspiracy, p. 20.
(C) Ionian Antiquities, published by the Society of Dilettanti, p. 4. Strabo, lib. iv. Chishull Antiq. Asiaticæ, p. 139.
(D) Καὶ τῷ Διονύσιῳ τῇ Ἀσίας ἰδοὺ καθεστώσιντι μὲν τῇ ἰδίῃ. Strabo, p. 471. Ionian Antiquities, p. 4.
(E) Chandler's Travels, p. 100. Chishull Antiq. Asiaticæ, p. 138. Ionian Antiquities, p. 4.
(F) Robison's Proofs of a Conspiracy, p. 20.
(G) One of these lodges was denominated Κοινὸν τῷ Ἀτταλίῳ, i. e. Commune Attalistarum; and another Κοινὸν τῷ Ἐχίνῳ Συμμαχίῳ, i. e. Commune Sodalitii Echini. Chishull, p. 139.
(H) See the two decrees of these artists preserved by Chishull, p. 138—149. The place where they assembled is called σινοικία, contubernium; and the society itself, sometimes σινοικίην, collegium; ἀδελφίῳ, secta; συνδός, synodus; κοινός, communitas. See Aulus Gellius, lib. viii. cap. xi.
(I) Chandler's Travels, p. 103.
(K) See the decree of the Attalists in Chishull, particularly the passages at the bottom of p. 141, 142; ἀπὸ λυγρῶν δὲ καὶ τῶν πρὸς ἰνδύμασιν ἢ τῷ πᾶσιν ἔχουσιν ἰκανὰ, i. e. in delubro etiam, ultra ea quae ornamento erant, non pauca utensilia reliquit.
(L) Chishull, p. 140.
(M) Chandler's Travels, p. 100. These monuments were erected about 150 years B. C. The inscriptions upon them were published by Edmund Chishull, in 1728, from copies taken by Consul Sherard in 1709, and examined in 1716. Ionian Antiquities, p. 3.
(N) Dr Robison, who will not be suspected of partiality to free masons, ascribes their origin to the Dionysian artists.

27. The opinion, therefore, of free masons, that their order existed, and flourished at the building of Solomon's temple, is by no means so pregnant with absurdity as some men would wish us to believe. We have already shown, from authentic sources of information, that the mysteries of Ceres and Bacchus, were instituted about 400 years before the reign of Solomon (O); and there are strong reasons for believing, that even the association of the Dionysian architects existed before the building of the temple. It was not, indeed, till about 300 years before the birth of Christ, that they were incorporated at Teos, under the kings of Pergamus; but it is universally allowed, that they arose long before their settlement in Ionia, and, what is more to our present purpose, that they existed in the very land of Judea (P). It is observed by Dr Robison (Q), that this association came from Persia into Syria, along with that style of architecture which is called Grecian: And since we are informed by Josephus (R), that that species of architecture was used at the erection of the temple; there is reason to infer, not only that the Dionysians existed before the reign of Solomon, but that they assisted this monarch in building that magnificent fabric, which he reared to the God of Israel. Nothing, indeed, can be more simple and consistent than the creed of the fraternity, concerning the state of their order at this period. The vicinity of Jerusalem to Egypt; the connection of Solomon with the royal family of that kingdom (S); the progress of the Egyptians in architectural science; their attachment to mysteries and hieroglyphic symbols; and the probability of their being employed by the king of Israel, are additional considerations, which corroborate the sentiments of free masons, and absolve them from those charges of credulity and pride with which they have been loaded.

28. To these opinions, it may be objected, that if the fraternity of free masons flourished during the reign of Solomon, it would have existed in Judea in after ages, and attracted the notice of sacred or profane historians. Whether or not this objection is well founded, we shall not pretend to determine; but if it can be shown, that there did exist, after the building of the temple an association of men, resembling free masons,

in the nature, ceremonies, and object of their institution; the force of the objection will not only be taken away, but additional strength will be communicated to the opinion which we have been supporting. The association here alluded to, is that of the Essenes, whose origin and sentiments have occasioned much discussion among ecclesiastical historians. They are all of one mind, however, respecting the constitution and observances of this religious order.

29. When a candidate was proposed for admission, History of the strictest scrutiny was made into his character (T). If his life had hitherto been exemplary; and if he appeared capable of regulating his conduct according to the virtuous though austere maxims of their order, he was presented at the expiration of his noviciate, with a white garment, as an emblem of the correctness of his conduct and the purity of his heart (U). A solemn oath was then administered to him, that he would never, even at the risk of his life, divulge the mysteries of the order; that he would make no innovations on the doctrines of the society; and that he would continue in that honourable course of piety and virtue which he had begun to pursue (X). Like free masons, they instructed the young member in the knowledge which they derived from their ancestors (Y). They admitted no women into their order (Z). They had particular signs for recognizing each other, which have a strong resemblance to those of free masons (A). They were divided into separate lodges or colleges (B). They had different places of meeting, where they practised their rites, and settled the affairs of the society; and, after the performance of these duties, they assembled in a large hall, where an entertainment was provided for them by the president, or master of the college, who allotted a certain quantity of provisions to every individual (C). They abolished all distinctions of rank; and, if preference was ever given, it was given to piety, liberality, and virtue (D). Stewards were appointed in every town, to supply the wants of indigent strangers (E). The Essenes pretended to higher degrees of piety and knowledge, than the uninitiated vulgar; and though their pretensions were high, they were never questioned by their enemies. Austerity of manners was one of the chief characteristics of the Essenian fraternities:

(O) According to Playfair's Chronology, the temple of Solomon was begun in 1016, and finished in 1008, B. C. The Eleusinian mysteries were introduced into Athens in 1356 B. C. a considerable time after their institution.

(P) Robison's Proofs of a Conspiracy, p. 20.

(Q) Proofs of a Conspiracy, p. 20, 21.

(R) Jewish Antiquities, book viii. chap. v.

(S) Josephus's Jewish Antiquities, book viii. chap. ii.

(T) Joseph. de Bello Judaico, lib. ii. cap. 1.

(U) Id. id.

(X) Id. id.

(Y) Philo de Vita Contemplativa, apud opera, p. 691. Bafnage, b. ii. ch. 13. § 8.

(Z) Bafnage, b. ii. ch. 12. § 26. Id. id. § 22.

(A) In order to be convinced of this, our brethren of the order may consult some of the works already quoted; particularly, Philo's Treatise de Vita Contemplativa, apud opera, p. 691.

(B) Bafnage, b. iii. c. 12. § 14. vid. opera Philonis, p. 679. When Philo, in his Treatise entitled "Quod omnis probus Liber," is describing the society of the Essenes, he employs the same terms to denote the association itself, and their places of meeting, which are used in the decree of the Dionysians already mentioned. Vide Philo de Vita Contemplativa, p. 691.

(C) Joseph. de Bello Judaico, lib. ii. cap. 1.

(D) Id. id. § 20, 22. Philonis Opera, p. 678.

(E) Bafnage, b. iii. c. 12. § 20. chap. 13. § 1.

Masonry ties: They frequently assembled, however, in convivial parties; and relaxed for a while the severity of those duties which they were accustomed to perform (F). This remarkable coincidence between the chief features of the masonic and Essenian fraternities, can be accounted for, only by referring them to the same origin. Were the circumstances of resemblance either few or fanciful, the similarity might have been merely casual. But when the nature, the object, and the external forms of two institutions, are precisely the same, the arguments for their identity are something more than presumptive. There is one point, however, which may, at first sight, seem to militate against this supposition. The Essenes appear to have been in no respects connected with architecture, nor addicted to those sciences and pursuits which are subsidiary to the art of building. That the Essenes directed their attention to particular sciences, which they pretended to have received from their fathers, is allowed by all writers; but, whether or not these sciences were in any shape connected with architecture, we are, at this distance of time, unable to determine. Be this as it may, uncertainty upon this head, nay, even an assurance that the Essenes were unconnected with architectural science, will not affect the hypothesis which we have been maintaining. For there have been, and still are, many associations of free masons, where no architects are members, and which have no connection with the art of building. But if this is not deemed a sufficient answer to the objection, an inquiry into the origin of the Essenes will probably remove it altogether, while it affords additional evidence, for the identity of the masonic and Essenian associations.

