RUSSIA

R U S S I A.

RUSSIA, the largest empire, and one of the most powerful states in the known world, is situated partly in Europe, partly in North America, but chiefly in Asia; where it occupies that immense tract of country which extends from the Uralian mountains and the Caspian on the west, to Bering's straits and the sea of Kamtschatka on the east, comprehending a great variety of tribes and nations, whose very names were, half a century ago, scarcely known to the west of Europe. This vast empire is bounded on the north by the Arctic Ocean; on the east by the Northern Pacific or Eastern Ocean; on the south by the extensive Chinese territories, the Mogul empire, the Caspian sea, and part of Turkey; and on the west by the Austrian dominions, the kingdoms of Prussia and Sweden, and the Baltic.

If we examine the extent of the Russian empire, we shall find it stretching from the western part of the island of Ozel in the Baltic in 22° E. Long. from Greenwich, to the eastern promontory of the Tschutehki territory in 172° E. from the same meridian; thus including 150° of longitude; while, from its most northern promontory in N. Lat. 78°, to the most southern point of 39° N. it comprehends 39° of latitude. Mr Tooke, computing its extent in British miles, estimates it at 9200 in length, and 2400 in breadth. Its absolute superficial measure in square miles can scarcely be ascertained. That of the European part with the late addition of Finland is estimated at 1,640,000 square English miles, exclusive of the new kingdom of Poland; and the Asiatic part alone is so extensive as to exceed the whole of Europe.

The whole Russian empire is, by the natural boundary of the Uralian mountains, divided into European and Asiatic Russia; the former comprehending Russia Proper, Russian Lapland, Finland, Courland, Livonia, Russian Poland, the Taurican Chersonesus or Crim Tartary, and the country of the Kozaks, bordering on the sea of Azof; the latter including the country of the Samoeids, the vast district of Siberia, the country of the Tschutehki, the country of the Mongol Tartars, and some other districts that will be noticed hereafter. The whole empire was, by Catharine II. divided into governments, denominated in general from the names of their capital cities. Of these governments, by far the greater number belong to European Russia, the vast tract of the Asiatic part having been divided into only two governments, viz. that of Tobolsk to the west, and Irkutsk to the east.

In enumerating the governments of European Russia, we shall begin with the north, where lies the extensive government of Archangel, stretching from the confines

of Sweden along the shores of the White sea and the Arctic ocean, to the Uralian chain. To the south of this, along the Asiatic frontier, as far as the sea of Azof, are situated the governments of Vologda, Perm, Vyatka, Kazan, Simbirsk, Saratof, and the territory of the Don Kozaks. To the west of these last, along the sea of Azof and the Black sea, lies the government of Catharineslaf, including Taurida and the Crimea. On the western side of the empire extend the acquisitions derived from the partition of Poland; and along the eastern shores of the Baltic lie the governments of Riga, Revel, St Petersburg, Viborg, Kymenegard, Tavasthus, Abo, Kuopia Wassa, Uleabourg and Olonetz. The remaining governments which occupy the centre, are those of Novgorod, Tver, Kostroma and Yaroslavl, that lie chiefly to the north and east of the Volga; and those of Polotsk, Pskov, Smolensk, Moskva, Vladimir, Nizney-Novgorod, Moghilef, Kaluga, Toula, Reazan, Tambof, Penza, Orel, Sieverskot, Tchernigof, Koursk, Kief, Kharkof, and Voronetz, lying principally to the west of the Volga (A).

In the account which we are here to give of this extensive empire, which has of late made so conspicuous a figure among the states of Europe, we shall first consider what may be called the permanent features of the empire, as the face of the country, the soil, the mountains, rivers, lakes, and forests, the climate and seasons, and the most important natural productions; we shall then trace its origin and progress in the history of its transactions, from which we shall deduce its progressive geography; and we shall conclude with describing the more fluctuating circumstances, which constitute its political and civil geography.

In a tract of country so immense, which is calculated to include a seventh part of the known continent, and nearly a twenty-sixth part of the whole globe, its surface must present a great variety of appearances; but these are much more remarkable in Asiatic than in European Russia. The latter is distinguished chiefly by extensive plains, called steppes, that rival the deserts of Asia and Africa, presenting to the eye little more than a vast expanse of level sand, with very little appearance of vegetation. The chief situation of these steppes is towards the south, especially in the neighbourhood of the sea of Azof, where they extend in length above 400 British miles. In this part of the empire there are but few considerable elevations, and no mountains of importance, except on the eastern frontier, and towards the south, between the Don and the Volga. The whole country is well watered with rivers, and contains numer-

(A) In our orthography of the names of persons and places we have followed Mr Tooke, who has explained the principles of Russian orthography, in his History of Russia, vol. i. p. 130.

This is a detailed historical map of Russia in Europe, showing the extensive network of rivers, cities, and administrative boundaries. The map includes the Black Sea, the Sea of Azov, and the Caspian Sea. Major cities like St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Kiev are labeled, along with numerous smaller towns and villages. The map is framed by a coordinate grid with longitude and latitude lines. A scale bar in English miles is located at the bottom center, and the title 'RUSSIA IN EUROPE' is prominently displayed in a central box.

ous large and populous towns. In the north and east of Asiatic Russia, we see little more than extensive marshy plains, covered with almost perpetual snow, and crossed by broad rivers, which take their course to the Arctic ocean. In this part, and even towards the centre of Siberia, vegetation is so much checked by the severe cold, that few trees are to be seen; but towards the south there are vast forests of pine, fir, larch, and trees of a similar nature. In some parts of this division of the empire, especially about lake Baikal, the scenery is beautiful and picturesque. Here, too, the country abounds in steppes, which are still more extensive than those of the European part.

As these steppes are among the most striking peculiarities of the Russian empire, it may be proper to consider them rather minutely. These steppes resemble, in many respects, the sandy deserts of Africa; but though their soil is composed of the same materials, they are not so barren of vegetation, exhibiting here and there scattered patches of thin grass, and at distant intervals, small stunted thickets. In general they are destitute of wood, though in a few places we find small forests of birch trees. They abound with salt lakes, but streams of fresh water are uncommon. The most remarkable steppes are, as we have said, those of Asiatic Russia, and of these there are four that merit particular notice. One of these extends between the rivers Volga and Ural, and was formerly called the KALMUK steppe. On the north it skirts the flocks mountains that proceed from the Uralian chain, while to the south it borders on the Caspian. This sandy plain contains a few districts that are well adapted to the purposes of agriculture, but in general it is destitute of wood and fresh water. It abounds in salt lakes, and is very thinly inhabited. The second great steppe is that which extends between the Tobol and the Irtysh, and between this latter river and the Alay and the Oby, as far as the influx of the Irtysh into the Oby. This comprehends a most extensive territory, containing numerous forests of birch, pines, and firs, interspersed with salt lakes, and in most places well calculated for pasturage and agriculture. The greater part of this steppe lies in the government of Tobolsk. A third comprehends that large tract that lies beyond the river Tshulim, between the Oby and the Yenissy, as far as the shores of the Arctic ocean. In this steppe there is much wood, especially towards the south, where there are considerable forests. Eastward from this, between the Yenissy, the Tunguska, and the Lena, lies a fourth desert, resembling the last in its appearance, and the nature of its soil, but containing less wood. A great part of this steppe lies in the government of Irkutsk.

The mountains in Asiatic Russia are indeed more numerous, but are not remarkable for their height. The rivers are large and majestic, and are navigable for a considerable extent.

The soil is of course extremely various. That of the northern parts is marshy, and little susceptible of cultivation, but the south abounds in rich and fertile plains. The most fertile part of European Russia is that between the Don and the Volga, from the government of Voronezh to that of Simbirsk. Here the soil consists of a black mould, strongly impregnated with nitre, and is so rich, that the fields are never manured. The harvests are abundant, and the natural pastures render the sowing

of artificial grasses unnecessary. Most parts of Siberia are totally incapable of agriculture and improvement.

We have already remarked that Russia is rather a flat than a mountainous country, and this character is particularly applicable to the European part. The most elevated region of this division lies in the road between St Petersburg and Mosco, and is commonly called the mountain of Volday, though denominated by the natives Vhisokaya Plotchade, or the elevated ground. This mountain is flat at the top, is surrounded with large sand hills, interspersed with granite rocks, and has in its vicinity several lakes and groves. In this mountain are the sources of the rivers Duna, Volga, and Dniepr.

To the south-west, bounding the steppe of the Dniepr, lie the mountains of Taurida, which are rather romantic from their adjacent scenery, than remarkable for their height. Between them and the shores of the Black sea lie beautiful valleys, abounding with olives, figs, and pomegranates, while the steepest cliffs of the mountain are adorned with the red bark and evergreen foliage of the arbutus. These valleys are very productive in vineyards, and feed numerous flocks of sheep and goats.

The largest mountainous tract of European Russia is that of Olonetz, that lies between the Swedish frontiers and the White sea. This chain occupies a space of nearly 15°, or above 1000 British miles, running almost due north. This chain is of no great height, but its northern part is covered with perpetual snow. These mountains are very rich in mineral products, which will be noticed hereafter.

The Uralian mountains, that separate Europe from Asiatic Russia, have been sufficiently described in the article GEOLOGY, N° 131, 135.

The mountains of Asiatic Russia are more numerous and more important. They include the Altaic chain, the mountains of Savansk, of Yablonnoy, and Stanovoy, forming the southern boundary between the Russian and Chinese empires, and the classical range of Caucasus, extending between the Caspian and the Black sea. Of these, the Altaic chain has also been sufficiently described under GEOLOGY, N° 132; and as the other mountains to the south and east may be considered as a continuation of the same chain, they need not occupy our attention in the present article.

The ridge of Mount Caucasus divides Russia from Turkey to the west, and from Persia to the east, and extends between the Euxine and the Caspian for about 400 British miles. It is not of any considerable breadth, being in no part more than 20 or 30 miles across, and in some places not more than five or six. Its height is considerable, and its summits are covered with eternal ice and snow. The valleys at its foot abound in forest trees; and the bowels of the mountain contain veins of silver, lead and copper.

Among the mountains of the Russian empire we must not omit the volcanoes of Kamtschatka. The whole of this peninsula is divided lengthwise by a chain of lofty, rocky mountains, commonly covered with snow, and shooting into conical summits that very frequently emit smoke, and sometimes burst out into flame. We do not find, however, that they pour out lava, or water, like the European volcanoes. Many of them appear to be extinct,

extinct, but their former volcanic state is evinced by the appearance of craters at their summits. In the neighbourhood of these volcanoes there are hot springs, not inferior in temperature to those of Iceland, and like them throwing up jets of water with a great noise, but to an inconsiderable height.

The seas that are connected with Russia are the Arctic ocean, and that part of the Pacific which has been called the eastern Archipelago, forming its northern and eastern boundaries; the inland seas of the Baltic, the Black sea, the sea of Azof, the Caspian, the sea of Aral, and the sea of Okhotsk. Some account of these, except the sea of Okhotsk, will be found under their respective articles in this work.

The sea of Okhotsk may be considered as a large gullying between the peninsula of Kamtschatka to the east, and the country of the Tungousi to the west. Its entrance from the Pacific ocean is closed by a chain of small islands, called the Kourilskie islands, and within these are the two large islands of Ezzo and Sackhalin. Its principal port is Okhotsk, at the mouth of the small river Okhota, and to the north-east it has a considerable branch called the sea of Pengina.

The shores of Russia are hollowed out into numerous indentations, forming several important bays and gulfs. The most remarkable of these are, the gulf of Finland in the Baltic, that of Archangel in the White sea, the bays of Oby and of Enissy in the Arctic ocean; the bay of Anadhir in the eastern Archipelago; the large gulf of the sea of Okhotsk, called the sea of Pengina, and the harbour of St Peter and St Paul in the southern extremity of Kamtschatka.

This extensive empire is watered by numerous and important rivers, which traverse it in every direction. These we shall class, not according to the divisions of the empire through which they pass, but according to the seas or oceans into which they flow.

The rivers which flow into the Baltic are, the Duna and the Neva. Those which fall into the White sea are the Onega and the Dvina to the west, and the Keiloi and the Mesan to the east. Into the Arctic ocean flow the Cara, the Petshora or Bolshaia Petshora, the Oby, which receives the Irtysh; the Tobol, the Yenissy, the Khatanga, the Lena, the Yana, the Indighirka, and the Kolyma. Those which flow into the eastern Pacific are, the Anadhir and the Kamtschatka. Into the Caspian sea fall the Yemba or Emba, the Ural or Yaik, the Volga, receiving the Kamma, and the Okha and the Terek. Lastly, there flow into the Black sea, the Khuban, the Don, the Dniepr or Niiper, the Bog or Bogue, and the Dniestr or Niester. Of these rivers we have already given an account of the Don, the Dvina, the Irtysh, the Lena, the Niester, the Niester, the Oby, and the Onega, under their respective titles, and an account of the Volga will be found under that head. We shall here add a brief view of the remaining rivers.

The Duna, sometimes called the western Dvina, rises between the provinces of Pskov and Smolensk, and takes a north-westerly course for about 500 miles, till it falls into the Baltic at Riga. This river has some con-

siderable and dangerous falls; and when the ice breaks up on the approach of warm weather, vast quantities of it are hurried down the stream, so as frequently to do much injury to the port of Riga.

Of those rivers which flow into the Arctic ocean, the Cara is one of the most inconsiderable, were it not that it completes the boundary between Europe and Asia to the north. It runs from the Uralian mountains to the sea of Karskoye, a distance of about 140 miles.

The Petshora rises in the Uralian mountains, in the government of Vologda, runs across the government of Archangel, and falls into the Arctic ocean at Poostozersk, after a course of about 450 miles.

The Tobol rises in the chain of mountains, that separate the government of Ufa from the country of the Kirghistzi, and empties itself into the Irtysh at Tobolsk, after receiving numerous tributary streams.

The Yenissy or Enissy, is formed by the junction of two rivers, viz. the Kanisara and the Veikem or Baykema, which belong to China. It first enters the Russian dominions, where alone it has the name of Yenissy, at the mouth of the Bon-Kemtshyng, and after running northward, and forming a bay containing several islands, it falls into the Arctic ocean about 200 eastward of the mouth of the Oby.

The Khatanga rises from a lake in the government of Tobolsk, and falls into a large bay of the Frozen ocean, called Khatanskaja Guba. Its course is through a low and very marshy country.

The Yana rises from a little lake in about 64° N. Lat. and after making some small turns, runs northward to the Arctic ocean, forming five considerable arms that empty themselves into a capacious bay.

The Indighirka rises near the source of the Yana, but on the other side of the mountains. At its efflux into the Arctic ocean after a course of 1200 verst (a), it forms four great arms.

The Anadhir rises in the country of the Tschutchki. Its bed is sandy, its channel very broad, and its current slow. It is so shallow that it can scarcely be crossed by the common ferry boats of the country, though these draw no more than two feet of water. It takes its course through a flat country, which on the north side of the river is destitute of wood, but overgrown with moss, affording pasture to innumerable herds of reindeer; but on the south well wooded and abounding with verdure. It falls into a considerable bay a little south of the tropic of Cancer, called the bay of Anadhir.

The Kamtschatka takes a short course from south to north, along the peninsula of that name, till, not far from its mouth, it turns to the south-east, and falls into a bay nearly opposite to Bering's island.

The Amoor was formerly reckoned among the rivers of Russia, but was lately ceded entirely to China.

Of the rivers that fall into the Caspian sea we have to notice the Yemba, the Ural, and the Terek. The first of these rises in the most southern part of the Uralian chain, and is the most eastern of all the rivers that fall into the Caspian. It forms part of the boundary between the country of the Kirghishes and the Usinskoy government. The Ural or Yaik is a river of considerable

(a) A Russian verst is about two thirds of an English mile, or about 1174 yards.

able importance. It rises in the Uralian mountains, in the government of Ufa, and after passing by Orenburg, and receiving several streams, it flows into the Caspian at Gouriel. Its name is said to have been changed from Yaik to Ural, on account of a dangerous insurrection of the tribes that inhabited its banks. The Terek originates in Mount Caucasus, on the highest ridges that form the frontiers of Georgia. Its course is rapid, and in the autumn the melted snows rush down from the mountains in such torrents into the plain beneath, as to swell this river eight or ten feet above its usual level, so that it overflows the adjacent country, and not unfrequently shifts its bed. It falls into the Caspian at Kizliar, after forming two branches, with a considerable island between them.

The Kuban and the Bogue are the only important rivers of those which flow into the Black sea, that have not been noticed in their places in the general alphabet of this work. Of these the Kuban, anciently denominated Hypanis, rises at the foot of Mount Caucasus, and is formed chiefly by the confluence of several tributary streams. It takes a direction nearly westward, running along the parallel of 45° N. Lat. and falls into the Black sea, opposite the isle of Taman, in the straits of Kafa. Its stream is smooth and gentle, not obstructed by waterfalls, and, though not deep, is well adapted to purposes of inland navigation. Its banks are fertile, and near its source are considerable forests.

The Bogue rises in Poland, and formerly constituted part of the boundary between that kingdom and the Russian empire, as at present towards its mouth it forms part of the frontier between Russia and Turkey. It falls into the Black sea at Otchakof.

The Russian empire, considering its size, does not abound in lakes. These are proportionally most numerous in European Russia, where we find the lake of Imandra in Russian Lapland; those of Ladoga, Onega, and Peipus, in the neighbourhood of St Petersburg; Bielo-Ozero, or the White lake, in the government of Novgorod; and those which give rise to the river Volga, the principal of which is Seliger, in the government of Tver.

The Asiatic lakes are not numerous; but one of them, the lake or sea of Baikal, is highly important from its magnitude, and from the commercial intercourse which it promotes between the adjacent provinces. The other lakes of this part of Russia are these of Altyn-Noor, or the Golden lake, and of Altyn or Teitzko.

Most of these lakes have been already noticed under their proper heads in the general alphabet; but as the account there given, excepting that of Baikal, differs in some respects from the description of them by the latest geographers, we shall here add the account of the Russian lakes given by Mr Tooke.

The lake of Ladoga is situated in the government of Vyborg, between the gulf of Finland and the lake of Onega, which in ancient times is said to have been denominated Nebo. It is reckoned one of the largest lakes in Europe, the length of it being about 175, and its breadth 105 verst. It produces a vast number of seals. On account of the perilous storms to which it is liable, and the several sand banks that are ever shifting their position, Peter the Great caused the famous Ladoga canal to be dug along its shore, from the Volkhof

into the Neva, which canal is 104 verst long, 10 sa-jenes* broad, 1½ sa-jene deep, and has 25 sluices. By the Neva the Ladoga is connected with the Baltic; by the Svir with the Onega; and by the Volkhof with the Ilmen. Into the canal flow the rivers Lipke, Nasin, Sheldika, Lava, and Kabona; into the lake, the rivers Pasha, Sies, Olet, &c. whereas the Neva alone runs out of it. Both shores of the lake belong to Russia, and these have everywhere a flat coast and a sandy beach. On this shore it has also a few low fishery islands, and a sandy bottom. That part of the northern side which lies in the government of Olonetz has marble on its coast, whence some of those beautiful and durable kinds of Finnish marble are brought to St Petersburg. As the bed of this lake, for a great extent, is in the lowest part of the country, it receives, besides the above-mentioned rivers, the waters that come from the alpine hills; all of which have no other outlet than the Neva.

The lake Onega is situated in the government of Olonetz, between the Ladoga and the White sea. Its length is between 180 and 200 verst, and its breadth from 60 to 80. Like the Ladoga, it contains a few islands consisting of marble, and in all other properties is much the same. With other rivers, the Vitegra falls into it on the south-east side, which river takes its rise not far from the Kofsha, and this river falls into the Bielo-ozero. On the Kofsha is the old Ladoga, and on the Vitegra, the old Vitegorskaia, which are only about 10 verst asunder. Now, as from the Onega the navigable river Svir runs into the Ladoga, and from the Bielo-ozero the Sheksna flows into the Volga, there needs only a canal to be cut the said distance of 40 verst, for connecting the Neva with the Volga, which would be much more convenient for the navigation here than the passage by Vishnoi-Volotshok, because there are no waterfalls, and therefore all the danger and trouble attending them in the present passage would be obviated.

The lake Peipus, called by the Russians Tshudskoe-ozero, lies between the governments of Pscove, Reval, Riga, and St Petersburg; is in length about 80 and in breadth about 60 verst. It is connected with the Pscove lake by a very broad channel, about 50 verst in length. From this lake proceeds the river Narova, communicating through the Embach with the Vertzerb, and from this latter runs the Fellin to the gulf of Riga, so that an inland navigation might easily be formed between lake Peipus and the Baltic, though at present the commodities conveyed along the Narova to Narva, must be carried a considerable way by land, owing to the numerous falls in that river. In this lake there are a few small islands, one of which has three villages upon it, and is well furnished with wood.

The Bielo-ozero, or White lake, is in the same government with the foregoing; is about 50 verst long and 30 broad, and receives into it several smaller streams. The only one that flows out of it is the Sheksna, which falls into the Volga. The water of this lake is clear, having a bottom partly clay and partly stony. The clay is generally of a white colour, and in stormy weather causes a strong white foam upon the surface of the water. It is doubtless from this circumstance that the lake first obtained the name Bielo, or white. It abounds with fish and crabs.

The lake Tshany is situated partly in the government of

17
Ilmen. of Tobolsk, and partly in that of Kolhyvan. It communicates with the lakes Molski and Abishkan, is of very considerable circuit, and abounds in fish.

18
Altn-Noor. The lake Ilmen, formerly Moisk, lies in the government of Novgorod, being about 40 versts long and 30 broad. It receives the rivers Mista, Lovat, Skelton, &c. and gives birth to the Volkhof alone.

19
Forests. The Altn-Noor, or Teletzkoo-ozero, lies in the government of Kolhyvan, on a very considerable elevation of the Altai mountains, by which it is also entirely surrounded. Its length is computed at 126, and its greatest breadth at 84 versts. From this lake arises the famous river By, which, at its junction with the Katunia, takes the name of Oby.

20
Climate and seasons. European Russia abounds in wood; and numerous extensive forests are seen in various districts, especially between St Petersburg and Mosco, and between Vladimir and Arzons. It is supposed that the Riphæan forest, so celebrated in antiquity, occupied the southern part of European Russia, where now extends a plain covered with a thick and fertile coat of black mould. The forests in some part of Asiatic Russia are also immensely large, especially towards the south. On the west of the government of Irkutsk, an enormous, dark, and marshy forest of resinous trees, extends to the river Kan; but the northern and eastern parts of Siberia are bare of wood.

When we consider that the Russian empire occupies an extent from north to south of nearly 40°, we may rationally conclude that the climate and seasons of so vast a tract must be extremely diversified. Accordingly we find that while the northern regions are exposed to almost perpetual frosts, some of the southern districts enjoy the purest atmosphere and the mildest sky. While the former is doomed to the utmost sterility, the latter is so fertile as to produce in the most lavish abundance all the vegetable riches of the most favoured climates.

One of the latest writers on the climate of Russia, M. Hermann, has divided the empire into four regions, which are thus distinguished.

1. The very cold region, extending from 78° to 60° of north latitude. This region comprehends the governments of Vyborg, Oionetz, Archangel, Tobolsk, the greater part of Irkutsk, Vologda, a part of Perme, Novgorod and St Petersburg.

2. The cold region, extending from 60° to 55°, and including the governments of Reval, Riga, Polotsk, Pscov, Tver, Mosco, Yaroslavl, Vladimir, Kostroma, Vieta, the greater part of Perme and Kazan, a part of Irkutsk, Kolhyvan, Ufa, Simbirsk, Nishney-Novgorod, Kaluga, and Smolensk.

3. The moderate region, extending from 55° to 50°, including the governments of Moghilev, Tchernigof, Orel, Kursk, Tula, Tambof, Penza, the greater part of Kief, Kharkof, Voronezh, Riazan, Saratof, Kaluga, Simbirsk, Ufa, Kolhyvan, and a part of Irkutsk, Kazan, Nishney-Novgorod and Smolensk.

4. The hot region, extending from 50° to the most southern part of Russia, including Taurida, Ekaterinoslaf, the greater part of Caucasus, and a part of Kief, Kharkof, Voronezh, Saratof, Ufa, Kolhyvan, and Irkutsk.

From the above enumeration we find that one of the Russian governments possesses all the varieties of climate and season, and that many of them are so divided as to

enjoy the advantages of two climates. We shall describe the nature of the climate and changes of the season, as they occur in each of these divisions, confining ourselves chiefly to the extremes of St Petersburg and Taurida, as being most interesting.

In many districts of the first region there is scarcely any summer; for the three or four months in which it does not snow, scarcely deserve that name. As in most parts of the globe, however, the eastern districts of this region are much colder and more barren than those on the western side; the fruits that come to maturity round St Petersburg, and in the government of Vyborg, are not found under the same latitude in Siberia. Even the weather of St Petersburg, however, is sufficiently rude, and the climate here is unsettled and unfriendly. In the winter of 1798 and 1799, the coldest ever known in that country, the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer stood at St Petersburg at 39° below 0, and even at Mosco, the same thermometer fluctuated during 35 successive days between -30° and -40°. The spring in this region (i. e. about St Petersburg), has in general much frost, snow, and rain; but the short summer is for the most part fair and fine. The longest day is here about 18½ hours, and the evening twilights are so uncommonly luminous, as readily to enable persons to read and write. The very sultry days are in general but few, and these are amply compensated by the cool evenings, nights and mornings. The autumn has seldom many bright days, but is for the most part cloudy, wet, and boisterous. The winter is always severe; and as the atmosphere is generally dry, even in snowy weather, this season is so healthy, that the smallest number of deaths is found to happen during winter. The shortest day is only five hours and a half, and though considerable light is reflected from the snow, yet when the atmosphere is cloudy, candles can be dispensed with but for a very short time. During this season the river Neva, the lakes in the vicinity of St Petersburg, and even the gulf of Finland, as far as the islands of the Baltic, are covered with ice nearly a yard in thickness. On an average, there are annually from 150 to 190 days of frost, during which the ground is frozen to the depth of nearly three feet.

This severity of climate, apparently so inimical to health and comfort, is considered by the inhabitants as one of their greatest blessings. By the extent of ice and snow, distances are shortened, or at least travelling is facilitated, so that people, horses, and carriages with the heaviest burdens, cross the Neva, and the other rivers, lakes, and canals, in all directions. Ice cellars here form a necessary of life, for by their means provisions of all kinds are preserved during summer. Hence every house is provided with one of them; and in the beginning of February they are filled with large blocks cut from the river. The ice also promotes the amusements of the inhabitants, as we shall shew in the sequel of this article. Indeed, so essential is this severity of season to the comfort of the inhabitants, that when the winter is unusually mild, the roads are nearly impassable, and the provisions, which are always preserved in a frozen state, can scarcely be kept from putrefaction.

In this region the aurora borealis is very frequent, and its coruscations peculiarly vivid; storms of thunder and

and lightning are neither numerous, violent, nor lasting; high winds are not predominant, and it seldom hails, though hoar-frosts are very common.

In the second region the summer is indeed short in many parts; but in most of them it is so warm, and the days are so long, that the fruits of the earth usually come to maturity in a shorter time than in other places. The winter in this region, especially in the governments of Irkutsk, Perme, Viatka, &c. is in general very severe.

In the third region the winter is also long and cold, especially in the governments of Irkutsk, Kolhyvan, and Ufa. This, however, is owing rather to the lofty mountains with which these districts abound, than from their high degree of latitude. The governments belonging to this region in European Russia, however, usually enjoy a short and mild winter, and a fine warm summer.

In the fourth region the winters are short, and, except in some parts of Irkutsk and Kolhyvan, not very cold; and the summer is warm, and in many parts very dry. One of the most delightful districts in this region is that of Taurida, of which M. Pallas has given the following animated description.

"One of the mildest and most fertile regions of the empire is the beautiful semi-circular and amphitheatrical vale formed by the Tauridan mountains along the shores of the Euxine. These valleys, which are blessed with the climate of Anatolia and the lesser Asia, where the winter is scarcely sensible, where the primroses and spring-saffron bloom in February and often in January, and where the oak frequently retains its foliage through the whole winter, are, in regard to botany and rural economy, the noblest tract in Taurida, and perhaps in the whole extent of the empire. Here, on all sides, thrive and flourish in open air the ever-verdant laurel, the olive tree, the fig, the lotus, the pomegranate, and the celtis, which perhaps are the remains of Grecian cultivation; with the manna-bearing ash, the turpentine tree, the tan-bark tree, the strawberry tree from Asia Minor, and many others. This last particularly covers the steepest cliffs of the shore, and beautifies them in winter by its perpetual foliage, and the red rind of its thick stem. In these happy vales the forests consist of fruit trees of every kind, or rather they form only a large orchard left entirely to itself. On the shores of the sea the caper-bushes propagate themselves spontaneously; without the assistance of art the wild or planted vine stems climb the loftiest trees, and, twining with the flowery five-leaved ivy, form festoons and hedges. The contrast of the orchards, and the rich verdure, with the beautiful wilderness presented by the adjacent mountains and rocks, which in some places rise among the clouds, and in others are fallen in ruins; the natural fountains and cascades that agreeably present their rushing waters; lastly, the near view of the sea, where the sight is lost in the unbounded prospect; all these beauties together form so picturesque and delightful a whole, that even the enraptured muse of the poet or the painter would be unable to conceive a more captivating scene.

"In these enchanting valleys, to the benefit of the empire, which nowhere possesses so fine a climate, might the useful products of Asia Minor, and of the southern parts of Europe, be made indigenous. The superior

VOL. XVIII. Part I.

kinds of fruits may be produced here without trouble, and are for the most part so already. The best kinds of olive and fig trees may be cultivated here; and even the sesamum plant never decays. Orange, lemon, and citron trees, and particularly the cedrat, the most excellent species of them, would bear the winter extremely well with a little care. The vine would be constantly improving, if a judicious selection were but made of the stocks for planting, if greater attention were paid to the various effects of the soil and situation of the vineyards, and if more care were taken in working the must and keeping the wine. For the use of the apothecaries and manufacturers a number of excellent drugs and dyes might be produced, which are at present brought from the isles of the Archipelago, from Greece, from Asia Minor, and Persia; several of them are now seen here growing wild. Likewise many hard and useful kinds of wood especially coloured, fit for inlaid work, might here be propagated; perhaps in some tracts even the sugar cane would thrive."

The productions of Russia would afford an ample field for the investigation of the naturalist; and this part of its natural history has been fully illustrated by the enlightened travellers who were lately employed in the examination of the empire. We can here give only a brief sketch of the result of their inquiries.