Essenes 30. Sacred and profane historians have entertained different opinions concerning the origin of the Essenes. They all agree, however, in representing them as an ancient association, originating from particular fraternities, which formerly existed in the land of Judea (G). Pliny refers them to such a remote antiquity (H) that they must have existed during the reign of Solomon; and even Bafnage, who is the only writer that seems disposed to consider them as a recent association, confesses that they existed under Antigonus, about 300 years before the Christian era (I). Scaliger contends, with much appearance of truth, that the Essenes were descended from the Kasideans, who make such a conspicuous figure in the history of the Maccabees (K). The Kasideans were a religious fraternity, or an order

Masonry of the Knights of the Temple of Jerusalem, who bound themselves to adorn the porches of that magnificent structure, and to preserve it from injury and decay (L). This association was composed of the greatest men of Israel, who were distinguished for their charitable and peaceful dispositions (M); and always signalized themselves by their ardent zeal for the purity and preservation of the temple (N). From these facts it appears, that the Essenes were not only an ancient fraternity, but that they originated from an association of architects, who were connected with the building of Solomon's temple. Nor was this order confined to the Holy Land. Like the fraternities of the Dionysiacs and free masons, it existed in all parts of the world (O); and though the lodges in Judea were chiefly, if not wholly, composed of Jews, yet the Essenes admitted into their order men of every religion, and every rank in life (P). They adopted many of the Egyptian mysteries (Q); and, like the priests of that country, the magi of Persia, and the gymnosophists in India, they united the study of moral with that of natural philosophy (R). Although they were patronized by Herod, and respected by all men for the correctness of their conduct, and the innocence of their order (S), they suffered severe persecutions from the Romans, till their order was abolished, about the middle of the fifth century (T); a period extremely fatal to the venerable institutions of Egypt, Greece, and Rome.

31. Connected with the Essenian and Masonic fraternities, was the institution of Pythagoras at Crotona. After this philosopher, in the course of his travels through Egypt, Syria, and Ionia, had been initiated into the mysteries of these enlightened kingdoms, he imported into Europe the sciences of Asia, and offered to the inhabitants of his native soil, the important benefits which he himself had received (U). The offers of the sage having been rejected by his countrymen of Samos (X), he settled at Crotona, in Italy, where more respect was paid to his person, and more attention to his precepts (Y). When the kindness of the Crotonians, and their solicitude to obtain scientific information, had inspired Pythagoras with some hopes of success, he selected a number of his disciples, who from the similarity of their characters, the mildness of their dispositions, and the steadiness of their conduct, seemed best adapted for forwarding the purposes he had in view (Z). These he formed into a fraternity, or separate order of men, whom

Masonry. whom he instructed in the sciences of the east (A), and to whom he imparted the mysteries and rites of the Egyptian, Syrian, and Ionian associations. Before any one was received into the number of his disciples, a minute and diligent enquiry was made into his temper and character (B). If the issue of this enquiry was favourable to the candidate, he bound himself, by a solemn engagement, to conceal, from the uninitiated, the mysteries which he might receive, and the sciences in which he might be instructed (C). The doctrines of charity, of universal benevolence, and especially of affection to the brethren of the order, were warmly recommended to the young disciples (D); and such was the influence which they had upon their minds, that discord seemed to have been banished from Italy (E) and the golden age to have again returned. Strangers of every country, of every religion, and of every rank in life, were received, if properly qualified, into the Pythagorean association (F). Like free masons they had particular words and signs, by which they might distinguish each other, and correspond at a distance (G). They wore white garments, as an emblem of their innocence (H). They had a particular regard for the east (I). They advanced from one degree of knowledge to another (K). They were forbidden to commit to writing their mysteries, which were preserved solely by tradition (L): The Pythagorean symbols and secrets were borrowed from the Egyptians, the Orphic and Eleusinian rites, the Magi, the Iberians, and the Celts (M). They consisted chiefly of arts and sciences, united with theology and ethics, and were communicated to the initiated in ciphers and symbols (N). An association of this nature, founded upon such principles, and fitted for such ends, did not remain long in obscurity. In a short time it extended over the kingdoms of Italy and Sicily, and was diffused even through ancient Greece, and the islands of the Egean sea (O). Like other secret societies, it was vilified by malicious men, who were prohibited from sharing its advantages, from the weakness of their minds and the depravity of their hearts (P). Chagrined with disappointment, and enflamed with rage, they often executed vengeance upon the innocent Pythagoreans, and even set fire to the lodges in which they

were assembled (Q). But the disciples of the sage persisted in that honourable cause in which they had embarked; and, though the persecution of their enemies drove them from their native land, they still retained for each other the sympathy of brothers, and often suffered death in its most agonizing form, rather than violate the engagements into which they had entered (R). An attempt, like this, against the society of free masons, has been witnessed in our own day. It has not, indeed, proceeded to such an extremity of violence. The spirit of extirpation, however, existed in sentiment, though it had not the courage to display itself in action. Disaffection to government, and disrespect to religion, were charged upon them with all the confidence of truth: And, had the governments of Europe been weak enough to credit the fancies of a few political enthusiasts, their subjects might, at this moment, have been armed against each other, and the nations of the world embroiled in discord.

32. From these observations, it is manifest, that the Pythagorean and Masonic institutions were similar in their external forms, as well as in the objects which they had in view; and that both of them experienced, from contemporaries, the same unmerited reproach. Mr Clinch, in his Essays on Free Masonry (S), has enumerated, at great length, all the points of resemblance between these two institutions. He attempts to prove, that free masonry took its rise from the Pythagorean fraternity; but though he has been successful in pointing out a remarkable coincidence between these associations, he has no authority for concluding that the former originated from the latter. In a masonic manuscript, preserved in the Bodleian library, in the handwriting of King Henry VI. it is expressly said, that Pythagoras learned masonry from Egypt and Syria, and from those countries where it had been planted by the Phcenicians; that the Pythagoreans carried it into France; and that it was, in the course of time, imported from that country into England (T). This, indeed, is no direct proof of our opinion; it shows us, at least, that the same sentiments have been entertained about four hundred years ago by the fraternity in England. It has been supposed, by some philosophers

(A) Aulus Gellius lib. i. cap. 9. Gillies, vol. ii. p. 27.
(B) Jamblichus de vita Pythagoræ, cap. 17. p. 76. Gillies, vol. iii. p. 27.
(C) Jamblichus, cap. 23. p. 104.
(D) Id. cap. 8. p. 53. cap. 33. p. 193. cap. 6. p. 43. cap. 23. p. 102. Bafnage's History of the Jews, b. ii. cap. 13. § 21. Anthologia Hibernica for March 1794, p. 181.
(E) Jamblichus, cap. 7. p. 46.
(F) Gillies, vol. ii. p. 28. Jamblichus, cap. 33. p. 202.
(G) Gillies, vol. ii. p. 27. Anthologia Hibernica for March 1794, p. 183.
(H) Bafnage, b. ii. chap. 13. § 21. Anthologia Hibernica for March 1794, p. 183.
(I) Bafnage, b. ii. chap. 13. § 21. (K) Jamblichus, cap. 17. p. 72.
(L) Jamblichus, part i. cap. 32. p. 191.
(M) Warburton's Divine Legation of Moses, book iii. sect. 3. vol. 2. p. 132, 133. Jamblichus, cap. 8. p. 139. Gillies, vol. ii. p. 27.
(N) Jamblichus, cap. 8. p. 139. Gillies ut supra.
(O) Gillies, vol. ii. p. 28. Jamblichus, cap. 35. p. 207. (P) Id. Id. p. 200.
(Q) Jamblichus, p. 208. et seq. (R) Id. Id. chap. 32. p. 189.
(S) Published in the Anthologia Hibernica for 1794.
(T) Lives of Leland, Hearne, and Wood, Oxford, 1772. Appendix to the life of Leland, No. vii. A copy of this manuscript may be seen in every work on free masonry.

Masonry. phers (u), that Pythagoras derived his mysteries chiefly from the Essenes, who were at that time much respected and very numerous in Egypt and Syria. The wonderful similarity, indeed, between these societies, both in the forms which they had in common with free masonry, and in those lesser customs and ceremonies, which were peculiar to themselves, render such a supposition extremely probable. It is remarked by all ecclesiastical historians, that the Essenes were Pythagoreans, both in discipline and doctrine (x); without ever considering that the former existed some hundred years before the birth of Pythagoras (y). The Pythagoreans, therefore, were connected with the Essenes, and the Essenes with the Kafirdeans, who engaged to preserve and adorn the temple of Jerusalem.

Objection answered. 33. There is one objection to the view which we have taken of this subject, which, though it has already been slightly noticed, it may be necessary more completely to remove. Although it will be acknowledged by every unbiased reader, that free masonry has a wonderful resemblance to the Eleusinian and Dionysian mysteries, the fraternity of Ionian architects, and the Essenian and Pythagorean associations; yet some may be disposed to question the identity of these institutions, because they had different names, and because some usages were observed by one, which were neglected by another. But these circumstances of dissimilarity arise from those necessary changes, which are superinduced upon every institution, by a spirit of innovation, by the caprice of individuals, and by the various revolutions in civilized society. Every alteration or improvement in philosophical systems, or ceremonial institutions, generally produces a corresponding variation in their name, deduced from the nature of the improvement, or from the name of the innovator. The different associations, for example, whose nature and tendency we have been considering, received their names from circumstances merely casual, and often of trifling consideration; though all of them were established for the same purpose, and derived from the same source. When the mysteries of the Essenes were imported by Pythagoras into Italy, without undergoing much variation, they were there denominated the mysteries of Pythagoras; and in our own day, they are called the secrets of free masonry, because many of their symbols are derived from the art of building, and because they are believed to have been invented by an association of architects, who were anxious to preserve, among themselves, the knowledge which they had acquired (z). The difference in the ceremonial observances of these institutions may be accounted for nearly upon the same principles. From the ignorance, or superior sagacity of those who presided over the ancient fraternities, some ceremonies would be insisted upon more than others,

VOL. XII. Part II.

some of less moment would be exalted into consequence, while others of greater importance would be depressed into obscurity. In process of time, therefore, some trifling changes would be effected upon these ceremonies, some rites abolished, and some introduced. The chief difference, however, between the ancient and modern mysteries, is, in these points which concern religion. But this arises from the great changes which have been produced in religious knowledge. It cannot be supposed that the rites of the Egyptian, Jewish, and Grecian religions, should be observed by those who profess only the religion of Christ; or that we should pour out libations to Ceres and Bacchus, who acknowledge no heavenly superior, but the true and the living God.

34. It may be proper here to take notice of an objection urged by M. Barruel, against the opinion of those, who believe that the mysteries of free masonry are similar to the mysteries of Egypt and Greece (A). From the unfairness with which this writer has stated the sentiments of his opponents on this subject; from the confidence and triumph with which he has proposed his own; and, above all, from the disingenuity with which he has supported them, many inattentive readers may have been led to adopt his notions, and to form as despicable an idea of the understandings, as he would with them to form of the character of matons. He takes it for granted, that all who embrace the opinion which we have endeavoured to support, must necessarily believe, that a unity of religious sentiments, and moral precepts, was maintained in all the ancient mysteries; and that the initiated entertained just notions of the unity of God, while the vulgar were addicted to the grossest polytheism. Upon this gratuitous supposition, which we completely disavow, because it has no connection with our hypothesis, does Barruel found all his declamations against the connection of our order with the Pythagorean and Eleusinian institutions. If this supposition, indeed, were true, his opinion would be capable of proof. But he is all the while combating the dogmas of Warburton, while he thinks he is overturning the antiquity of our order. There is perhaps in no language such a piece of downright sophistry as this portion of Barruel's work. He seems to scruple at no method, however base or dishonourable, that can bring discredit upon free masonry, and every thing connected with it. After having overturned the opinion of Warburton, he then attacks us on our ground, and stiles us the children of sophistry, deism, and pantheism, who deduce our origin from associations of men that were enemies to Christianity (B), and followed no guide but the light of nature. But this writer should recollect, that the son is not accountable for the degeneracy of his parents; and, if the ancient mysteries were the nurseries of such dangerous opinions, as this writer, in opposition

4 N

tion

tion to authentic history, lays to their charge, it is to the glory of their posterity, that they have shaken off the yoke, and embraced that heavenly light which their ancestors affected to despise.

35. Having finished what may properly be denominated the ancient history of free masonry, we are now to trace its progress from the abolition of the heathen rites, in the reign of Theodosius, to the present day; and, though the friends and enemies of the order seem to coincide in opinion upon this part of its history, the materials are as scanty as before, and the incidents equally unconnected. In those ages of ignorance and disorder which succeeded the destruction of the Roman empire, the minds of men were too much debased by superstition, and contracted by bigotry, to enter into associations for promoting mental improvement and mutual benevolence. The spirit which then raged, was not a spirit of enquiry. The motives which then influenced the conduct of men, were not those benevolent and correct principles of action which once distinguished their ancestors, and which still distinguish their posterity. Sequestered habits and unsocial dispositions characterized the inhabitants of Europe, in this season of mental degeneracy; while free masons, actuated by very different principles, inculcate on their brethren the duties of social intercourse, and communicate to all within the pale of their order, the knowledge which they possess and the happiness which they feel. But, if science had existed in these ages, and if a desire of social intercourse had animated the minds of men, the latter must have languished for want of gratification, as long as the former was imprisoned within the walls of a convent, by the tyranny of superstition, or the jealousy of power. Science was in these days synonymous with heresy; and had any bold and enlightened man ventured upon philosophical investigations, and published his discoveries to the world, he would have been regarded by the vulgar as a magician, and punished as a heretic by the church of Rome. These remarks may be exemplified and confirmed by an appropriate instance of the interfering spirit of the Romish church, even in the sixteenth century, when learning had made considerable advancement in Europe. The celebrated Baptista Porta having, like the sage of Samos, travelled into distant countries for scientific information, returned to his native home, and established a society which he denominated the academy of secrets. He communicated the information which he had collected to the members of this association, who, in their turn, imparted to their companions the knowledge which they had individually obtained. But this little fraternity, advancing in respectability and science, soon trembled under the rod of ecclesiastical oppression; and experienced in its dissolution, that the Romish hierarchy was determined to check the ardour of investigation, and retain the human mind in its former fetters of ignorance and superstition. How then could free masonry flourish, when the minds of men had such an unfortunate propensity to monkish retirement, and when every scientific and

secret association was overawed and persecuted by the rulers of Europe?

36. But, though the political and intellectual condition of society was unfavourable to the progress of free masonry; and, though the secret associations of the ancients were dissolved in the fifth century, by the command of the Roman emperor, yet there are many reasons for believing that the ancient mysteries were observed in private, long after their public abolition, by those enemies of Christianity who were still attached to the religion of their fathers. Some authors (c) even inform us, that this was actually the case, and that the Grecian rites existed in the eighth century, and were never completely abolished, (Art. 20.). These considerations enable us to connect the heathen mysteries, with that trading association of architects, which appeared, during the dark ages, under the special authority of the see of Rome.