In the central parts of European Russia are found most of the animals which are common to it with the rest of Europe. The finest horses here are those of Lithuania and Livonia, the former possessing great strength, the latter excelling in speed. The spirit and beauty of the Tartarian horses have been long celebrated; and in the Taurida, where this breed is much cultivated, these qualities have been improved by the introduction of Turkish and Arabian stallions. Near Archangel, the horses are small, and resemble those in the north of Britain. The country near Archangel is remarkable for fine pasturage, and an excellent breed of cattle; but indeed cattle abound in most parts of the empire. The sheep in the northern provinces are of a middle size, with short tails and coarse wool; but those in the south are long-tailed, and their wool is of a superior texture; but the beet wool is procured from the district of Kazan. We have seen that the province of Taurida abounds in sheep, which constitute the chief riches of the inhabitants. Some opulent farmers in this district possess 50,000 sheep; and 1000 is by no means an uncommon flock. Goats and swine also abound throughout European Russia; and the rein-deer is not unknown in the most northern governments. In the north, too, are found the elk, the wolf, the lynx, and the sea bear; and in the most southern districts the camel is sometimes met with.

Asiatic Russia is remarkable for the rein-deer, which there performs the office of the horse, the cow, and the sheep. In the south are found the wild horse, and the wild ass; while the argali, or wild sheep, is often hunted in Siberia, and the regions of Mount Caucasus present the furious bison. Here, too, are seen the ibex, and the chamois. Near Lake Baikal are found the stag, the musk animal, and the wild boar; and on the banks of the Yenissy is seen the beaver. Walruses haunt the shores of the Arctic ocean, and seals are found in most of its bays and in its coves. In Siberia, in the provinces of Yakutsk and Nerschinsk, and in Kamt-

schatka, the hunting of sables forms, during part of the year, the chief occupation of the inhabitants; and their skins, when procured perfectly entire, are said to be worth L.10 each. The skins of the black fox are also highly esteemed, as, according to Mr Tooke, one of them is sometimes sufficient to pay the tribute of a village. The bear is found in the neighbourhood of the Uralian mountains, and the civet cat in the Altai chain. The wild boar grows here to such a size, that its tusks are said sometimes to weigh 600 pounds*. The horses of the Mongol Tartars are of singular beauty, some of them being striped like the tiger, others spotted like the leopard. The stud of a noble Mongol sometimes contains 3000 or 4000 of these animals. The principal Nomadic hordes of Asiatic Russia, viz. the Tartars, Mongols, and Mandshurs, not unfrequently regale on horse-flesh; but they do not, as is commonly reported, eat it raw. The cattle of this division of Russia are of a middling size, and are commonly employed for draught, and even sometimes for carriage.

The whole empire abounds with wild fowl and game of all sorts; and in the more solitary regions of Mount Caucasus, and on the Uralian and Altai chains, there are numerous birds of prey. The external parts and provinces of the empire are well supplied with sea fish from the northern ocean, the Baltic, the White sea, the Black sea and the Caspian; and the numerous lakes and rivers yield immense quantities of salmon, trout, pike, sturgeon, and belluga (a large fish from whose roe is made the best caviare). Innumerable swarms of insects are hatched by the summer's heat in the sands, morasses, and forests; and are said to be so troublesome as to render great part of these regions almost uninhabitable.

Merely to enumerate the chief vegetable productions of the Russian empire, would far exceed the limits of our plan. We shall therefore only mention the most important. In the forests are found the fir, the Scotch pine, the larch, the elm, the birch, the alder, the greater maple, the sycamore, the oak of various species, the black and white poplar, the ash, the hornbeam, the beech, the nettle-tree, the cedar, and the cypress. Of fruit trees and shrubs, the most remarkable are, the almond, the peach, the apricot, the medlar, the walnut, the mulberry, the olive, the fig, the vine, and the pomegranate. In some parts of Asiatic Russia, are found, besides, the quince, the date, the jujube, and the willow-leaved pear; and many other shrubs and plants, which in our climate require the aid of artificial heat, are, in the southern provinces of Russia, produced spontaneously.

Russia is not less rich in mineral productions, of which Siberia in particular contains a great variety. In the brief sketch of Russian mineralogy which we can here offer, we shall confine ourselves chiefly to the metallic mines. Of these there are few in European Russia, and those principally of iron. It appears that there was formerly a gold mine near the river Vigg in the north-western corner of the empire; and in the year 1739, gold was discovered in the same region, in the mountains of Olonetz; but the product was scarcely sufficient to indemnify the government for the expense of working the mine, not more than 57 pounds of gold having been procured within the year. The richest iron mines in European Russia, are about 60 miles from

Mosco; and in the government of Perme are worked mines, both of iron and copper.

In Siberia there are valuable gold mines, especially those of Catharineburg, on the east of the Uralian mountains, in the latitude of about 57°, where an office for the management of the mines was established by Peter I. in 1719. Several mines of different metals extend to a considerable distance on the north and south of Catharineburg; and there are in this district above 100 foundries, chiefly for copper and iron. The principal gold mines in this district are those of Beresof, a few miles north-east of Catharineburg, near the river Pyshma, that falls into the Tobol. The gold is sometimes found native, but is generally mixed with various substances, especially silver. There are other mines in Kolhyvan and Nershinsk, chiefly of lead and silver, with a small proportion of gold. The former of these were discovered in 1704, and the latter in 1748. In the mines of Beresof is found the red lead of Siberia; and in the copper mines, about 30 miles south of Catharineburg, that particular ore called malachite, or stalactitic copper, is found in great perfection. There are also copper mines in the Altai mountains, where dendritic copper is met with. The richest iron mines in this part of Russia are in the neighbourhood of the Uralian chain. The large mass of native iron which we have mentioned under GEOLOGY, N° 165. was found by Professor Pallas in Siberia, near mount Emor or Nemir, not far from the river Yenisy.

Rock salt is found in several parts of Siberia, especially near the Ilek, not far from Orenburgh. Coal is a rare production in Russia; but it is found near Lake Baikal, and in the steppe between the Don and the Volga. Sulphur, alum, sal ammoniac, nitre, and natron, are found in great abundance.

There are also found in Siberia various gems, which we must not omit to notice. These are discovered chiefly in the mountain Adunshallow, in the province of Nershinsk or Daouri, not far from the Chinese river Argoon. Here are found common topazes, the hyacinth, the Siberian emerald, the beryl, the onyx, and beautiful red and green jaspers. Near Catharineburg are the gem mines of Moursintsky, where are found the beryl and the chrysolite. Near Lake Baikal red garnets are very common; and there are also found lapis lazuli and the baikalite of Kirwan. The opal is said to be found in the Altai mountains.

The mineral springs of Russia are found principally in the Asiatic part, especially in Kamtschatka. The only European mineral waters that merit particular notice are, a hot spring near Selo Klintschy, in the government of Perme; a noted chalybeate spring in the village of Vingova, in the district of Olonetz, distinguished by Peter the Great, and called by him St Peter's Well, and another chalybeate spring, or rather assemblage of springs strongly impregnated with iron, discovered in 1775, near Sarepta on the Volga. In the district of Perekop and the island of Taman, belonging to the government of Taurida, there are springs of naphtha. Springs impregnated with naphtha and petroleum are also found near lake Baikal. At Sarepta there is a sulphurous spring, and there are several others in Siberia. On the Terek, towards Mount Caucasus, are warm springs that serve as baths; and similar baths occur

* Plukenhou's Geography, vol. II. p. 15.

occur in the province of Nersinsk, in the territory of the Kalmuks, to the south of the Altai mountains, and in the neighbourhood of Baikal. Chalybeate waters are found among the iron mines near Catharineburg, and a few occur in the province of Daouria.

The principal hot baths of Asiatic Russia are in Kamtschatka, and are formed by the hot springs noticed in No. 7. The chief bath of this kind is in the southern part of the peninsula near Natchikin. The hot waters here fall in a rapid cascade, about 300 feet below which they are collected into a basin six or seven feet broad, and 18 inches deep. The water is extremely hot, and is said to contain vitriolic and nitrous salts.

Before we conclude what may be called the permanent geography of Russia, we must enumerate the islands that belong to this extensive empire, and particularly notice such of them as have not been described in other parts of this Encyclopedia.

In Europe the Russians possess the islands of Oesel and Dago in the Baltic, and the little island of Cronstadt at the entrance of the gulf of Finland, the islands of Novaya Zemlia, and several smaller islands in the Arctic ocean; and though the dreary island of Spitzbergen is generally considered as belonging to Denmark, it is at least equally shared by the Russians, some of whom regularly winter here, on account of the whale fishery.

In Asiatic Russia we may enumerate the Aleutian (Aleoutskie or Fox) islands, of which Bering's island is the only one deserving particular notice; the Andreanovian islands, about 500 miles to the south-east of Bering's island, and the Kurile or Kurilian islands, extending from the southern promontory of Kamtschatka towards Japan.

The island of Dago, but briefly noticed in our general alphabet, is for the most part rocky, and its western shore is sandy; but the southern and eastern parts consist of a bluish clay, and are very fertile. They produce considerable quantities of barley, especially in rainy seasons; but it is found necessary to sow the seed very early in the spring. There are here several forests, especially one of alders, which is seen at a great distance, and serves as a land-mark. This island is extremely populous, and very healthy. It is inhabited chiefly by Estonians. The sea round Dago abounds with shallows, rocks, and sand banks, that render the navigation dangerous; but to prevent ships from being stranded on the coast, a light-house has been erected on the western promontory, about three miles from the sea.

Oesel is much more considerable than Dago, being nearly 80 miles long, and about 60 at its greatest breadth. Its soil is naturally more barren than that of Dago, being chiefly sand, or loam and clay; but as it is well manured, the crops are pretty considerable. These consist of wheat, rye, and barley, and in favourable seasons, oats and pease. Oesel abounds in quarries, from which are procured excellent limestone, black and gray flagstone, and grindstones. Marble is also found, but is not much esteemed.

The islands of Novaya Zemlia, or the New Land, consist chiefly of two very large insulated tracts, nearly alike in size and figure, extending between 45° and 68° of east longitude, and between 70° and 77° of north latitude. They are separated from the main land by the strait of Waigats. They may be estimated at 600 miles in length, by a medium breadth of nearly 400. Yet

this large tract of country is desert and uninhabited, except by reindeer, polar bears, white and blue foxes; and on the coast seals and walruses. The islands are well supplied with water, but are rocky and destitute of wood except a few stunted bushes. On the northern side they are encompassed with mountains of ice. In these dreary regions the sun is not seen for nearly four months, viz. from the middle of October to February.

Bering's island is situated in the sea of Kamtschatka, about 3° to the east of that peninsula, extending from 55° to 56° of N. Lat. It was discovered by Bering in 1740. It consists of a range of bald cliffs and hills, running north and south, the highest of which are nearly 1000 fathoms above the level of the sea. These rocks consist of granite in the middle ridge, and a sandstone on each side; but some of the lower appear to be covered with clay. This island is entirely destitute of wood, but is otherwise not bare of vegetation. It contains springs of excellent water, and has several fine cataracts. The cold is moderate, and thunder has never been observed, though it is said some shocks of earthquakes have been felt. There are no human inhabitants; but the island affords a dwelling to sea bears, arctic foxes, seals, and walruses. The Aleutian and Kurilian islands, have already been described under their respective heads; and an account of Spitzbergen will be found under that article.

Russia was scarcely known as an independent state before the latter end of the 9th century. We know, indeed, that long before that period, namely about the 5th century, a horde, of those nations that roved at large on the banks of the Dnieper and the Volkhof, established themselves in that part of the region bordering on the Dnieper, where is now situated the government of Kief or Kiow. These people were called Slavi, or Slavonians, and had advanced eastward from the shores of the Danube. They appear to have laid the first foundation of the Russian monarchy, and to have built Kief, where they fixed their capital. It is probable that about the same time another tribe of Slavi had settled still farther to the east, in the province of Novgorod, where they built the city still known by that name, as their metropolis. Of the government and transactions of these people we have no regular accounts till the conclusion of the 9th century. It appears, however, from a work of the emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus on the administration of the empire, that in his time the city of Novgorod was a place of great importance, and carried on an extensive commerce, both with Constantinople and the countries bordering on the Baltic. The government of the Novgorodians appears to have been republican, but the people were probably rather merchants than warriors. We find them involved in frequent disputes with the neighbouring nations, from whose ravages they suffered considerable losses.

If we may credit the Russian historians, the Slavi that had settled about Kief and Novgorod, must have extended the boundaries of their territory northwards as far as the shores of the Baltic. We find that they were much harassed by a piratical nation who dwelt on the coasts of that sea, and were denominated Varages or Varagians, and who made frequent descents on the Russian coasts, and ravaged the country. It is not improbable that these Varagians formed a part of the Scandinavian nations, who, under the names of Danes and Saxons,

Saxons, successively made themselves masters of England. They were occasionally employed by the weaker neighbouring states as mercenary auxiliaries, and in this capacity they were once called to the assistance of the Novgorodians. As is usual, where a weak people requires the assistance of a warlike and powerful nation, the auxiliaries, after having overcome the enemies whom they were invited to combat, began to think of availing themselves of the advantages which their bravery had given them over their employers. From allies and servants they soon became the masters of the Slavi; and finding the country about Novgorod superior to that which they had left, they began to think of taking up their residence in their new quarters.

Their leader Ruric built a town near the Volkhof, and surrounded it with a rampart of earth. This town is now called Old Ladoga. Here Ruric established the seat of his government. This event appears to have taken place about the year 860; and from this period we may date the commencement of the Russian monarchy. Ruric was assisted by two other chiefs of the Varages, Sinaus and Truvor, who are supposed to have been his brothers, and with whom he divided the territory of which he had possessed himself. Of these, Sinaus took up his residence at Bielo Osero, or the white lake, while Truvor kept his court at Isborsk, or according to some, at Twertzog, in the district of Pleskow. The three chiefs having thus divided among them the territories of the Novgorodians, continued to reign in amity with each other for several years.

The Slavi, however, did not submit to the dominion of their new masters, without an effort to regain their independence. At first, astonishment at the unexpected proceedings of their auxiliaries overcame the spirit of liberty which had hitherto actuated their minds; but they soon awakened from their lethargy, and determined to repel by force those whom they now considered as the invaders of their country. They flew to arms, and chose for their leader, Vadim, who by his feats in war had acquired the honourable appellation of the valiant. A fierce engagement took place between the Novgorodians under Vadim, and the Varages headed by Ruric and his brothers. The contest ended in favour of the latter, and the brave Vadim, with several other chiefs of the Novgorodians, lost their lives in the attempt to free their country from its ambitious guests. This new success emboldened Ruric to extend his territories, and to change the seat of government from the insignificant town of Ladoga, to the spacious and opulent city of Novgorod. Soon after, by the death of his partners in the government, Ruric became sole monarch of the conquered territory, where he reigned without farther molestation for 17 years, and became the primogenitor of a long line of descendants, who held the sovereignty without interruption for several centuries. Ruric appears to have been zealous for the strict administration of justice in his dominions, and issued his command to all the boyars who held territories under him, to see it exercised in an exact and uniform

manner. We are not informed of the nature of his institutions; nor is it known whether the laws then existing in his territories were merely oral, or were committed to writing.

Ruric assumed the title of grand prince. His dominions extended over the present governments of Riga, Reval, Polotsk, Pscov, Vyborg, St. Petersburg, Novgorod, Smolensk, Olonetz, Archangel, Vladimir, Yaroslavl, Kostroma, and Vologda.