37. The insatiable desire for external finery, and gaudy ceremonies, which was displayed by the catholic priesthood in the exercise of their religion, introduced a corresponding desire for splendid monasteries, and magnificent cathedrals. But as the demand for these buildings was urgent, and continually increasing, it was with great difficulty that artificers could be procured, even for the erection of such pious works. In order to encourage the profession of architecture, the bishops of Rome, and the other potentates of Europe, conferred on the fraternity of free masons the most important privileges; and allowed them to be governed by laws, customs, and ceremonies, peculiar to themselves. The association was composed of men of all nations, of Italian, Greek, French, German, and Flemish artists, who were denominated free masons, and who, ranging from one country to another, erected those elegant churches and cathedrals, which, though they once gratified the pride and sheltered the rites of a corrupted priesthood, now excite the notice of antiquarians, and administer to the grandeur of kingdoms. The government of this association was remarkably regular. Its members lived in a camp of huts, reared beside the building in which they were employed. A surveyor, or master, presided over and directed the whole. Every tenth man was called a warden, and overlooked those who were under his charge; and such artificers as were not members of this fraternity, were prohibited from engaging in those buildings which free masons alone had a title to rear (d). It may seem strange, and perhaps inconsistent with what we have already said, that the fraternity of free masons should have been sanctioned, and even protected by the bishops of Rome. Secret associations, indeed, are always a terror to temporal and spiritual tyranny. But the church of Rome, instead of approving of the principles of free masonry, by the encouragement and patronage which they gave to architects, only employed them as instruments for gratifying their vanity, and satiating their ambition. For in after ages, when masons were more numerous, and when the demand for religious structures was less urgent than before, the bishops of Rome deprived the fraternity of those

Masonry. those very privileges which had been conferred upon them without solicitation, and persecuted, with unrelenting rage, the very men whom they had voluntarily taken into favour, and who had contributed to the grandeur of their ecclesiastical establishment.

Introduction of free masonry into Scotland. 38. Wherever the catholic religion was taught, the meetings of free masons were sanctioned and patronized. The principles of the order were even imported into Scotland (E) where they continued, for many ages, in their primitive simplicity, long after they had been extinguished in the continental kingdoms. In this manner, Scotland became the centre from which these principles again issued, to illuminate, not only the nations on the continent, but every civilized portion of habitable world. What those causes were which continued the societies of free masons longer in Britain than in other countries, it may not, perhaps, be easy to determine; but as the fact itself is unquestionable, it must have arisen, either from some favourable circumstances in the political state of Britain, which did not exist in the other governments of Europe; or from the superior policy, by which the British masons eluded the suspicion of their enemies, and the superior prudence with which they maintained the primitive simplicity and respectability of their order. The former of these causes, had, without doubt, a considerable share, in producing the effect under consideration; and we know for certain, that, in our own days, the latter has preserved free masonry in a flourishing condition throughout these united kingdoms, while, in other countries, the imprudence and foolish innovations of its members, have exposed it to the severest and justest censure, and, in many cases, to the most violent persecutions. It is a fact, requiring no confirmation, and resulting from the most obvious causes, that free masonry never flourishes in seasons of public commotion; and even in Great Britain, though the seat of war is commonly in foreign countries, it has universally declined. But in those lands which are the theatre of hostilities, it will be neglected in a still greater degree; and, if these hostilities are long continued, or frequently recur, the very name and principles of the order must be soon extinguished. Amid those continual wars, therefore, which, during the middle ages, distracted and desolated the continent of Europe, the association of architects would be soon dissolved; while in the humble village of Kilwinning, on the western coast of Scotland, they found a safe retreat from the violent convulsions of continental wars.

connection between masons and the knights templars. 39. Before we detail the progress of free masonry, after its importation into Britain, it will be necessary to give some account of the knights templars, a fraternity of free masons whose affluence and virtues often raised the envy of contemporaries, and whose unmerited and unhappy end must have often excited the compassion of posterity. It would be needless labour to enter into

any investigation, in order to prove, that the order of the knights templars was a branch of free masonry. This fact has been invariably acknowledged by free masons themselves; and none have been more zealous to establish it than the enemies of their order (F). The former have admitted the fact, not because it was creditable to them, but because it was true; and the latter have supported it, because by the aid of a little sophistry, it might be employed to disgrace their opponents.

40. The order of the knights templars was instituted during the crusades, in the year 1118, by Hugo de Paganis, and Geoffrey of St Omers. It received this appellation because its members originally resided near the church in Jerusalem, which was dedicated to our Saviour. Though the professed object of this religious association was to protect those Christian pilgrims, whose mistaken piety had led them to the holy city; yet it is almost beyond a doubt, that its chief and primary intention, was to practise and preserve the rites and mysteries of masonry. We know at least, that the knights templars, not only possessed the mysteries, but performed the ceremonies, and inculcated the duties of free masons; and it is equally certain, that the practising of these rites could contribute nothing to the protection and comfort of the Catholic pilgrims. Had the templars publicly avowed the real object of their institution, instead of that favour which they so long enjoyed, they would have experienced the animosity of the church of Rome. But as they were animated with a sincere regard for the Catholic religion, and with a decided abhorrence for the infidel possessors of Judea, it was never once suspected that they transacted any other business at their secret meetings, but that which concerned the regulation of their order, the advancement of religion, and the extirpation of its enemies. The many prodigies of value which they exhibited against the infidels; the many charitable deeds which they performed towards the distressed pilgrims; and the many virtues which adorned their private character, procured them, from the rulers of Europe, that respect and authority to which they were so justly entitled, and which they so long maintained. But respect and authority were not the only rewards which they purchased by their virtues and military prowess. From the munificence of the popes, the generosity of the pious princes and nobles of Europe, and from the gratitude of those opulent pilgrims, who, in the moments of distress, had experienced their kind assistance, the knights templars had acquired such immense possessions in every kingdom of Europe, but particularly in France, that their revenues often exceeded those of the secular princes. Thus independent in their circumstances, and being fatigued with those unsuccessful struggles against the infidels, which they had maintained with such manly courage, they returned to their native land to enjoy, in

Massey. in peace and quiet, the recompense of their toils. But, like all men who are suddenly transported from danger and fatigue, to opulence and ease, many of the templars deviated from that virtuous course which they had hitherto pursued, and indulged too freely in those luxuries and fashionable amusements to which they were invited by opulence, and impelled by inactivity. Thus, from the indiscretions of a few, did the knights templars lose a considerable share of those honours, and that celebrity, which they had long enjoyed. But this relaxation of discipline, and attachment to luxurious indolence, were the only crimes of which the templars were guilty; and to men of honour and spirit like them, the forfeiture of popularity, which was the consequence of their apostasy, would be a sufficient punishment. This, however, was not the sentiment of Philip the Fair. That barbarous monarch, instigated by private revenge against some individuals of the order; encouraged by the prospect of sharing in their ample revenues; and spurred on by a spirit which seldom resides in a human breast, imprisoned in one day all the templars in France, merely at the instance of two worthless members of the order, who had been disgraced and punished by their superiors, for the enormity of their crimes. It was pretended by these base accusers, that the templars abjured our Saviour, that they spit upon his cross, that they burned their children, and committed other atrocious crimes, from which the human mind recoils with horror, and which could have been perpetrated only by men so completely abandoned as the informers themselves. Under the pretence of discovering what degree of credit might be attached to these accusations, the templars were extended on the rack till they confessed the crimes with which they were charged. Several of the knights, when stretched on this instrument of agony, made every acknowledgement which their persecutors desired. But others, retaining on the rack that fortitude and contempt of death which they had exhibited in the field, persisted in denying the crimes laid to their charge, and maintained with their latest breath, the innocence of their order. Many of those, even, who had tamely submitted to their persecutors, retracted those ignominious confessions which the rack had extorted; and maintained their integrity in the midst of those flames which the barbarous Philip had kindled for their destruction. Fifty-nine of these unhappy men were burnt alive at Paris, by a slow fire; and the same vindictive and inhuman spirit was exhibited in the other provinces of France, and in the other nations of Europe. The fortitude which, in every country, was displayed by these unfortunate sufferers, could have been inspired by innocence alone; and is a strong proof, that their minds were not so enervated by indolence, nor their bodies so enfeebled by luxury, as has been generally believed. The only murmurs which parted from their lips, were those which expressed their anguish and remorse, that they had betrayed, in the hour of pain, the interests of their order, and had confessed themselves guilty of crimes unworthy of a templar and a man.

41. But the atrocious scene was yet to come which was

Massey. to complete the ruin of the templars, and fatiate the vengeance of their enemies. Their grand master Molay, and other dignitaries of the order, still survived: and, though they had made the most submissive acknowledgements to their unrelenting persecutors, yet the influence which they had over the minds of the vulgar, and their connection with many of the princes of Europe, rendered them formidable and dangerous to their oppressors. By the exertion of that influence, they might restore union to their dismembered party, and inspire them with courage to revenge the murder of their companions; or, by adopting a more cautious method, they might repel, by uncontroversible proofs, the charges for which they suffered; and, by interesting all men in their behalf, they might expose Philip to the attacks of his own subjects, and to the hatred and contempt of Europe. Aware of the dangers to which his character and person would be exposed by pardoning the surviving templars, the French monarch commanded the grand master and his brethren to be led out to a scaffold, erected for the purpose, and there to confess before the public, the enormities of which their order had been guilty, and the justice of the punishment which had been inflicted on their brethren. If they adhered to their former confessions, a full pardon was promised to them; but if they should persist in maintaining their innocence, they were threatened with destruction on a pile of wood, which the executioners had erected in their view, to awe them into compliance. While the multitude were standing around in awful expectation, ready, from the words of the prisoners, to justify or condemn their king, the venerable Molay, with a cheerful and undaunted countenance, advanced, in chains, to the edge of the scaffold; and, with a firm and impressive tone, thus addressed the spectators. "It is but just, that in this terrible day, and in the last moments of my life, I lay open the iniquity of falsehood, and make truth to triumph. I declare then, in the face of heaven and earth, and I confess, though to my eternal shame and confusion, that I have committed the greatest of crimes; but it has been only in acknowledging those that have been charged with so much virulence upon an order, which truth obliges me to pronounce innocent. I made the first declaration they required of me, only to suspend the excessive tortures of the rack, and mollify those that made me endure them. I am sensible what torments they prepare for those that have courage to revoke such a confession. But the horrible sight which they present to my eyes, is not capable of making me confirm one lie by another. On a condition so infamous as that, I freely renounce life which is already but too odious to me. For what would it avail me to prolong a few miserable days, when I must owe them only to the blackest of calumnies (c)?" In consequence of this manly revocation, the grand master and his companions were hurried into the flames, where they retained that contempt of death which they had exhibited on former occasions. This mournful scene extorted tears from the lowest of the vulgar. Four valiant knights, whose charity and valour had procured them the gratitude and applause of mankind, suffering without

Masonry. without fear, the most cruel and ignominious death, was indeed a spectacle well calculated to excite emotions of pity in the hardest hearts; and, whatever opinion we may entertain concerning the character of that unhappy order, every mind of sensibility will compassionate the fate of the templars, and curse the inhuman policy of Philip the Fair.

the innocence of the knights templars considered.

42. From this short and imperfect account of the origin and ruin of the knights templars, the reader will be enabled to understand the merits of the question, respecting the innocence of that order, which it will be necessary here to consider. The opinions of contemporary writers were too much influenced by party spirit, and religious zeal, to deserve any regard in this investigation. All those writers (H), however, who are generally deemed impartial historians, and who were in no respects interested, either in the condemnation or acquittal of the templars, have, without hesitation, pronounced them innocent of the crimes laid to their charge, and imputed their destruction to the avarice and private resentment of Philip. In the decision of these historians, the public had, in general, acquiesced, till their sentiments were unsettled by the bold pretensions, and the sophistical reasoning of Barruel. This writer has charged upon the templars all those crimes with which their enemies had formerly loaded them: he has attempted to justify the severity of the French king, and has reproached, with the bitterest invective, the society of free masons, because they were once connected with a fraternity, which, in his opinion, was so wicked and profane. While we endeavour, therefore, to defend the templars against these recent calumnies, we shall, at the same time, be maintaining the respectability of the masonic institution, by vindicating its members from that imputed depravity, which, according to Barruel, they have inherited from their fathers.

43. In order to form an impartial judgment respecting any sentence which has been passed, without proper evidence, either against individuals or associations, it is necessary to be acquainted with the motives and character of the accusers, and with the benefits which might accrue to them and the judges, by the punishment or liberation of the accused. In the case before us, the accusers had been disgraced and imprisoned by the accused, for their villany and crimes. Their chief prosecutor and judge was actuated by motives of avarice and private resentment; and many rival orders who had been languishing in obscurity and indigence, propagated with assiduity the slanderous tale, in hopes of sharing in those ample possessions, and that public favour, which had been acquired by the superior abilities of the knights templars. To all ranks of men, indeed, the veneration which the name of a templar inspired, was an object of envy: their opulent revenues were calculated to give trouble to a covetous mind, and the remarkable regularity of their conduct was no small incitement to the exercise of detraction. Such were the motives and prospects of their judges and accusers. Let us attend now to the accusations which were

Masonry. brought against them, and we shall find that these could scarcely come under the cognizance of law, as their pretended crimes were committed against themselves and not against society. Did they perpetrate murder upon any of their fellow-citizens?—This was never laid to their charge. Did they purloin any man's treasures?—Of theft they were never accused. Did they instigate to rebellion the subjects of any government, or plot destruction against the person of any king?—Under such a character they were never known, till Barruel called them traitors and regicides; because, forsooth, it was his opinion, that their successors, the free masons in France, were accessory to the murder of their king. What then were their crimes? it was said, that they burned their own infants! and yet an instance was never produced, in which the child of a templar had disappeared, and in which the tenderness of a mother, as would certainly have happened, remonstrated against the murder of her child. They were said to have committed the most unnatural of all crimes! and yet no individual produced a specific instance which he could corroborate by indubitable proof. They were accused of insulting the cross of Christ; and yet they had shed their blood in the defence of his religion. Of crimes like these, one may conceive a depraved individual to have been guilty; but to believe, that a respectable fraternity, consisting of thousands of members, could be capable of such enormities, requires a degree of faith to which the most credulous will scarcely attain.

44. The innocence of the templars, and the injustice of Philip, will be still more apparent, by considering the conduct of the latter, as related even by Barruel. This writer observes, "That two men, who had been imprisoned for their crimes, declared that they had some important discoveries to make concerning the knights templars, and that this declaration, though entitled to little credit, made the king determine on the dissolution of the order, and arrest on one day all the templars in his kingdom (I)." Here then was the most flagrant injustice in the very threshold of the whole affair. Without summoning a single witness; without examining a single templar; without consulting a single friend; without even knowing what the important discoveries were which the criminals had to make; the French king determined on the destruction of the templars, on the destruction of an order whose grand master had been his particular friend, and even the god father of one of his children (K). This latter circumstance, indeed, is brought forward by Barruel, to justify the conduct of Philip, because he sacrificed the duties of friendship to the principles of justice. But, when we take it in connection with the rest of his conduct, it must inspire every honest mind with a more degrading opinion of the head and heart of that persecuting monarch.

45. Such being the premature and precipitant determination of Philip, we may consider the order of the templars as at that time dissolved, and regard all those examinations,

Masonry. examinations, inquiries, confessions, trials, and councils which succeeded, as mere phantoms of justice, conjured up by that crafty prince, to dazzle the eyes of his subjects, and sanctify the depravity of his own conduct. By keeping this circumstance in view, the intelligent reader will be enabled to understand the minute, though sometimes contradictory, details of historians, respecting the trial and confessions of the knights templars; and, notwithstanding the veil of justice with which the judges attempted to cover their proceedings, he will be enabled to develop the detestable principles upon which their trial was conducted, and the still more detestable motives which invited Clement V. to partake in the guilt of Philip the Fair.