As Ruric left only one son, Igor, who was still a minor at his father's death, Oleg, a kinsman of the deceased monarch, took on him the administration of affairs. Either from the natural restlessness of the Varages, or from the spirit of rebellion manifested by the Novgorodians, which indicated the necessity of employing his people in some active enterprise, the new monarch did not long remain idle. He appears very early to have projected the extension of his territories, by annexing to them the settlement which the Slavi had formed about Kief, against which he soon undertook a formidable expedition. He collected a numerous army, composed of Slavi, Varages, and Tschudes, carried with him the young prince Igor, and opened the campaign with the capture of Lubitch, and of Smolensk the capital of the Krivitsches (c).

Having reduced several other towns of less consequence, he advanced towards Kief, the possession of which formed the chief object of his ambition, as through the Kievan territory he would have an easy passage to the Grecian empire, by inroads into which he could gratify the predatory disposition of his followers. Having advanced near the walls of Kief, he did not think it advisable to hazard an open attack, and thus leave to the precarious decision of a battle the ultimate success of his favourite project. He therefore had recourse to artifice, and leaving behind him the greater part of his troops, he concealed the remainder in the barks that had brought them down the Dnieper from Smolensk. Oleg himself, disguising his name and quality, passed for a merchant sent by Oleg and his ward Igor on business of importance to Constantinople; and he dispatched officers to Oskhold and Dir, the two chieftains of the Kieviens, requesting permission to pass through their territory into Greece, and inviting them to visit him as friends and fellow-citizens, pretending that indisposition prevented him from paying his respects to them in person. The princes, free from mistrust, and relying on these appearances of friendship, accepted Oleg's invitation, and scarcely thought it necessary to take with them their ordinary attendants. They were soon undeceived; for when they arrived at the regent's encampment, they were quickly surrounded by the Varagian soldiers, who sprung from their place of concealment in the barks. Oleg taking Igor in his arms, and casting on the sovereigns of Kief a fierce and threatening look, exclaimed, "You are neither princes nor of the race of princes; behold the son of Ruric." These words, which formed the signal that had been agreed on

(c) The Krivitsches were a Slavonian tribe who inhabited the regions bordering on the upper parts of the rivers Volga, Dvina, Oka, and Dniepr, where are now the governments of Polotsk, Smolensk and Minsk. The Tschudes whom we have mentioned as forming part of Oleg's army, were a nation of Finnish extraction, and inhabited those districts which form part of the present governments of Pscov and Reval.

on between Oleg and his soldiers, were no sooner uttered, than the latter rushed on the two princes, and laid them prostrate at the feet of their master.

The inhabitants of Kief, thrown into consternation by this bold and treacherous act, made no resistance, but opened the gates of their city to their invader; and thus the two Slavonian states were united under one head.

Having thus made himself master of the key to the eastern empire, Oleg prepared to carry into effect his ambitious designs against Constantinople. Leaving Igor at Kief, he himself embarked on the Dniepr with 80,000 warriors, on board of not fewer than 2000 vessels. Their passage down the river met with no obstruction, till they came to that part where its course is embarrassed for nearly 15 leagues by seven rocks; and here began a series of perils, labours, and fatigues, which none but barbarians could have overcome. They were obliged to unload their barks, and convey them over the rocks; and in particular at the fourth rock, they carried their baggage for above 6000 paces, exposed to the perpetual risk of attack from the neighbouring nations with whom they were at war, while thus hampered and encumbered. Having at length passed all the rocks, and reached the mouth of the Dniepr, Oleg drew together his scattered vessels at a small island that lies between the points of Otechakof and Kinburn, where he caused them to be refitted, and waited for a favourable wind to carry him across the Black sea to the mouth of the Dniepr. Here the vessels were again refitted, and hence the expedition coasting along the shores of the Euxine, soon arrived at the strait of Constantinople.

The inhabitants of the imperial city, on discovering the approach of the barbarians, had drawn a massy chain across the harbour, thus hoping to prevent their landing. In this hope, however, they were deceived. The invaders drew ashore their barks, fitted wheels to their flat bottoms, and converted them into carriages, which by the help of sails they forced along the roads that led to the city, and thus arrived under the walls of Constantinople. In their route they ravaged the whole country, and pillaged and demolished the houses, loaded the inhabitants with irons, and committed other enormities which generally attend the incursions of a barbarous enemy. The earth that had been fertilized by the sweat of the husbandman, was now drenched with his blood, and the sea received, as in one vast grave, both the carcasses of the dead, and the bodies of the living. The weak Leo, who then swayed the sceptre of the Grecian empire, instead of making a manly resistance, is said to have attempted carrying off his enemy by poison; but this not succeeding, he was obliged to purchase from the conqueror an ignominious peace. Thus, even at that early period, the sovereign of Russia triumphed over the emperor of Constantinople, and Oleg acquired the full completion of his wishes, by the rich booty which he carried off. He made his entrance into Kief on his return, laden with the wealth acquired by his victory; and the people, dazzled with such splendid objects, imagined their prince to be endowed with supernatural powers, and looked up to him with a reverence approaching to adoration.

Soon after his return to his own dominions, the Russian monarch dispatched deputies to Constantinople, with the articles of a treaty which he required the Greek emperor to sign. This treaty, which is pre-

served in the Chronicles of Nestor, is extremely curious; and we learn from it many important particulars respecting the internal policy of the Russians at the beginning of the tenth century. Several articles of this treaty shew, that the Russian laws laid great stress on oaths; that they pronounced the sentence of death against the murderer, instead of inflicting on him only a pecuniary fine, and thus allowing the rich to commit assassination with impunity; that wives were allowed a part of the estates of their husbands; that the punishment of offences did not extend to the entire confiscation of goods, and hence the widow and orphan did not suffer for a crime of which they were innocent; that robbery, which attacks only property, was punished by the privation of property, so that the Russian laws maintained a just proportion between the crime and the penalty; that the citizens, secure in their possessions, were under no apprehension that the sovereign would seize on their heritage, and might even dispose of their effects in favour of friends.

Oleg maintained the sovereign power for 33 years, nor does it appear that Igor, even after he obtained the age of majority, had any share in the government, till the death of his guardian, in 913, left him in full possession of the throne.

Igor had reached his 40th year before he entered on the government. He soon discovered marks of the same warlike spirit which had actuated his predecessor. Among the nations that had been subjugated by Oleg, several, on the accession of a new sovereign, attempted to regain their independence; in particular the Drevians, who dwelt on the banks of the Uscha, in the present district of Vrutsch, were the first to rise in revolt. They were, however, soon quelled, and punished by the imposition of an increased tribute. The Uglitches, who inhabited the southern bank of the Dniepr, maintained a longer contest for their liberty. One of their principal towns sustained a siege of three years, and at last submitted on condition of the trifling tribute of a marten's skin blackened by fire; as these furs were valued in proportion to the darkness of their colour.

Igor soon had to contend with more formidable enemies. The Petchenegans, a nation hitherto unknown, quitted their settlements on the Yaik and the Volga, and made incursions into the Russian territory. These people appear to have been at least as powerful and warlike as the Varages; and Igor finding himself unable to cope with them in arms, concluded a treaty of alliance. About five years after, disputes arose between the new allies, and both had recourse to arms. It appears that the Russians were finally victorious, and the Petchenegans were, for some time, disabled from giving Igor any farther molestation.

The Russian monarch, in imitation of his guardian, soon turned his attention towards the Grecian empire, where depredations might apparently be made with impunity. He equipped an immense armament, consisting, as we are assured by the Russian annals, of 10,000 barks, each carrying 40 men, thus forming an army of 400,000 warriors. With this immense force he set sail for Constantinople, without any previous declaration of war, and without any ostensible motive for thus infringing the treaty that had been concluded some years before between Oleg and Leo. In his route he overran and ravaged the provinces of Paphlagonia, Pontus, and Bithynia,

thynia, plundering the towns, and butchering the inhabitants. For some time the barbarians met with no opposition, as the imperial troops were engaged in distant provinces; but the government of the empire was now in very different hands from those which held it during the former invasion. The Grecian forces were well appointed, and commanded by two generals of approved ability and courage. These were Theophanes and Phocas, of whom the former commanded the fleet, and the latter the army. The Russians had soon cause to repent their temerity. Theophanes attacked them on board their ships, within sight of the Pharos, and throwing among them the unquenchable Grecian fire, with the effects of which they were wholly unacquainted, threw them into such confusion, that many plunged into the sea to avoid the fires that threatened and pursued them. Their vessels were dispersed, shattered, or consumed by flames, and great numbers of their crews perished. The remainder reached the shores of Bithynia; but before they could recover from their consternation, they were met by Phocas, who fell upon them with his troops, and made prodigious slaughter. So great were the losses sustained by Igor in this unfortunate expedition, that he carried back with him scarcely a third of his army. This second naval expedition of the Russians against Constantinople took place in 941.

Though discouraged by the ill success which had attended his first invasion of the Grecian empire, Igor was too much stimulated by the desire of plunder, not to risk the second attempt. Three years after, he collected new forces, took into pay many of the Petchenegans, and again set out for Greece; but before he had advanced beyond the Taurian Chersonesus, the emperor Romanus, informed of his approach, and not choosing to hazard the result of an engagement, sent deputies to the Russian leader, offering to pay him the same tribute which had been given to his predecessor. With this offer Igor complied, and once more retired with his army.

Igor was now far advanced in years; but the insatiable rapacity of his officers, ever craving fresh spoils from vanquished nations, impelled him to turn his arms against the Drevlians, for the purpose of obtaining from them an increase of their yearly tribute. In this unjust attack he was at first successful, and returned loaded with the contributions which he had levied from that people; but having dismissed great part of his troops with the spoils of the vanquished, and marching with the remainder too far into the country, he fell into an ambuscade, which the Drevlians, now grown desperate, had formed on his approach in the neighbourhood of Korosten. The Russians were soon overpowered, and Igor being made prisoner, was put to death.

Before the death of Oleg, Igor had married a princess of a bold and daring spirit, named Olga, by whom he had one son, Sviatoslav; but as he was very young at the death of his father, the queen mother Olga assumed the reins of government. Her first care was to take signal vengeance on the unhappy Drevlians, for having bravely defended themselves against the encroachments of tyranny and oppression. These people, satisfied with the death of their oppressor, appeared desirous of renewing their amicable intercourse with the Russians, and their chief, Male, is even said to have made an offer of his hand to Igor's widow. Olga, with that deep cunning and concealed malice that so often mark the character of the despotic leader of a barbarous people, pretended to listen to their overtures, received the deputies of Male, but immediately ordered them to be privately put to death. In the mean time she invited a larger deputation from the Drevlian chief, which she treated in the same inhuman manner, taking care that no tidings of either murder should be carried to the Drevlians. She then set out, as if on an amicable visit, to conclude the new alliance, and having proclaimed a solemn entertainment, to which she invited some hundreds of the principal inhabitants of the Drevlian towns, she caused them to be treacherously assassinated. This was but the first step to the more dreadful vengeance which she had resolved to inflict on this deluded people. She laid waste the whole country of the Drevlians, and in particular the town of Korosten, near which Igor had lost his life. For a long time she could not master the place, as the inhabitants, dreading the horrible fate that awaited them, from the revenging spirit of Olga, defended themselves with the utmost valour and success. At length, being assured of clemency, on condition of sending to Olga all the pigeons of the town, they submitted; but Olga causing lighted matches to be fastened to the tails of the pigeons, set them at liberty. The birds flew to their usual places of residence in the town, which were speedily in a conflagration. The wretched inhabitants endeavouring to escape the flames, fell into the hands of the Russian soldiers, planted round the town for that purpose, by whom they were put to the sword.

This was the only warlike transaction, if it deserves that name, which took place during the regency of Olga. Though not uncommon in the annals of a barbarous people, it would have been sufficient to hand down her name with detestation to posterity, had she not, in the opinion of her panegyrists, atoned for the enormity, by attempting to introduce into her dominions the Christian religion.

Hitherto the Slavi, and the Scandinavian nations who had taken possession of their territories, were Pagans; and their religious ceremonies, like those of all the surrounding nations, were marked by an absurd and cruel superstition, which, under pretence of worshipping the Supreme being, insulted his attributes, and increased instead of lessening the miseries of human nature. Their deities seem to have been borrowed, partly from the Greeks and Romans, and partly from the Scythians; but were characterised by peculiar names, and represented by idols of complex workmanship and grotesque appearance. Thus, the god Perune, or Perkune, who was the chief among the Slavonian deities, analogous to the Zeus of the Grecian, and the Jupiter of the Roman mythology, was personated by an idol whose head was of silver, his ears and mustachios of massy gold, his legs of iron, and his trunk of hard incorruptible wood. It was decorated with rubies and carbuncles, and held in its hand a stone carved, to represent the symbol of lightning. The sacred fire burnt continually before it; and if the priests suffered this to be extinguished, they were doomed to perish in the flames, as enemies of the god. Sacrifices of their flocks to this supreme deity were regarded as trifling; his altar smoked with the blood of captives, and even the children of his worshippers were sometimes immolated to appease his wrath or propitiate his favour. Superstition has in all ages, tinged the hands

hands of its pontiffs with blood, and has everywhere represented the Deity as a cruel and malignant being delighting in the spectacle of suffering humanity.

It is uncertain at what time the light of Christianity began to beam on the nations that occupied the banks of the Dniepr, nor are we acquainted with the circumstances that led to the conversion of the queen regent. We find, however, that about the middle of the 10th century, she undertook a journey to Constantinople for the express purpose of being initiated into the religion of Jesus. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, who then sat on the imperial throne, received the royal convert with the greatest honour and respect; himself conducted her to the baptismal font, and, in the character of her sponsor, gave her the name of Helen. He dismissed her loaded with rich presents, consisting chiefly of those fine stuffs which were then fabricated only in the east, and several costly vases. In return for the honour she had received at Constantinople, Olga promised to send the emperor a quantity of furs and wax, and to furnish him with troops: but as she delayed the performance of her promise, Constantine despatched an embassy to remind her of her engagements. We are told that she treated the ambassadors with disrespectful levity, and dismissed them with frigid compliments; so little change had baptism effected on the insidious disposition of the Russian princess! It is no wonder, therefore, if her example had little influence on her son, or the nation at large. The Russians do not seem to have been very ardent in their religious observations, or peculiarly attached to the opinions of their forefathers; but the nature of Christianity, and the character of its disciples, were not in their eyes sufficiently striking or alluring to produce any change in their religious system. Olga endeavoured to persuade her son Sviatoslav to embrace her new religion; but either from his contempt for the unwarlike character of the Greek Christians, or through fear of the ridicule to which his conversion might subject him from his young companions, he disregarded her solicitations. He did not, however, prevent the people over whom he seems by this time to have assumed the chief dominion, from receiving baptism, and a few proselytes were made. Though the character of Olga, even after her conversion to Christianity, was by no means such as to entitle her to the rank which she afterwards attained among the Russian saints, it appears that she had given her son many wise and prudent instructions respecting the government of his future empire. She travelled with him round the country; superintended the erection of bridges and the making of roads, for the benefit of trade and commerce; built several towns and villages, and founded such laudable institutions, as sufficiently evince her talents for governing a nation. She died about the year 969, at a very advanced age.