46. The most formidable, and indeed the only plausible argument by which Barruel supports his opinions, is drawn from the confessions of the templars. He maintains that the avowals of the knights were free from compulsion, and that no set of men could be so base as to accuse their brethren of crimes, of which they believed them to be entirely innocent. But the fallacy of his reasoning will appear from the slightest reflection. It is a curious, though unquestionable fact, that, when an avowal must be made, men are more ready to accuse themselves of crimes of which they have never been guilty, than to confess those which they have actually committed. Such as have attended to the operation of their own minds, particularly in the earlier part of life, will acquiesce in this extraordinary truth; and those who have not had occasion to observe it, will find, upon consideration, that it is consonant to the constitution of the human mind. When a man confesses himself guilty of a crime which he has really perpetrated, he is exposed, not only to the reproaches of his own conscience, but to those of the world; and, should he, at any time, retract his confessions, he must be aware that every subsequent enquiry would only confirm the truth of his first deposition. But when a man, from a principle of fear, acknowledges the truth of accusations with which he has been unjustly loaded, a sense of his integrity and innocence supports him under the opprobrium of the world, and he is conscious that his character will be vindicated by every investigation, and that the confessions which he himself made, may at any time be proved to have been the offspring of necessity. Such undoubtedly were the feelings by which the templars were actuated. Convinced, that the crimes which they were desired to acknowledge, were of such an unnatural kind, that they could never be imputed, by any reasonable man, to a numerous and hitherto respectable fraternity, they yielded to the solicitations of their persecutors; with the well-grounded hope that future enquiry would remove the stain which the irresistible desire of self-preservation had prompted them to throw upon their character. From this very consideration, indeed, namely from the nature of the crimes charged upon the templars, have many eminent historians maintained the innocence of that unhappy order. But, were we even to allow with Barruel, in opposition to all history, that the avowals of the knights

were free and numerous; by an application of the principles already laid down, we would from that circumstance, prove the innocence, and not the guilt of the templars.

Masonry. 47. It is not, however, upon speculative principles alone, that we can account for the confessions and subsequent recantations of the knights. There are, fortunately, some historical facts which furnish a rational explanation of their conduct; but which Barruel, either from ignorance or design, has totally overlooked. About the commencement of the whole affair, Molay the grand master of the order, had been examined at Paris. From the causes already explained, but particularly from a dread of those torments, to which an obstinate avowal of his innocence would expose him, he made every confession which his persecutors demanded; but he at the same time transmitted circular letters to an immense number of his brethren, requesting them to make the same confessions with himself (L); for it was only by submissive conduct, that they could hope to disarm the fury of their enemies, and avert the blow which was threatened to their order. Agreeably to the request of Molay, many of the templars made the same acknowledgements; while others with a morality more inflexible, and courage more undaunted, disdained to do evil that good might come, and persevered unto death in the avowal of their own innocence, and that of their order. Molay, however, and those knights who had followed his example, soon perceived that though their submissions had protected them from injury as individuals, they had nevertheless rather inflamed the rage of Philip against the order; and being now convinced that their acknowledgements of guilt had produced an effect opposite to what they expected, they boldly retracted their former avowals, and adopted that intrepid conduct of which we have already given a short account. There is another circumstance connected with this part of our subject, which, though not taken notice of by historians, is well deserving of the reader's attention. It is asserted by all contemporary writers, whether the friends or adversaries of the templars, that all those knights who maintained their innocence, were condemned either to death, or to a punishment equally severe; while all who confessed, and adhered to their confessions, were either completely acquitted, or sentenced to a few days fasting and prayer, or a short imprisonment (M). It is allowed also by these historians, and even by Barruel, that a very considerable number of the templars were altogether ignorant of the crimes perpetrated by the rest, and that some who were privy to them, were not partakers in their guilt. In which class then are we to rank these innocent men? among those who suffered or among those who were saved? If among the former, their enemies were guilty of the most flagrant injustice and cruelty, in consuming the innocent on the same pile with the guilty. If among the latter, they must have been compelled to confess themselves guilty of crimes of which they were completely innocent.

48. In order to show that the confessions of the templars

Masonry. plans were voluntary, and not extorted by the rack, Barruel is obliged to deny facts which are admitted by every historian. But, lest his readers should not be so sceptical on this point as himself, he takes care to inform them, that the bishops declared, that all whole confessions were extorted by the rack, should be regarded as innocent, and that no templar should be subject to it; that Clement V. rather favoured the templars, and that he sent the most venerable persons to interrogate those whose age and infirmities prevented them from appearing before him. But who were those aged and infirm templars to whom Clement is so compassionate? Were they men smarting under diseases inflicted by the hand of heaven? Were they men whose aged limbs were unfit for the fatigues of a journey, or whose gray hairs had excited the pity of the Roman pontiff? No—they were a few undaunted knights whom the blood-extorting scrows of their tormentors had tortured and disabled; whose flesh had been lacerated on the rack, and whose bones had been disjointed or broken on the wheel. These are the men, who, in the language of the above writer, were prevented by their age and infirmities from travelling to Poitiers, or who, in the more simple style of the Pope himself, were unable to ride on horseback, or to bear any other method of conveyance whatsoever.

49. Having thus endeavoured to vindicate the character of the templars from the accusations of their enemies, it will be necessary to make a few remarks respecting the ceremonial observances which are attributed to them and their posterity, by the author of the memoirs of Jacobinism. But this, our enemies well know, is forbidden ground, on which free masons are prohibited to enter by the laws of their order. It is here, consequently, that the most numerous, and apparently the most successful attacks have been made, for we can be provided with no means of defence without laying open the mysteries of the fraternity. Conscious of the disadvantages under which free masons labour, their adversaries have fabricated the most frightful and foolish ceremonies, and imposed them upon the world as the ceremonies of masonry. Among this number, may be reckoned those rites and oaths which Barruel ascribes to the templars and their posterity, but which, we solemnly aver, have no connexion either with the one or the other; and, were we permitted to divulge to the world the whole of our ritual system, many who have duped the public by deceitful information, would stand abashed at their conduct; while others, who have confided in such information, would be astonished at the extent of their credulity. Then might free masons defy, as they have done in every other point, the fabrications of the malicious, and the conjectures of the ignorant: then, too, might they mock at the ingenuity of the wise. But, as they are bound to preserve from public view the rites of their order, it is highly disingenuous to assail them in a quarter where resistance is impossible, and where every unprincipled man may triumph with impunity. Is not this to assassinate an enemy with his hands tied behind his back? Is not this to reproach a foe who is deprived of the organs of utterance?

50. But there is another important consideration, which, while it points out in a more striking manner the disingenuity of such conduct, should, at the same

Masonry. time, incite the candid enquirer to reject every calumny against secret associations, arising from reports concerning their rites and ceremonies. If ever the secrets of free masonry were betrayed, they must have been betrayed by men who were completely destitute of religious principle; who paid no respect to those ties which unite the members of civil, as well as secret associations; who, in short, neither feared God, nor regarded man. Suppose, then, that a person, pretending to be a free mason, offered to communicate, either to an individual, or to the public, the rites and ceremonies of his order. What degree of credit should men of probity attach to the information thus received? A person addresses them under the character of a perjurer, offering to violate the most solemn engagements, and to divulge mysteries which have been concealed for ages. He may give them accurate information, or he may not. If the secrets which he offers to betray have been hitherto unknown, there is no possible way of ascertaining the truth of his deposition. And it is rather to be suspected, that he will dupe his auditors by false information, than trample upon an engagement, guarded by the most awful sanctions. He might, indeed, confirm by an oath, the truth of his assertion; but, as he must have violated an oath equally solemn, no man of sense will give him the smallest credit. But, supposing that he really divulges the secrets and ceremonies of free masonry, it is clear, that he has not understood their true import, or, at least, that they have made no impression upon his mind. It is almost certain, therefore, that, from ignorance, or misapprehension of their meaning, he will exhibit, under an aspect calculated to excite ridicule, those rites and ceremonies, which, if properly explained, would command admiration. If then it be so difficult for the uninitiated to discover the secrets of free masonry, and still more so to ascertain their signification, if they should discover them; what must we think of those men who open their ears to every slanderous tale against free masons, which unprincipled men may impose upon their credulity? What must we think of those who reproach and vilify the order, upon the uncertain reports of cunning and interested men? We appeal to the impartial reader, if they are not equally base with the informers themselves.

51. Such are the considerations by which we would attempt to repel those charges and distorted facts, with which Barruel has calumniated the character, and disfigured the history of the templars. They will be sufficient, we hope, to remove those erroneous impressions which the perusal of the Memoirs of Jacobinism may have left upon the reader's mind. Although we have adopted the opinion of those who maintain the innocence of that unfortunate order, we cannot coincide with them in believing, that, as individuals, they were free from blame. The templars were possessed of the same nature, and influenced by the same passions as their fellow men; and they were, unquestionably, exposed to more strong and numerous temptations. Some of the knights, therefore, may have been guilty of crimes, and these too of an aggravated kind, which, by a strange, though not uncommon mistake, might have been transferred to their order. But it was never proved that they were traitors, child-murderers, regicides, and infidels. A certain class of historians, indeed,

Masonry. deed, have imputed to them such iniquities; and, when unable to establish their assertions, have fixed upon their order the more probable crimes of drunkenness and debauchery. But amidst all these accusations, we hear nothing of that valour which first raised the templars to pre-eminence; nothing of that charity and beneficence which procured them the respect of contemporaries; nothing of that fortitude and patience which most of them exhibited on the rack, and in the flames. In their case it has been too true, that

The evil which men do lives after them:
The good is often interred with their bones.

52. But allowing the templars to be as guilty as their enemies have represented them; upon what principles of sound reasoning, or of common sense, does Barruel transfer their guilt to the fraternity of free masons? Is it absolutely necessary, that the son should inherit the bodily diseases, and the mental debility of his fore-fathers? or is it fair, that one order, proposing to itself the same object, and instituted upon the same principles as another, should be charged also with the same crimes? Certainly not. If virtue and vice were hereditary qualities, free masons might arrogate to themselves much honour from their connection with the templars; but, as we have not been applauded for a templar's virtues, we should not be reproached for a templar's crimes. But the reasoning of Barruel is as repugnant to the dictates of experience, as it is to those of common sense. Were not the inhabitants of England, at one period, fanatics, rebels, and regicides? But where now is the nation that is more liberal in its religion, and more steady in its loyalty? Did not the French, at one time, torture, burn, and massacre their fellow citizens, from the fury of their religious zeal, and the strength of their attachment to the Catholic communion? But what nation under heaven was a few years ago less influenced by religious principles, and less attached to the church of Rome? Did not the rulers of France, at one time, torment and assassinate hundreds of the templars, because they deemed them infidels, traitors, and regicides? And have we not seen, in these latter days, the very rulers of France themselves, infidels, traitors, and regicides! But if the impartial reader should, upon farther inquiry, give credit to the guilt of the templars; in order to remove the imputed stain which has been transferred to free masons, it may be sufficient to address him in the words of the poet,

Tempora mutantur, et nos mutamur in illis.

Origin and nature of chivalry. 53. About the time of the knights templars, chivalry had arrived at its highest perfection. It had its existence, indeed, prior to this period, but as it continued to influence the minds of men long after the destruction of that unhappy order, it was thought proper to defer its consideration till the present stage of our history. When chivalry made its first appearance, the moral and political condition of Europe was in every respect de-

plorable. The religion of Jesus existed only in name. Masonry. A degrading superstition had usurped its place, and threatened ruin to the reason and the dignity of man. The political rights of the lower orders were sacrificed to the interest of the great. War was carried on with a degree of savage cruelty, equalled only by the sanguinary contentions of the beasts of prey; no clemency was shown to the vanquished, and no humanity to the captive. The female sex, even, were sunk below their natural level: they were doomed to the most laborious occupations, and were deserted and despised by that very sex, on whose protection and sympathy they have so natural a claim. To remedy these disorders, a few intelligent and pious men formed an association, whose members swore to defend the Christian religion, to practise its morals, to protect widows, orphans, and the weaker sex; and to decide judicially, and not by arms, the disputes that might arise about their goods or effects. It was from this association, undoubtedly, that chivalry arose (N); and not, as some think, from the public investiture with arms which was customary among the ancient Germans. But, whatever was its origin, chivalry produced a considerable change in the manners and sentiments of the great. It could not, indeed, eradicate that ignorance and depravity which engendered those awful evils which we have already enumerated. It has softened, however, the ferocity of war. It has restored the fair sex to that honourable rank which they now possess, and which at all times they are entitled to hold. It has inspired those sentiments of generosity, sympathy, and friendship, which have contributed so much to the civilization of the world; and has introduced that principle of honour which, though far from being a laudable motive to action, often checks the licentious, when moral and religious considerations would make no impression upon their minds.

54. Such was the origin of chivalry and such the blessing which it imparted. That it was a branch of free masonry, may be inferred from a variety of considerations, from the consent of those who have made the deepest researches into one, and who were intimately acquainted with the spirit, rites, and ceremonies of the other. They were both ceremonial institutions. Important precepts were communicated to the members of each, for the regulation of their conduct as men, and as brethren of the order (O). The ceremonies of chivalry, like those of free masonry, though unintelligible to the vulgar, were always symbolical of some important truths (P). The object of both institutions was the same, and the members bound themselves, by an oath, to promote it with ardour and zeal (Q). In chivalry there were also different degrees of honour, through which the youths were obliged to pass before they were invested with the dignity of knighthood (R); and the knights, like free masons, were formed into fraternities or orders, distinguished by different appellations (S).

Masonry. 55. From these circumstances of resemblance, we do not mean to infer that chivalry was free masonry under another name; we mean only to show that the two institutions were intimately connected; that the former earned and took its origin from the latter, and borrowed from it, not only some of its ceremonial observances, but the leading features and the general outline of its constitution.

These points of similarity, indeed, are in some cases so striking, that several learned men have affirmed that free masonry was a secondary order of chivalry, and derived its origin from the usages of that institution (T). For what reasons these authors deduce the forms of free masonry from the ceremonies of chivalry, it is difficult to conjecture. The only argument which they adduce, is the similarity of the institutions; but they do not consider, that this proves, with equal force, that free masonry is the parent of chivalry. We have already shown, that there were many secret institutions among the ancients, but particularly the fraternity of Dionysian architects, which resembled free masonry in every thing but the name; and it requires no proof that these fraternities arose many hundred years before the existence of chivalry. If then there be any resemblance between the institutions which we have been comparing, we must consider free masonry as the fountain, and chivalry only as the stream. The one was adapted to the habits of intelligent artists, and could flourish only in times of civilization and peace; the other was accommodated to the dispositions of a martial age, and could exist only in seasons of ignorance and war. With these observations, indeed, the history of both fraternities entirely corresponds. In the enlightened ages of Greece and Rome, when chivalry was unknown, free masonry flourished under the sanction of government, and the patronage of intelligent men. But, during the reign of Gothic ignorance and barbarity, which followed the destruction of imperial Rome, free masonry languished in obscurity, while chivalry succeeded in its place, and proposed to accomplish the same object by different means, which, though more rough and violent, were better suited to the manners of the age. And when science and literature revived in Europe, and scattered those clouds of ignorance and barbarism with which she had been overshadowed, chivalry decayed along with the manners that gave it birth, while free masonry arose with increasing splendour, and advanced with the same pace as civilization and refinement.