It is probable that Olga retired from the administration of affairs soon after her conversion to Christianity; for we find Sviatoslav in full possession of the government long before his mother's death. This prince has been considered one of the Russian heroes; and if a thirst for blood, a contempt of danger, and disregard of the luxuries and conveniences of life, be admitted as the characteristics of a hero, he deserves the appellation. His private life was such as to render him the favourite of his army. Regarding the narrow inclosure of a palace as little better than a splendid prison, he took up his

habitation in a camp, where he indulged himself in nothing more delicate or costly than what could be procured by the meanest soldier in his army. Without a utensil for preparing his food, he contented himself with cutting up the meat which was to form his meals, and broiling it upon the coals; and this meat often consisted of horse flesh. If he kept so poor a table, he was not more delicately lodged. He had no tent, but slept in the open field, with a saddle for his pillow, a horsecloth for his covering, and lying on the bare ground, or at most on a piece of the coarsest felt. How much influence such a mode of life must have had on the minds of the barbarous soldiers whom he commanded, is sufficiently proved by the experience of times far posterior to that of which we are now writing. The Swedish hero who, in the beginning of the 18th century, astonished the whole of Europe with his mad exploits, fared in a similar manner, and, like Sviatoslav, became the darling of his troops. Soldiers willingly share dangers and death with a leader who submits himself to every hardship, and denies himself every accommodation, except what he can enjoy in common with themselves.

When Sviatoslav had thus ingratiated himself with his troops, he prepared to employ them in those ambitious projects which he had long been forming. His first expedition was against the Kozares, a people who had come from the shores of the Caspian, and the sides of Mount Caucasus, and had established themselves along the eastern coast of the Black sea. These people had rendered tributary both the Kievians and the Viatches, a Slavonian nation that dwelt on the banks of the Oka and the Volga. Sviatoslav, desirous of transferring to himself the tribute which the Kozares derived from the latter people, marched against them, and appears to have succeeded in his design. He defeated them in a pitched battle, and took by storm their capital city Sarkel, or Belgorod. It is said by some historians, that he even annihilated the nation; and certain it is, that from that time no mention is made of the Kozares.

The martial fame of Sviatoslav had extended to Constantinople; and the emperor Nicephorus Phocas, who was then harassed by the Ungrians, assisted by his treacherous allies, the Bulgarians, applied for succours to the Russian chieftain. A subsidiary treaty was entered into between them, and Sviatoslav hastened with a numerous army to the assistance of his new allies. He quickly made himself master of most of the Bulgarian towns along the Danube, and was so elated with his success, that he determined to remove the seat of government from Kiev to the city of Pereiaslavatz, now Yamboly, seated on the shores of that river. He was soon obliged, however, to postpone the completion of this design, on receiving intelligence that his old enemies the Pechenegans had assembled in great numbers, ravaged the Kievian territory, and laid siege to the capital, within the walls of which were shut up his mother and his sons. Sviatoslav hastened to the relief of his family, but before he reached home, the Pechenegans had been induced to raise the siege by an artifice of the Kievian general. Sviatoslav on his arrival pursued the enemy, defeated them, and obliged them to sue for peace.

He now resumed his design of establishing himself on the banks of the Danube, and divided his hereditary dominions among his children. He gave Kiev to Ya-

ropolk,

ropolk, the Drevian territory to Oleg, and on Vladimir, a natural son, born to him by one of the attendants of Olga, he bestowed the government of Novgorod. On his return to Bulgaria, however, he found that his affairs had assumed a very different aspect. The Bulgarians taking advantage of his absence with his troops, had recovered most of their towns, and seemed well prepared to resist the encroachments of a foreign power. They fell on Sviatoslav as he approached the walls of Pereiaslavatz, and began the attack with so much fury, that at first the Russians were defeated with great slaughter. They, however, soon rallied, and taking courage from despair, renewed the battle with so much success, that they in their turn became masters of the field. Sviatoslav took possession of the town, and soon recovered all that he had lost.

During these transactions the emperor Nicephorus had been assassinated, and John Zemisces, his murderer, had succeeded to the imperial diadem. The new emperor sent ambassadors to the Russian monarch, requiring him to comply with the stipulations of his treaty with Nicephorus, and evacuate Bulgaria, which he had agreed to occupy as an ally, but not as a master. Sviatoslav refused to give up his newly acquired possessions, and prepared to decide the contest by force of arms. The particulars of this campaign, and the numbers of the contending armies, are very differently related by the Russian annalists, and the historians of the Grecian empire; the former stating that Sviatoslav had not more than 10,000 men, and yet was victorious over the troops of Zemisces; while the Grecian historians affirm that the Russians amounted to 300,000, but were defeated, and compelled to abandon Bulgaria by the superior skill and discipline of the imperial troops. As far as respects the issue of the war, the Grecian writers are probably correct, for it is certain that Sviatoslav retreated towards Russia with the shattered remains of his army. He did not, however, live to reach the capital, for having, contrary to the advice of his most experienced officers, attempted to return to Kief, up the dangerous navigation of the Dnieper, he was intercepted by the Petchenegans near the rocks that form the cataracts of that river. After remaining on the defensive during winter, exposed to all the horrors of famine and disease, he on the return of spring attempted to force his way through the ranks of the enemy: but his troops were defeated, and himself killed in the battle.

It is said that Sviatoslav extended the boundaries of the Russian dominions by his conquests in Bulgaria; but if his expeditions in that quarter terminated in the manner which we have related, this extension must have been merely temporary, and seems to have had little effect in increasing the power and resources of his successors.

Yaropolk the sovereign of Kief may be considered as the successor of Sviatoslav on the Russian throne; but his reign was short and turbulent. A war took place between him and his brother Oleg, on account of a base assassination committed by the latter on the son of his father's friend and privy counsellor Svenald. Oleg was defeated and slain, and the other brother, Vladimir, dreading the increased power and ambitious disposition of Yaropolk, abandoned his dominions, which were quickly seized on by the Kievan prince. Vladimir had retired among the Varagians, from whom he

soon procured such succours as enabled him to make effectual head against the usurper. While his natural courage was thus increased, his enmity against Yaropolk received an additional spur from an affront put on him by a lady whom he had sought in marriage, but who despising the meanness of his birth, as being the son of a slave, had rejected his proposals, and offered her hand to Yaropolk. The vindictive Vladimir, on being informed of this insult, attacked the possessions of the lady's father, put both him and his two sons to the sword, and obliged the princess to accept his hand, yet reeking with the blood of her father. He now advanced towards Kief, where Yaropolk was by no means prepared to oppose him. The Kievan prince had indeed been lulled into security by the treacherous reports of one of his vojevodes, who was in the interest of Vladimir, and who not only prevented Yaropolk from taking effectual measures for his safety, but found means to raise suspicions in his breast against the inhabitants of his capital, which he thus induced him to abandon. The Kievan, left without a leader, opened their gates to Vladimir; and the wretched Yaropolk, still misled by the treachery of his adviser, determined to throw himself on the mercy of his brother. It is probable that this would have availed him little, as Vladimir seems to have determined on his death; but before he could reach the arms of his revengeful brother, Yaropolk was assassinated by some of his Varagian followers.

By this murder, which had probably been planned by Vladimir, the conqueror acquired the undivided possession of all his father's territories, and maintained the sovereignty during a long reign, respected at home, and feared abroad. Indeed, had not the commencement of his reign been stained with the blood of his father-in-law and his brother, we might place him among the most distinguished monarchs of the age in which he lived, as he not only extended and enriched his empire, but was the means of establishing in his dominions on a firm and lasting basis, the Christian religion, which though introduced by Olga, appears hitherto to have made but a very trifling progress.

The commencement of Vladimir's reign formed but a continuation of those enormities which had conducted him to the throne. He began with removing Blude, the treacherous vojevode, by whom his brother had been betrayed into his power, and to whom he had promised the highest honours and dignities. Accordingly for three days he suffered Blude to live in all the splendour of a prince. At the end of that period he thus addressed him. "I have fulfilled my promise; I have treated thee as my friend: the honours thou hast received exceed thy most sanguine wishes. To day as the judge of crimes, and the executor of justice, I condemn the traitor, and punish the assassin of his prince." Having uttered these words, he caused Blude to be put to death.

He displayed still more the perfidiousness of his character in his behaviour towards the Varagians, who had assisted in reinstating him on the throne of his ancestors; for on their requesting permission to go and seek their fortune in Greece, he granted their request, but privately advertised the emperor of their approach, and caused them to be arrested and secured.

Vladimir engaged in numerous wars, and subjected several of the neighbouring states to his dominion. He seized

seized on part of the Polish territories, and compelled the Bulgarians who dwelt in the districts that now form the government of Kazan, to do him homage. He subdued the Petchenegans and Khazars, who lay in the immediate neighbourhood of the Kievan state; he reduced to his authority Halitsch and Vladimir, countries which are now called Galicia and Lubomia; he conquered Lithuania as far as to Memel, and took possession of a great part of the modern Livonia.

His conduct after these successes by no means prognosticated his future zeal for the Christian religion. None of the Russian monarchs appear to have been more devout in the adoration of their heathen deities than Vladimir. It was usual for him to return thanks to the gods for the success which they had granted to his arms; and to show his gratitude by offering on their altars a part of the prisoners he had taken in war. On one occasion his piety extended so far, that he resolved on selecting one of his own subjects as the object of his sacrifice, thinking that he should thus more worthily testify his gratitude for the signal favours he had received from heaven. His choice fell on a young Vagrian, the son of a Christian, and who had been brought up in the new faith. The unhappy father refused the demanded victim; the people enraged at deeming their prince and their religion insulted by the refusal, assailed the house of the Christian, and having burst open the doors, butchered both the father and the son, folded in mutual embraces.

Yet this furious Pagan, and bloody warrior, afterwards became a most zealous Christian, and a shining example to his subjects of charity and benevolence. The circumstances that led to these important changes are, as well as the martial achievements of this favourite prince, related with great minuteness by the Russian annalists, and give this part of their chronicles the air rather of a historical romance, than a narrative of facts. We are told that the fame of Vladimir's military exploits had rendered him so formidable to the neighbouring nations, that each courted his alliance, and strove to render this more lasting by engaging him in the ties of the same religion with themselves. In particular the Grecian emperors sent to him a philosopher, whose exhortations, though they did not at first induce Vladimir to embrace the Greek ritual, at least succeeded in giving him a favourable opinion of it; so that the philosopher was entertained with respect, and returned home loaded with presents. We are also told, that, determined to act in the most impartial manner with respect to the several religions which he had been invited to embrace, he dispatched persons remarkable for their wisdom and sagacity, to visit the surrounding nations, observe the religious tenets and ceremonies that distinguished them, and report to him the result of their observations. On the return of these deputies, the report of those who had visited the churches of Constantinople, and witnessed the imposing splendour of religious adoration, and the gorgeous decorations of the Greek priests, in the superb basilicom of St Sophia, proved so satisfactory to Vladimir, that he determined on embracing the Christian religion according to the observances of the Greek church. Though he resolved on baptism, he was too proud to seek from the Greek emperor a priest, by whom the solemn ordinance might be performed. With a savage ferocity worthy

of the times in which he lived, he determined to gain by conquest what his haughty soul disdained to acquire by request. He assembled an army selected from all the nations of which his empire was composed, and marching to Taurida, laid siege to Theodosia, a town even then of great repute, and which commanded the whole Chersonesus. On sitting down before the walls of this place, he is said to have offered up the following characteristic prayer: "O God grant me thy help to take this town, that I may carry from it Christians and priests, to instruct me and my people, and convey the true religion into my dominions." His prayer was at length granted; and, rather by stratagem than force, he made himself master of the town, and through it, of the whole Crimea. He might now have received baptism; but his desire of being initiated into the Christian faith seems to have been excited more by ambition than by true devotion. His ruling passion promised to be amply gratified by an alliance with the Grecian emperors, as he would thus acquire some legal claim on the territories which they possessed. He therefore demanded in marriage, Anna, the sister of Basilus and Constantine, who jointly held the imperial dignity, threatening, that if they refused his proffered alliance, he would lay siege to Constantinople. After some deliberation, the emperors complied, on condition that Vladimir and his people should become Christians; and these conditions being accepted, the Russian monarch was baptized, took the name of Basilus, received the Grecian princess, and, as the reward of his victories, carried off several popes and archimandrites, together with sacred vessels and church books, images of saints, and consecrated relics.

Whatever might have been the considerations that swayed Vladimir in his conversion to the Christian faith, it is certain that his new religion had the happiest influence on his future life and conduct. He not only abjured idolatry himself, and destroyed the idols which he had caused to be raised in his dominions, but used every exertion to persuade and compel his subjects to follow his example. Before his conversion, he is said to have possessed five wives, and 800 concubines, but after he became a Christian, he maintained an unshaken fidelity towards the imperial princess. As a Pagan he had been lavish of human blood, and set but a trifling value on the life of a man; but after he had adopted the religion of Jesus, he could scarcely be persuaded to sentence to death a single highway robber. His former delight had been in storming towns and gaining battles; but he now found his greatest pleasure in building churches, and endowing seminaries of education. He encouraged the raising of new cities and towns; peopled the waste districts of his country with the prisoners whom he had taken in war; and not only conducted himself as a sovereign who consulted the welfare of his dominions, but displayed many amiable qualities that highly endeared him to his subjects. On great festivals, he was accustomed to give entertainments to the inhabitants of the capital, and to send refreshments to those who were prevented, by sickness or infirmity, from attending the public feast. By these marks of regard to the general and individual interests of his people, he contributed to win them from the old religion, and to give them a taste for the new doctrines which he professed. By showing that Christianity had made him bo' h

a milder and a wiser prince, he insured from his people a respect for the new religion, while the striking example of the sovereign and his nobles could not fail to influence the minds of the inferior orders. Having one day issued a proclamation, ordering all the inhabitants of Kief to repair next morning to the banks of the river to be baptized, the people cheerfully obeyed the order, observing that if it were not good to be baptized, the prince and the boyars would never submit to the ceremony.

The establishment of Christianity in the Russian dominions, forms one of the most prominent features in the reign of Vladimir, and gives him a much juster claim to the title of Great, which has been bestowed on him by historians, than all his numerous victories. We have therefore dwelt on it with the greater minuteness. Indeed the latter transactions of his reign afford but little interest. His last days were embittered by domestic vexations; his wife and one of his favourite sons died long before him, and another of his sons, Yaroslav, on whom he had bestowed the government of Novgorod, refused to acknowledge him as his liege, and applied to the Varagians for assistance against his father. The aged Vladimir, compelled to march against a rebellious son, died with grief upon the road, after a long and glorious reign of 35 years.

The character of this monarch may be easily collected from the account we have given of the transactions that marked his reign. He had certainly great, if not amiable qualities; and if he failed in communicating to his subjects the zeal for civilization and improvement which he himself possessed, it was the fault rather of the times, than of the instructor. His country remained barbarous, because barbarism was the characteristic of the age, and the monarch himself rose but little above the character of a barbarian, because the times in which he lived did not admit of superior refinement. It has been well observed by an ingenious writer on the history of Russia, that it is scarcely possible for a man to rise far above his contemporaries, and that had Vladimir lived in the 17th century, the civilization and refinement of Russia might have been imputed to him, as it is now imputed to Peter the Great.

Notwithstanding the circumstances we have noticed, the improvement which Russia owed to this prince was great and permanent. With the Christian religion he imported from Greece the arts which then flourished in that empire, and almost entirely new-modelled the language of his country, by engraving on it the more refined dialect of the Greeks, and adopting, in a great measure, the letters of their alphabet. See PHILOLOGY.