56. The connection between chivalry and free masonry, is excellently exemplified in the fraternity of the knights templars. It is well known that this association was an order of chivalry, that the templars performed its ceremonies, and were influenced by its precepts; and we have already shown, that the same association was initiated into the mysteries, and practised

VOL. XII. Part II.

the rites of free masonry (Art. 39, 40.): But, though they then existed in a double capacity, it must be evident to all who study the history of the templars, that their masonic character chiefly predominated, and that they deduced the name of their institution, and their external observances, from the usages of chivalry, to conceal from the Roman pontiff the primary object of their order, and to hold their secret meetings free from suspicion or alarm. About this time, indeed, the church of Rome sanctioned the fraternity of operative masons, and allowed them to perform their ceremonies without molestation or fear. But this clemency, as we have already shown, was the offspring of necessity (Art. 37.); and the same interested motive which prompted his holiness to patronize that trading association, could never influence him to countenance the duplicity of the templars, or permit them to exist in their masonic capacity. It was the discovery, indeed, of their being free masons, of their assembling secretly, and performing ceremonies to which no stranger was admitted, that occasioned those awful calamities which befell their order. It will, no doubt, appear surprising to some readers, that such zealous defenders of the Catholic religion should practise the observances of an association, which the church of Rome has always persecuted with the bitterest hostility. But their surprise will cease, when it is recollected, that even about the middle of the 18th century, when free masonry was prohibited in the ecclesiastical states, by a papal bull, the members of the Romish church adopted the same plan. So much attached were they to the principles and practice of the fraternity, that they established a new secret association similar to that of free masonry, into which they professed to admit none but zealous abettors of the papal hierarchy. In this manner, by flattering the pride of the church, they eluded its vigilance, and preserved the spirit of free masonry, by merely changing its name, and professing to make it subservient to the interest of the pontificate.

57. Before leaving this subject, it may be interesting to some readers, and necessary for the satisfaction of others, to show in what manner the knights templars became depositaries of the masonic mysteries. We have already seen, that almost all the secret associations of the ancients either flourished or originated in Syria, and the adjacent countries. It was here that the Dionysian artists, the Essenes, and the Kasideans arose. From this country also came several members of that trading association of masons, which appeared in Europe during the dark ages (U); and we are assured, that, notwithstanding the unfavourable conditions of that province, there exists, at this day, on Mount Libanus, one of these Syriac fraternities (X). As the order of the templars, therefore, was originally formed in Syria, and existed there for a considerable time, it would be

4 O

no

Masonry. no improbable supposition that they received their masonic knowledge from the lodges in that quarter. But we are fortunately in this case not left to conjecture, for we are expressly informed by a foreign author (y), who was well acquainted with the history and customs of Syria, that the knights templars were actually members of the Syrian fraternities.

58. Having thus compared free masonry with those secret associations which arose during the dark ages; let us now direct our attention to its progress in Britain, after it was extinguished in the other kingdoms of Europe. We have already seen that a trading fraternity of free masons existed in Europe during the middle ages; that many special favours were conferred upon it by the Roman see; that they had the exclusive privilege of erecting those magnificent buildings, which the pride of the church of Rome, and the misguided zeal of its members, had prompted them to rear; and that several masons travelled into Scotland, about the beginning of the 12th century, and imported into that country the principles and ceremonies of their order. And we have illustrated several causes which preserved this association in Britain after its total dissolution on the continent.

59. That free masonry was introduced into Scotland by those architects who built the abbey of Kilwinning, is manifest, not only from those authentic documents, by which the existence of the Kilwinning lodge has been traced back as far as the end of the 15th century, but by other collateral arguments, which amount almost to a demonstration. In every country where the temporal and spiritual jurisdiction of the pope was acknowledged, there was a continual demand, particularly during the 12th century, for religious structures, and consequently for operative masons, proportional to the piety of the inhabitants, and the opulence of their ecclesiastical establishment; and there was no kingdom in Europe where the zeal of the inhabitants for popery was more ardent than in Scotland, where the kings and nobles were more liberal to the clergy, and where, of consequence, the church was more richly endowed (z). The demand, therefore, for elegant cathedrals and ingenious artists, must have been proportionably greater than in other countries, and that demand could be supplied only from the trading association on the continent. When we consider, in addition to these facts, that this association monopolized the building of religious structures in Christendom; we are authorized to conclude, that those numerous and elegant ruins, which still adorn the villages of Scotland, were erected by foreign masons, who introduced into this island the customs of their order.

60. It was probably about this time, also, that free masonry was introduced into England; but whether the English received it from the Scotch masons at Kilwinning, or from other brethren who had arrived

from the continent, there is no method of determining. Masonry. The fraternity in England, however, maintain, that St Alban, the proto-martyr, who flourished about the end of the third century, was the first who brought masonry to Britain; that the brethren received a charter from King Athelstane, and that his brother Edwin summoned all the lodges to meet at York, which formed the first grand lodge of England (a). But these are merely assertions, not only incapable of proof from authentic history, but inconsistent also, with several historical events which rest upon indubitable evidence (b). In support of these opinions, indeed, it is alleged, that no other lodge has laid claim to greater antiquity than that of York, and that its jurisdiction over the other lodges in England has been invariably acknowledged by the whole fraternity. But this argument only proves that York was the birthplace of free masonry in England. It brings no additional evidence in support of the improbable stories about St Alban, Athelstane, and Edwin. If the antiquity of free masonry in Britain can be defended only by the forgery of silly and uninteresting stories, it does not deserve to be defended at all. Those who invent and propagate such tales, do not, surely, consider that they bring discredit upon their order by the warmth of their zeal; and that, by supporting what is false, they prevent thinking men from believing what is true.

61. After the establishment of the Kilwinning and York lodges, the principles of free masonry were rapidly diffused throughout both kingdoms, and several lodges were erected in different parts of the island. As all these derived their existence and authority from the two mother lodges, they were likewise under their jurisdiction and controul; and when any differences arose, that were connected with the art of building, they were referred to the general meetings of the fraternity, which were always held at Kilwinning and York. In this manner did free masonry flourish for a while in Britain, after it was completely abolished in every part of the world. But even here it was doomed to suffer a long and serious decline, and to experience those alternate successions of advancement and decay, which mark the history of every human institution. And though during several centuries after the importation of free masonry into Britain, the brethren of the order held their public assemblies, and were sometimes prohibited from meeting by the interference of the legislature, it can scarcely be said to have attracted general attention till the beginning of the 17th century. The causes of this remarkable retardation which the progress of masonry experienced, it is by no means difficult to discover. In consequence of the important privileges which the order received from the church of Rome, many chose the profession of an architect, which, though at all times an honourable employment, was particularly in high request during the middle ages. On this account, the

Masonry. the body of operative masons increased to such a degree, and the rage, as well as the necessity for religious edifices, was so much diminished, that a more than sufficient number of hands could, at any time, be procured for supplying the demands of the church, and of causes of suspicious individuals. There being now no scarcity of architects, the very reason which prompted the church to protect the fraternity, ceased to exist; they, therefore, withdrew from them that patronage, which they had spontaneously proffered, and denied them even the liberty of holding their secret assemblies. But these were not the only causes which produced such a striking change in the conduct of the church, to the masonic order. The spirit of free masonry, as we have already said, was hostile to the principles of the church of Rome. The intention of the one was to enlighten the mind; the object and policy of the other to retain it in ignorance. When free masonry flourished, the power of the church must have decayed. The jealousy of the latter, therefore, was aroused; and, as the civil power in England and Scotland was almost always in the hands of ecclesiastics, the church and the state were combined against the principles and practice of free masonry (c). Along with these causes, the domestic and bloody wars, which convulsed the two kingdoms from the 13th to the 17th century, conspired, in a great degree, to produce that decline of the fraternity for which we have been attempting to account.