The dominions of Russia, which at first consisted of two principalities, that of Novgorod, bordering on the Baltic, and that of Kief, occupying no very large space on the eastern bank of the Dniepr, were, by the victories of Vladimir, extended westward along the shores of the Baltic, into Lithuania and Poland; southward along the shores of the Euxine, so as to include the Crimea and great part of the Bulgarian territories; while to the east it extended to the Oka, the Don and the Volga. He still maintained the seat of government at Kief, of which he was styled grand prince, while the other districts were either tributary to that principality, or held of it as their superior.

Before his death, Vladimir had divided his extensive territories among his twelve sons, reserving to himself and his immediate heir, the grand principality of Kief. The consequences of this ill-judged distribution were disunion, contention, and almost perpetual warfare among the brothers. The most respectable, and in the end the most powerful of these, was Yaroslav, or as he is commonly called Jarislaus, prince of Novgorod. This prince finding that Sviatopolk, who had raised himself to the sovereignty of Kief after his father's death, attempted by assassination, or force of arms, to take possession of the neighbouring principalities, determined to resist him in his encroachments. Collecting an army of Novgorodians, he in 1016, drove Sviatopolk from Kief, and forced him to seek an asylum with his father-in-law, Boleslaus, duke of Poland. Boleslaus was easily persuaded to engage in the cause of his son-in-law, as he hoped to reap advantage from the quarrels among the descendants of Vladimir, and not only regain that part of his dominions which had been conquered by that prince, but enlarge his territory by encroachments on the Russian borders. He therefore accompanied Sviatopolk into Russia with an army, retook Kief, and obliged the Novgorodian prince to retire with precipitation. While he was endeavouring to collect fresh forces to renew the war with Boleslaus and Sviatopolk, the latter, by the treachery and perfidy with which he treated his Polish allies, contributed to his own downfall. He caused great numbers of the Poles to be secretly massacred, a transaction by which Boleslaus was so incensed, that he plundered Kief, made himself master of several places on the Russian frontiers, and then left his perfidious son-in-law to shift for himself. Sviatopolk now sought assistance from the Pechenegans, and with an army of these auxiliaries, offered battle to Yaroslav, not far from the place, where he had, four years before, caused one of his brothers to be murdered. The contest was long and bloody, but terminated in favour of Yaroslav. Sviatopolk was put to flight, and died soon after.

By this victory Yaroslav acquired possession of the greater part of his father's dominions, and testified his gratitude for the assistance given him by the Novgorodians, by the attention which he paid to the particular improvement of that state. He drew up for it a code of laws, which are still known by the appellation of the municipal law of Novgorod. He also exerted himself for the welfare of other towns, and of the country at large.

Yaroslav did not neglect the advancement of the Christian religion. He established a metropolitan in Kief, and thus gave to the Russian clergy a head, who might watch over the morals of the inferior pastors, and provide for the general dissemination of the Christian doctrine. He collected several books in the Greek religion, and caused many of them to be translated into the Russian language.

This monarch is supposed to have died in 1054, and to have reigned 35 years. He followed the example of his father, in dividing his territories among his sons, though he endeavoured to prevent the dissensions which he himself had witnessed from such a partition, by exhorting them on his death-bed, to the most intimate concord, and endeavouring to convince them that they would be respected by their subjects, and feared by their enemies.

enemies, only while they continued to act with unanimity.

We know little of the proceedings of Yaroslav's successors, except that Isiaslaf, his eldest son, and grand prince of Kief, had frequent disputes with his brothers, in which he was assisted by the Poles, and supported by the influence of the Roman pontiff. During these disputes he was once expelled from his dominions, but again recovered them, and reigned till 1078.

From the death of Isiaslaf to the beginning of the 13th century, the history of Russia comprises little else than a continued series of intestine commotions and petty wars with the neighbouring states. The same system of dismemberment was continued by the succeeding princes, and was attended with the same result. There were during this period not fewer than 17 independent principalities, though these were at length reduced to seven, viz. those of Kief, Novgorod, Smolensk, Vladimir, Tver, Halitch, and Moskva (Mosco). Of these, Kief and Novgorod long continued to be the most powerful, though they could not always maintain their superiority over the other principalities; and towards the latter end of the period which we have mentioned, the district of Vladimir erected itself into a grand principality, and became at least as powerful as Kief and Novgorod.

In the supremacy of these three great principalities, we may trace the division of European Russia into Great, Little, and White Russia, a distinction which long maintained its ground, and in later times gave to the sovereign of this empire the title of monarch or emperor of all the Russians. Great Russia comprehended the principality of Novgorod, and extended northward to the White sea, eastward to the river Dvina, and the entrance of the Petchora into the Uralian mountains; while to the south it bordered on the district of Vladimir, as far as the Volga and the mouth of the Medvedtza, and to the west on Lithuania and Prussia, including the tributary tribes on the Baltic, as far as Memel. Its capital was Novgorod. Little Russia extended along the river Ager to the north above the Donetz and the Oka, on the east to the Polovtzes and the Pechenegans, while to the south it stretched as far as the Taurian Chersonesus, or the Crimea, and to the west along the banks of the river Goryn. This was the principality of Kief, and in that city was held the seat of government. The principality of Vladimir received the name of White Russia. It extended northward along the Volga, to the southern boundary of Great Russia; to the east it bordered on the possessions of the Ugres, and the territory of the Mordvines, stretching down the Volga to the mouth of the Oka; to the south it extended along the Oka to the principality of Siazan, and the Bulgarian territory. The metropolis of this division was at first Shuia, afterwards Rostof, Suzdal, and Vladimir, till at length the seat of government was transferred to Mosco.

The principality of Novgorod appears, during this interval, to have been the most respectable for its commercial intercourse with the neighbouring nations, and for the independent spirit of its internal government. This, though nominally monarchical, seems to have possessed much of a republican character. The princes were evidently dependent on the people, and some ludicrous instances of this dependence are related by the old histori-

ans. One of the grand princes had so much displeased his people, that they refused to pay him their usual obedience. As the prince seems to have been aware of the little influence which he possessed in the state, he employed the metropolitan of the principality to negotiate a reconciliation. This prelate accordingly wrote to the Novgorodians in the following terms. "The grand prince has acted wrong towards you, but he is sorry for it, desires you to forgive him, and will behave better for the future. I will be surety for him, and beseech you to receive him with honour and dignity."

During the intestine broils that attended the dismemberment of the Russian monarchy, the ambition of its neighbours, and partly the folly of the contending princes, who solicited their assistance against their rivals, contributed to diminish the strength and resources of the empire. In particular the Poles and the Hungarians availed themselves of these circumstances. Invited into Russia by the rival princes, and allured by the hope of plunder, they readily lent their aid to any of the parties. By ravaging the towns and villages, carrying off the captives into slavery, and making a prey of whatever appeared most useful, they quickly recompensed themselves for their assistance. The Poles seem to have been most successful in their depredations, and to have fully revenged themselves for their former humiliation.

It is not surprising that a state of anarchy and confusion, such as we have described, should hold out a temptation to any powerful nation to attempt at acquiring the dominion of a people who showed that they were incapable of governing themselves. Not far from the confines of Vladimir and Kief, viz. in the neighbourhood of the sea of Aral, the wandering hordes of Mongols, or Mongol Tartars, had taken up their residence. These people appear to have descended from the ancient Scythians, and to have long dwelt on the confines of the Chinese empire. Hence they gradually marched westward, and about 1223 arrived on the shores of the sea of Aral, under the conduct of Tuschi, son of the famous Tschinghis Khan, chief of the Mogul empire, many of whose warlike exploits have been recounted under the article Mogul. From the Aral, Tuschi conducted his horde along the shores of the Caspian, and gradually approached the Dniepr. In his course he attacked and overcame the Tscherkesses, or Circassians, who on his approach had joined with the Polovtzes, to resist the terrible enemy. The defeated Polovtzes gave notice to their neighbours the Russians, of the approaching storm, and invited them to form a common cause against the enemy. In the mean time the Tartars had sent ambassadors to the Russians, hoping to prevent their alliance with the Polovtzes, and thus the more easily subdue the disunited nations. For this time, however, the Russians were true to their own interest, and proved firm to their alliance. In concert with the Polovtzes, they assembled an army, and prepared to resist the incursions of the Tartars. Both parties met near the small river Kalka, which flows into the sea of Asow, and a furious engagement took place. The Russians fought with great intrepidity, but the Polovtzes thrown into consternation at the furious onset of the Tartars, suddenly betook themselves to flight. As they formed the van-guard, their flight put the Russian army, which was drawn up behind them, into such complete

disorder, that a total rout ensued. The prince of Kief, who had kept himself aloof during the engagement, attempted to resist the victorious Tartars, but his army was attacked and defeated with great slaughter.

Had the princes who then shared among them the Russian territories firmly united against the common enemy, there is little doubt that they might have stemmed the torrent, which soon, from their state of rivalship and disunion, burst in and overwhelmed them. About 13 years after the defeat on the Kalka, another horde of Tartars, headed by Banty Khan, the grandson of Tschinghis-khan, penetrated into Russia, after having attacked and defeated their neighbours the Bulgarians. The Tartars soon spread far and wide the terror of their name. Wherever they came, the whole face of nature was laid waste; towns and villages were destroyed by fire; all the men capable of bearing arms were put to the sword, and the children, women, and old men, carried into captivity. If the inhabitants of the towns to which they approached offered a compromise, the faithless barbarians affected to receive their submission; but immediately broke the agreement, and treated those who surrendered to their mercy with as much rigour as those who had endeavoured to defend themselves, and had been overcome. If the inhabitants of the open towns and villages came out to meet them, and to receive them as conquerors and friends; death, torture, or the most ignominious bondage, was the reward of their spontaneous submission.

The first state which they attacked was Riazan, the prince of which applied for assistance to Yury, commonly called by historians, George Sevoloditch, grand prince of Vladimir, who was then chief of the Russian princes. He sent them a few auxiliaries, but they either came too late, or their number was too small. The principality of Riazan fell, and its fall was succeeded by that of Pereiaslav, Rostov, Suzdal, and several others. Like a furious torrent rushing down the mountain's side, and irresistibly carrying with it all that impeded its progress, these barbarous hordes rolled their rapid course, carrying in their train fire and sword, ravages and desolation, torments and death, and sweeping all before them in one common devastation. They now approached the principality of Vladimir, and no army appeared to resist them on the frontiers. They advanced unimpeded to the capital, which, left to its fate by the grand prince, had nothing to expect, but the same cruel treatment which the neighbouring cities had received. Yury, with unpardonable negligence, was celebrating a marriage feast, when he ought to have been employed in collecting the means of defence against the enemy, of whose approach to his borders he had received timely intimation. The city of Vladimir, which contained the princess and two of her sons, was left to the protection of a chieftain, totally unqualified for its defence, and the inhabitants seemed to share the pusillanimity of their governor. Instead of annoying the enemy by occasional excursions, and preparing the means of defending the walls against a sudden attack, they gave themselves up to terror and despair; and as they conceived death to be inevitable, they prepared for it, by taking the habits of monks and nuns, in order to insure to themselves a blissful departure. A prey to fear and despondency, the city soon fell into the hands of the Tartars. They one morning scaled the walls, and meeting with little

opposition, quickly made themselves masters of the place; when they cast aside every feeling of humanity, and like beasts of prey, glutted their appetite for blood among the wretched inhabitants. The grand princes, and other ladies of distinction, dreading the brutality of the relentless conquerors, had taken refuge in the choir of a church, an asylum which all the assurances of the Tartars that they should suffer no injury, could not prevail on them to abandon. It was therefore set on fire by the barbarians, who feasted their ears with the shrieks and groans of the women, as the flames surrounded them.

Yury, incensed almost to desperation, at the fate of his capital, and the horrible death of his wife and children, was determined to take signal vengeance on the assailants. He assembled all the forces which he could draw together, and though his army was greatly inferior in numbers to the Tartars, he marched against the enemy, and attacked them with the most determined valour. The struggle was short, but bloody; the Tartars were victorious, and the body of Yury was found among the slain.

This appears to have been the only vigorous stand made by the Russian princes. The Tartars pushed forward with rapidity, and successively overpowered the principalities of Novgorod and Kief. In the latter city they found immense booty; but this circumstance did not prevent them from repeating here the same bloody scenes which they had acted in the other capitals. The governor was preserved from the cruelties that had been inflicted on the inhabitants, by the courage he had displayed in defence of the city; and his noble demeanour, when he fell into the hands of the conqueror, acquired the esteem and affection of that chief, and enabled him to obtain a temporary repose to his country.

The Tartars had now established themselves in the Russian territories, and their khan or chief, though he did not himself assume the nominal sovereignty, reigned as paramount lord, and placed on the throne any of the native princes whom he found most obsequious to his will, or who had ingratiated themselves by the magnificence of their presents. The throne was successively occupied by Yaroslav II. Alexander Yaroslavitch, Yaroslav Yaroslavitch, Vasilii Yaroslavitch, Dimitri Alexandrovitch, Andrei, Danül, both brothers of Dimitri, Mikaila Yaroslavitch, Yury Danilovitch, Alexander Mikailovitch, Ivan Danilovitch, Simeon Ivanovitch, and Ivan Ivanovitch.

Among the princes whom we have enumerated, we must particularly notice Alexander the son of Yaroslav II. This prince was installed grand prince of Russia, by the Tartar khan in 1252, and continued to reign till 1264. He is remarkable chiefly for a decisive victory gained by him over the Danes on the banks of the Neva;—a victory which procured him the honourable surname of Nefsky (the conqueror). This victory is said to have taken place in 1239, while Alexander was governor of Novgorod, under his father Yaroslav, who then reigned at Vladimir. After his accession to the throne on the death of his father, he engaged in a successful war with Sweden. This prince is held in great veneration by the Russians, and several miracles are attributed to him. In particular it is said, that when the prayer of absolution was offered to his corpse previous to interment (a practice long customary in Russia), the

hand of the dead body opened to receive it. His reputation for sanctity occasioned him to be ranked among the tutelary saints of the Greek church, where he still holds a distinguished place, by the title of St Alexander Neffsky.

During these several reigns, which all historians have passed over for want of records concerning them, the miseries of a foreign yoke were aggravated by all the calamities of intestine discord and war; whilst the knights of Livonia, or brothers of the short-sword, as they are sometimes called, a kind of military order of religious, on one side, and the Poles on the other, catching at the opportunity, attacked Russia, and took several of its towns, and even some considerable countries. The Tartars and Russians, whose interests were in this case the same, often united to oppose their common enemy; but were generally worsted. The Livonians took Plekrow, and the Poles made themselves masters of Black Russia, the Ukraine, Podolia, and the city of Kief. Casimir the Great, one of their kings, carried his conquests still farther. He asserted his pretensions to a part of Russia, in right of his relation to Boleslaus duke of Kalitz, who died without issue, and forcibly possessed himself of the duchies of Perzemyslia, Kalitz, and Luckow, and of the districts of Sanock, Lubakow, and Trebowla; all which countries he made a province of Poland.

The newly-conquered Russians were ill-disposed to endure the government of the Poles, whose laws and customs were more contrary to their own than those of the Tartars had been. They joined the latter to rid themselves of the yoke, and assembled an army numerous enough to overwhelm all Poland, but destitute of valour and discipline. Casimir, undaunted by this deluge of barbarians, presented himself at the head of a few troops on the borders of the Vistula, and obliged his enemies to retire.

About the year 1362 Dimitri Ivanovitch received the sovereignty from the Tartar chief, and established the seat of his government at Mosco. This prince possessed considerable ambition, and contrived to inspire the other Russian princes with so much respect for his person and government, that they consented to hold their principalities as fiefs under Dimitri. This increased the consequence of the Russian prince, excited the jealousy of Mamai the Tartar khan, who determined to take measures for maintaining his superiority. He began by demanding an increase of tribute, but when Dimitri seemed to demur at consenting to this new encroachment, the khan not only insisted on his demand, but required the grand prince to appear before him in person. This requisition Dimitri thought proper to refuse, and prepared to support his refusal by force of arms. The terror with which the Tartars had inspired the inhabitants of Russia had now considerably subsided, while the hatred which the Russians bore these haughty masters, was kept alive by the barbarity of their manners, and the difference of their religion. The Christian ministers, justly dreading that the Tartars, in their furious progress, might extirpate Christianity, contributed all in their power to confirm the spirit of revolt among the people; and they promised the crown of martyrdom to such as should fall in battle against the infidels. Thus, the contest into which the grand prince determined to enter in support of his authority, became in

some measure a holy war, undertaken in defence of the national religion. This combination of favourable circumstances operated so strongly in favour of Dimitri, and the princes that had confederated with him, that they soon collected an army of 200,000 men. With this force the grand prince left Mosco, and marched towards the Don, on the southern bank of which the Tartars were encamped. Arrived at this river, he left it to the choice of his troops, either to cross the river, and encounter the enemy on the other side, or to await the attack where they were. The general voice declared for passing over to the assault. The grand prince accordingly transported his battalions across the river, that he might cut off all hope of escaping by retreat. The fight now commenced, and though the numbers of the foe far exceeded their own, the Russians defended themselves valiantly against the furious onset of the Tartars; but as these barbarians were continually relieved by fresh reinforcements, they appeared to be gaining ground. Indeed, nothing but the impossibility of retreating across the river, and the firm persuasion that death would immediately transport them to the mansions of eternal bliss, restrained the Russians from a general flight. At the moment when the day seemed entirely lost, a detachment of the grand prince's army which he had stationed in reserve, and had remained out of the view of the enemy, came up with unabated force, fell on the rear of the Tartars, threw them into such terror and confusion, that they fled with Mamai at their head, and left the Russians masters of the field. This contest must have been extremely bloody, as we are told that eight days were employed by the remains of the Russian army, in burying the bodies of their slaughtered companions, while those of the Tartars were left uninterred upon the ground.

This glorious victory, which took place in 1380, was attended with numerous advantages to the Russian cause. In particular, it taught the native princes that the Tartars were not unconquerable; that nothing was wanting to relieve them from the galling yoke under which they had long groaned, but mutual union, courage, and prudence. The Tartars appear to have been so much humbled by this defeat, that for a time they left the Russians to enjoy in peace their recovered liberty. This forbearance, however, was not of long duration. Before the death of Dimitri they returned with increased numbers, laid siege to Mosco, which, after an obstinate defence, was at length induced to surrender, and Russia once more submitted to her old masters.

Dimitri died in 1389, and was succeeded by his son Vasilii Dimitrievitch. In the reign of this prince a new incursion of the Tartars took place, under the great Timur or Tamarlane, who after having subdued all the neighbouring Tartar hordes, extended his conquests to the Russian territories, carried Mosco by assault, and carried off immense plunder.

The grand principality of Vladimir, or as it may now be called, of Mosco, had, at the end of the 14th century, attained its greatest height, while that of Kief had proportionally declined. This latter principality was, at the time of which we are now writing, under the dominion of the Poles, having been seized on in 1320 by Gedemin, duke of Lithuania.

The latter end of the 15th century forms a splendid epoch in the Russian history. At this time, viz. from

1462 to 1505, reigned Ivan Vasiliivitch, or, as he is commonly called, John Basilovitz. This able prince, by his invincible spirit and refined policy, became both the conqueror and deliverer of his country, and laid the first foundation of its future grandeur. Observing with indignation the narrow limits of his power at his accession to the throne, after the death of his father Vasilii the Blind, he began immediately to resolve within himself the means of enlarging his dominions. Marriage, though he had in reality no regard or inclination for women, seemed to him one of the best expedients he could begin with; and accordingly he demanded and obtained Maria, sister of Michael duke of Tver, whom he soon after deposed, under pretence of revenging the injuries done to his father, and added this duchy to his own territories of Mosco. Maria, by whom he had a son named Ivan, who died before him, did not live long; and upon her death he married Sophia, daughter of Thomas Paleologus, who had been driven from Constantinople, and forced to seek shelter at Rome, where the Pope portioned this princess, in hopes of thus procuring great advantage to the Roman religion: but his expectations were frustrated, Sophia being obliged to conform to the Greek church after her arrival in Russia.

68
Incited by
his wife to
shake off
the Tartar
yoke.

What could induce Ivan to seek a consort at such a distance is nowhere accounted for, unless it be, that he hoped by this means to establish a pretension to the empire of the east, to which her father was the next heir; but however that may be, the Russians certainly owed to this alliance their deliverance from the Tartar yoke. Shocked at the servile homage exacted by these proud victors, her husband going to meet their ambassadors at some distance from the city, and standing to hear what they had to say, whilst they were at dinner; Sophia told him that she was surprised to find that she had married a servant to the Tartars. Nettled at this reproach, Ivan feigned himself ill when the next deputation from the Tartars arrived, and by means of this stratagem, avoided a repetition of the humiliating ceremonial. Another circumstance equally displeasing to this princess was, that the Tartars possessed by agreement within the walls of the palace at Mosco, houses in which their ministers resided, a stipulation which they had made, at once to shew their power, and watch the actions of the grand prince. To rid her husband and herself of these unpleasant neighbours, Sophia sent a formal embassy to the khan, to inform him, that as she had been favoured with a vision from above, commanding her to build a temple in the place where then stood the houses of the Tartar ministers, her mind could not be at ease till she had fulfilled the divine command; she therefore desired his leave to pull them down, and give his people others. The khan consented; the houses within the Kremlin (d) were demolished, and no new ones being provided, the Tartar residents were obliged to leave Mosco, an affront which their prince was not able to revenge, as he was then engaged in a war with the Poles.

Ivan taking advantage of this circumstance, and having gradually increased his forces, now openly disclaimed all subjection to the Tartars, attacked their territo-

ries, and made himself master of Kazan. Here he was solemnly crowned with a diadem which is said to be the same that is still used in the coronation of the Russian sovereigns. This took place about the year 1470, and led to a complete emancipation of Russia from the Tartar dominion. Ivan afterwards carried his arms against the neighbouring states. The province of Permia, with Asiatic Bulgaria, and great part of Lapland, soon submitted to him, and the great Novgorod, a city then so famous that the Russians were accustomed to intimate their idea of its importance by the proverbial expression, Who can resist God and the great Novgorod? was reduced by his generals after a seven years siege, and yielded immense treasure. This place was so wealthy, that Alexander Witold, prince of Lithuania, to whom the Novgorodians were then tributary, derived from it a yearly contribution of 100,000 rubles. The booty carried off by Ivan to Mosco, is said to have consisted of 300 cart loads of gold, silver, and precious stones, with a much greater quantity of furs, cloths, and other merchandise. After he quitted the city, which had been awed by his presence, the discontents excited at his violent measures broke out into acts of mutiny, on which he, in 1485, carried off 50 of the principal families, and distributed them through several of the Russian towns. He afterwards carried off some thousands of the most considerable inhabitants, and replaced them by more loyal subjects from other places. By these proceedings the flourishing commerce of this city received a considerable shock, and it suffered still more by the imprisonment of all the German merchants, and the confiscation of their effects. Indeed from this period Novgorod never recovered its former splendour.

After his reduction of Novgorod, Ivan invaded the territories of Livonia and Esthonia, in consequence, as we are told, of an affront offered to him by the inhabitants of Reval. Here, however, he met with a stout resistance, and does not seem to have made much progress. Towards the conclusion of his reign, the Kazanian Tartars, who, though humbled, had continued to inhabit that district, made a hard struggle to shake off the Russian yoke that had been imposed on them; but Ivan had established his authority too firmly for them to accomplish their purpose during his life. He died in 1505, and was succeeded by his son Vasilii Ivanovitch, commonly called Basilus III.

The Tartars of Kazan were still suffered to maintain a shew of independency, by electing their own khans; but a Russian noble, under the denomination of voivode was associated with the khan in the government, and took care that the administration should be conducted in such a manner as to secure the interests of his master. About 14 years after the death of Ivan, however, the Tartars resolved to overturn so humiliating an administration. They murdered the Russian voivode, expelled their nominal khan, and united themselves with their brethren of the Crimea. With their assistance they assembled a mighty force, entered the Russian dominions, and carried their arms even to the gates of Mosco. The grand prince Vasilii found himself at that time unable

(d) The Kremlin is a quarter of Mosco, where stands the palace of the tzars, first built of stone by Dimitri Ivanovitch Dowski in 1357. See Mosco.

unable to resist the barbarians, and therefore purchased an exemption from general pillage by great presents, and a promise of renewed allegiance. The Tartars retired, but carried off immense booty, and nearly 300,000 prisoners, the greater part of whom they sent to Theodosia in the Crimea, and sold them to the Turks. This humiliation of Vasilii did not, however, long continue, and he was soon enabled to make head against the Tartars, and to recover possession of the city Kazan, and of Pscove, a city which had been built by the princess Olga, and was the great rival of Novgorod in wealth and commercial importance. Under this prince all the principalities of Russia were once more united, and they have remained ever since under the dominion of one sovereign.

It was under the son and successor of Vasilii, Ivan IV. or, as he is styled by the Russian historians, Ivan Vasilievitch II. that Russia completely emancipated herself from her subjection to the Tartars, and acquired a vast accession of territory, which extended her empire into the north-east of Asia, and rendered her for the first time, superior in extent to any state that had appeared since the Roman empire. Vasilii died in 1533, having reigned 28 years, and lived 55. His son Ivan was only three years old when he succeeded to the throne, and the queen-mother was appointed regent during his minority. During her administration the state became a prey to anarchy and confusion. She seems to have had no talents for government, and devoted herself entirely to the pursuit of pleasure, so that the ambitious nobles, and in particular the uncles of the young prince, had the most favourable opportunity for aggrandizing themselves at the expence of the sovereign. The queen-mother died in 1538; and though the names and characters of those who assumed the regency after her death are not known, it appears that they must have conducted the administration with considerable prudence and circumspection, as, when Ivan attained his 17th year, he was enabled to assume the reins of government without opposition; and from the important transactions in which he immediately engaged, must have been possessed of considerable resources.

In taking into his own hands the government of the state, Ivan displayed so much prudence and manly fortitude as soon raised him very high in the estimation of his subjects. At the same time he shewed marks of a tyrannical disposition, and irritability of temper, which made him rather feared than admired by his friends, while they rendered him an object of terror to his neighbours and his enemies. He saw himself surrounded on all sides by contending factions, and to suppress these was the first object of his care. In the choice of means for effecting this, he does not seem to have been very scrupulous, provided they tended to the accomplishment of his aim; and in punishing the offences of those who opposed his purpose, his violence of temper not unfrequently led him to confound the innocent with the guilty. He was, however, successful in his great design, and having secured the domestic tranquillity of his dominions, he had leisure to direct his attention to the more remote, but not less predominant objects of his ambition. He resolved to attempt liberating his country for ever from the dominion of the Tartars, and he succeeded. In 1551, he marched an army in the depth

of winter into the district of Kazan, and laid siege to the capital, regardless of the murmurs of his troops, who loudly and openly expressed their dislike to this expedition, declaring that no good commander would think of conducting his forces to sieges and battles during the inclemencies of winter, or attempt at such a season to attack the enemy in their quarters. Exasperated at these murmurs, he determined to punish severely the principal officers who had contributed to foment the discontents of the soldiers, and by this well-timed severity he effectually repressed all opposition to his will.

Before entering seriously on the siege of Kazan, he built several forts on the frontiers of the Tartar territories, by which he hoped to awe these barbarians, and prevent them from disturbing the peace of his dominions. He then invested Kazan, and in the year 1552, made himself master of it by the new, and, to the Tartars, unheard-of method of springing a mine below the walls. We are told by some historians, that the city had made an obstinate defence, and that, during the siege, which lasted above seven years, another alarming mutiny broke out in the besieging army; that Ivan was in great danger of his life, and was obliged for a time to abandon the enterprise, and retire to Mosco, where he made an example of the chief mutineers, and again returned to the siege of Kazan. How far this statement is to be relied on, it is difficult now to determine; but perhaps this mutiny is confounded with that which we have already noticed, as having taken place at the commencement of the enterprise.

As Kazan was taken by storm, the inhabitants were treated with much rigour; and the slaughter was so dreadful, that even the flinty heart of Ivan is said to have relented at the heaps of dead bodies which struck his sight on entering the city. The inhabitants that escaped slaughter, and the remains of the Tartars, were offered mercy on condition that they should embrace the Christian faith. By this important conquest the dominion of the Tartars, which had oppressed the Russians for more than three centuries, was completely and permanently overthrown.

About two years after he had abolished the power of the Tartars, he extended his conquests eastward to the shores of the Caspian, and took possession of the territory that lay on the right bank of the Volga, round the city of Astracan, which was also inhabited by the Tartar hordes.

Ivan, as well as his grandfather, had found it necessary to chastise the inhabitants of Novgorod; but in the year 1570, this city being suspected of forming a plot for delivering itself and the surrounding territory into the hands of the king of Poland, felt still more severely the effects of his vengeance. All who had been in any degree implicated in the conspiracy, to the number of 25,000, suffered by the hands of the executioner. The city of Pscove was threatened with a similar proscription; but Ivan, on their voluntary submission, contented himself with the execution of a few monks, and the confiscation of the property of the most opulent inhabitants. It is not surprising that acts like these should have given to this prince the names of terrible and tyrant, by which historians have occasionally distinguished him; though it is not a little extraordinary, that he should

should have retained so much interest in the affections of his subjects, that when, to try their attachment, he, in 1575, abdicated the government, and retained only the title of Prince of Mosco, the majority of the nation loudly expressed their wish for him to resume the administration of affairs. We can account for this, only by considering the measures which he had adopted for the improvement and civilization of his people. These were of such a nature as in a great measure to obliterate the remembrance of his cruelty and oppression. He promulgated a new code of laws, composed partly of such ancient statutes as still were in force, and were capable of improvement, and partly of new regulations, which he either contrived himself, or adopted from the neighbouring states. He found it necessary, however, to render many of these laws extremely severe, though their execution was most frequently exemplified in the persons of his nobles, whose perverseness and obstinacy seemed unconquerable by more lenient measures.

Ivan cultivated an intercourse with several of the European states, especially with Germany, for which country he seems to have had a very particular esteem. Early in his reign, viz. in 1547, he sent a splendid embassy to the emperor Charles V. requesting him to permit a number of German artists, mechanics, and literary men, to establish themselves in Russia. Charles readily complied with his request, and several hundred volunteers were collected and assembled at Lubeck, whence they were to proceed through Livonia to Mosco. The Lubeckers, however, jealous that the improvement of the Russians in arts and manufactures might render them independent of their neighbours, and diminish the commercial intercourse that had long subsisted between their city and the principal towns of Russia, arrested the Germans in their route, and in concert with the merchants of Reval and Riga, sent a petition to Charles, requesting him to recall the permission he had granted. In consequence of these measures, many of the German artists returned home, but several of them escaped the vigilance of the Lubeckers, and reached Mosco by a circuitous route. Ivan endeavoured to revenge himself on the Livonians by invading their country. This was strenuously defended by the Teutonic knights; and these champions, finding at last that they were unable to maintain their ground, rather than submit to the Russian monarch, put their country under the protection of Poland.

The Swedes also came in for a share of the Livonian territories; and this circumstance gave rise to a war between them and the Russians. Ivan invaded Finland; but that country was bravely defended by William of Furstenberg, grand master of the Livonian knights, with the assistance of the troops of Gustavus Vasa; and it does not appear that Ivan gained much in this expedition, though we are told that the Livonian grand master ended his life in a Russian prison.

In 1553, an event happened which first led to an intercourse between Russia and England. Some Englishmen who were at that time on a voyage of discovery, landed on the shores of the White sea, where soon after was built the port of Archangel. They were hospitably received by the natives; and intimation of the circumstance being conveyed to Ivan, he sent for the strangers, and was so much pleased with their abilities and

deportment, that he resolved to give every encouragement to the English commerce, and thus open a new channel of intercourse with a highly polished nation, by which his subjects might obtain fresh incitements to activity and industry. We are told, that his affection for the English proceeded so far, as to induce him to form the design of marrying an English lady. He expressed the highest esteem for Queen Elizabeth, and requested by his ambassador, that if the ingratitude of his subjects should ever compel him to quit Russia, (a circumstance by no means improbable), she would grant him an asylum in her dominions. It was in consequence of this accidental communication between the Russians and the English, that England first engaged in a trade to Russia, and promoted this new commerce by the establishment of a company of Russia merchants in London.

About twenty years after Astracan had been annexed to the Russian empire, a new acquisition of territory accrued to it from the conquests of a private adventurer, in the unknown regions of Siberia. The steps that led to the acquisition of this immense tract of the Asiatic continent, are thus related by Mr Tooke.

"The grand prince, Ivan III. had already sent out a body of men who penetrated across the Ingrian mountains, and traversed all the districts as far as the river Oby. But, amidst the urgent affairs of government, the discoveries they made insensibly fell into oblivion. Some years afterwards a merchant, named Stroganof, who was proprietor of some salt-works on the confines of Siberia, was curious to gain a farther knowledge of that country, which was likewise inhabited by Tartars, whose khan resided in the capital Sibir. Perceiving, among the persons who came to him on affairs of trade, men who belonged to no nation with which he was acquainted, he put several inquiries to them concerning the place whence they came, and once sent a few of his people with them back to their country. These people brought with them, at their return from the regions they had now explored, and which proved to be this very Siberia, a great quantity of invaluable furs, and thus opened to their master a new road to wealth. However, not so covetous as to wish to keep this treasure to himself, he sent information of it to the court, and the attention of government was once more directed to this country. But the conquest of it, and its conjunction with Russia, was reserved for an adventurer named Timoseyef Yermak. This Yermak, at the head of a gang of Don Zozaks, had made it his practice to rob and plunder the caravans and passengers that occasionally frequented the roads, as well as the inhabitants, wherever he came, and was so fortunate as to escape the search of the Russian troops that had been sent out against him and his band, which consisted of not fewer than 6000 men. On their flight, he and his people accidentally came to the dwelling of Stroganof, where, hearing much talk about Siberia, and being persons who had nothing to lose, and therefore might put all to the hazard, they soon formed a plan to penetrate farther into that country, and there seek at once their safety and their fortune. After numerous struggles and conflicts with the natives, which greatly reduced their numbers, they at length conquered the capital, and shortly after the whole country. Yermak now presented the

fruit of his toilsome and perilous victories to his tzar, (e) Ivan, in hopes of obtaining thereby, a pardon of his former depredations, which was granted him accordingly, by the building of several towns, and constructing a number of forts, the possession of this country was soon permanently secured. The less and the greater Kabardey were also added to Russia in the reign of Ivan. This tzar, however, not only enlarged the circumference of his empire, partly by force of arms and partly by accident, but he resolved to reform his people, to render them more polished, more skilful, and industrious; but this he found to be the most arduous enterprise he could possibly have undertaken. The insuperable impediments which threw themselves in the way of the execution of this grand work, were the principal incitements to those frequent acts of cruelty and despotism which have covered his memory with so deep a stain."

Towards the close of Ivan's reign, a prodigious army of Turks and Tartars entered Russia, with a design to subdue the whole country. But Zerebrinoff, the tzar's general, having attacked them in a defile, put them to flight with considerable slaughter. They then retired towards the mouth of the Volga, where they expected a considerable reinforcement; but being closely pursued by the Russians and Tartars in alliance with them, they were again defeated and forced to fly towards Azof on the Black sea. But when they came there, they found the city almost entirely ruined by the blowing up of a powder magazine. The Russians then attacked their ships there, took some and sunk the rest; by which means almost the whole army perished with hunger or by the sword of the enemy.

From this time the empire of Russia became so formidable, that none of the neighbouring nations could hope to make a total conquest of it. The Poles and Swedes indeed continued to be very formidable enemies; and, by the instigation of the former, the Crim Tartars, in 1571, again invaded the country with an army of 70,000 men. The Russians, who might have prevented their passing the Volga, retired before them till they came within 18 miles of the city of Mosco, where they were totally defeated. The tzar no sooner heard this news, than he retired with his most valuable effects to a well-fortified cloister; upon which the Tartars entered the city, plundered it, and set fire to several churches. A violent storm which happened at the same time soon spread the flames all over the city; which was entirely reduced to ashes in six hours, though its circumference was upwards of 40 miles. The fire likewise communicated itself to a powder magazine at some distance from the city; by which accident upwards of 50 rods of the city wall, with all the buildings upon it, were destroyed; and, according to the best historians, upwards of 120,000 citizens were burnt or buried in the ruins, besides women, children, and foreign-

VOL. XVIII. Part I.

ers. The castle, however, which was strongly fortified, could not be taken; and the Tartars, hearing that a formidable army was coming against them under the command of Magnus duke of Holstein, whom Ivan had made king of Livonia, thought proper to retire. The war, nevertheless, continued with the Poles and Swedes; and the tzar being defeated by the latter after some trifling success, was reduced to the necessity of suing for peace; but the negotiations being broken off, the war was renewed with the greatest vigour. The Livonians, Poles, and Swedes, having united in a league against the Russians, gained great advantages over them; and in 1579, Stephen Battori, who was then raised to the throne of Poland, levied an army expressly with a design of invading Russia, and of regaining all that Poland had formerly claimed, which indeed was little less than the whole empire. As the Poles understood the art of war much better than the Russians, Ivan found his undisciplined multitudes unable to cope with the regular forces of his enemies; and their conquests were so rapid, that he was soon obliged to sue for peace, which, however, was not granted; and it is possible that the number of enemies which now attacked Russia might have overcome the empire entirely, had not the allies grown jealous of each other. The consequence of this was, that in 1582 a peace was concluded with the Poles, in which the Swedes were not comprehended. However, the Swedes finding themselves unable to effect any thing of moment after the desertion of their allies, were obliged to conclude a truce; shortly after which the tzar having been worsted in an engagement with the Tartars, died in the year 1584.

The eldest son of the late tzar, Feodor (or as he is commonly called, Theodore) Ivanovitch, was by no means fitted for the government of an empire so extensive, and a people so rude and turbulent as had devolved to him by the death of his father. Ivan had seen the incapacity of his son, and had endeavoured to obviate its effects, by appointing three of his principal nobles as administrators of the empire; while to a fourth he committed the charge of his younger son Dimitri. This expedient, however, failed of success; and partly from the mutual jealousy of the administrators, partly from the envy which their exaltation had excited in the other nobles, the affairs of the empire soon fell into confusion. The weak Feodor, had married a sister of Boris Gudonof, a man of considerable ambition, immense riches, and tolerable abilities. This man had contrived to make himself agreeable to Feodor, by becoming subservient to his capricious desires and childish amusements; and the wealth he had acquired through his interest with the sovereign, enabled him to carry on his ambitious designs. He had long directed his wishes towards the imperial dignity, and he began to prepare the way for its attainment by removing Dimitri the brother of Feodor. This young prince suddenly disappeared; and there is every reason

†

3 A

reason

(e) Previous to the reign of Vasilii, the predecessor of the monarch whose transactions we are now relating, the Russian sovereigns held the title of Velikii Kniaz, which has been translated great duke, though it more properly denotes grand prince; and by this latter appellation we have accordingly distinguished the preceding monarchs. Vasilii, near the conclusion of his reign, adopted the title of tzar, or emperor; but this title was not fully established till the successes and increasing power of his son Ivan enabled the latter to confirm it both at home and abroad: and since his time it has been universally acknowledged.

reason to believe that he was assassinated by the order of Boris. Feodor did not long survive his brother, but died in 1598, not without suspicion of his having been poisoned by his brother-in-law. We are told that the tzaritza, Irene, was so much convinced of this, that she never after held any communication with her brother, but retired to a convent, and assumed the name of Alexandria.

With Feodor ended the last branch of the family of Ruric, a dynasty which had enjoyed the supreme power in Russia ever since the establishment of the principality by the Varagian chief, viz. during a period of above 700 years. On the death of Feodor, as there was no hereditary successor to the vacant throne, the nobles assembled to elect a new tzar; and the artful Boris having, through the interest of the patriarch, a man elevated by his means, and devoted to his views, procured a majority in his favour, he was declared the object of their choice. Boris pretended unwillingness to accept the crown, declaring that he had resolved to live and die in a monastery; but when the patriarch, at the head of the principal nobles, and attended by a great concourse of people, bearing before them the cross, and the effigies of several saints, repaired to the convent, where the artful usurper had taken up his residence, he was at length prevailed on to accompany them to the palace of the tzars, and suffer himself to be crowned.

Boris affords another example, in addition to the numerous instances recorded in history, of a sovereign who became beneficial to his subjects, though he had procured the sovereignty by unjustifiable means. If we give implicit credit to the historians of those times, Boris was a murderer and a usurper, though he had the voice of the people in his favour; but by whatever means he attained the imperial power, he seems to have employed it in advancing the interests of the nation, and in improving the circumstances of his people. He was extremely active in his endeavours to extend the commerce, and improve the arts and manufactures of the Russian empire; and for this purpose he invited many foreigners into his dominions. While he exerted himself in securing the tranquillity of the country, and defending its frontiers by forts and ramparts, against the incursions of his neighbours, he made himself respected abroad, received ambassadors from almost all the powers of Europe; and after several attempts to enlarge his territories at the expence of Sweden, he concluded with that kingdom an honourable and advantageous alliance.

Soon after the commencement of his reign, the city of Mosco was desolated by one of the most dreadful famines recorded in history. Thousands of people lay dead in the streets and roads; and in many houses the fattest of their inmates was killed, to serve a food for the rest. Parents are said to have eaten their children, and children their parents; and we are told by one of the writers of that time (Petrius), that he saw a woman bite several pieces out of her child's arm as she was carrying it along. Another relates, that four women having desired a peasant to come to one of their houses, on pretence of paying him for some wood, killed and devoured both him and his horse. This dreadful calamity lasted three years; and notwithstanding all the exertions of Boris to provide for the necessities of the inhabitants

of Mosco, we are assured that not fewer than 500,000 perished by the famine.

During these distresses of the capital, the power of Boris was threatened with annihilation by an adventurer who suddenly started up, and pretended to be the young prince Dimitri, whom all believed to have been assassinated, or, as Boris had given out, to have died of a malignant fever. This adventurer was a monk named Otrepié, who learning that he greatly resembled the late Dimitri, conceived the project of passing for that prince, and endeavouring, in that character, to ascend the Russian throne. He retired from Russia into Poland, where he had the dexterity to ingratiate himself with some of the principal nobles, and persuade them that he was really prince Dimitri, the lawful heir to the crown of Russia. The better to insure to himself the support of the Poles, he learned their language, and professed a great regard for the Catholic religion. By this last artifice he both gained the attachment of the Catholic Poles, and acquired the friendship of the Roman pontiff, whose blessing and patronage in his great undertaking he farther secured, by promising that, as soon as he should have established himself on the throne, he would make every exertion to bring the Russians within the pale of the Catholic church. To the external graces of a fine person, the pretended Dimitri added the charms of irresistible eloquence; and by these accomplishments he won the affections of many of the most powerful among the Polish nobility. In particular the voivode of Sendomir was so much captivated by his address, that he not only espoused his cause, but promised to give him his daughter in marriage, as soon as he should be placed on the throne of his fathers. This respectable man exerted himself so warmly in behalf of his intended son-in-law, that he brought over even the king of Poland to his party. The Kozaks of the Don, who were oppressed by Boris, hoped to gain at least a temporary advantage by the disturbance excited in favour of the adventurer, and eagerly embraced the opportunity of declaring in his favour. The news of Prince Dimitri being still alive, soon penetrated into Russia; and though Boris did all in his power to destroy the illusion, by prohibiting all intercourse between his subjects and the Poles, and by appealing to the evidence of the murdered prince's mother in proof of his death, the cause of the pretender continued to gain ground. Many circumstances concurred to interest the Russian people in favour of Otrepié. He had prepared a manifesto, which he caused to be dispersed through the empire, and in which he affirmed himself to be the son of Ivan, and asserted his right to the throne then usurped by Boris. The courtiers of the usurper, who had long been jealous of his elevation, pretended to believe these assertions; while those who were persuaded that the young prince had been murdered by order of the present tzar, regarded this event as a judgment from heaven. The greater part of the nation appear to have been persuaded, that the pretender was the real Dimitri; and as they believed that he had been miraculously preserved, they piously resolved to concur with the hand of Providence in assisting him to recover his just rights. Thus, before he set foot in Russia, a numerous party was formed in his behalf. He soon made his appearance on the frontiers with a regiment of Polish troops, and a body of Kozaks. Boris sent an army

to oppose him; but though the number of these troops greatly exceeded the small force of Dimitri, these latter were so animated by the eloquence of their leader, and the intrepidity and personal bravery which he displayed in the field of battle, that, after a bloody conflict, the army of Boris was defeated, and the pretended Dimitri remained master of the field.

This victory, over a superior army, served still further to strengthen the belief, that Dimitri was favoured by heaven, and consequently could not be an impostor. To confirm the good opinion which he had evidently acquired, the victor treated his prisoners with great kindness; caused the dead to be decently interred, and gave strict injunctions to his troops to behave with humanity in the towns through which he passed. This gentle behaviour, when contrasted with the horrible excesses committed by the soldiers of Boris, wherever the people appeared to shew any inclination towards the cause of the invader, gained Dimitri more adherents than even the persuasion that he was the lawful sovereign of the country. Unluckily for Boris, the superstition of the Russians was about this time directed against him, by the appearance of a comet, and by more than usual coruscations of the aurora borealis, phenomena which were immediately regarded as manifest demonstrations that the Almighty was pouring out his phials of wrath on the devoted country. It was almost universally believed, that the awful effects of these alarming appearances could be averted only by supporting the cause of Dimitri, who had hitherto been so signally protected, and brought to light by the hand of heaven. Boris, unable to resist the torrent of public opinion in favour of his rival, is said to have taken poison, and thus hastened that fate which he foresaw awaited him, if he should fall into the hands of his enemies.

The death of Boris took place in the year 1605; and though the principal nobility at Mosco placed his son Feodor on the throne, the party of Dimitri was now so strong, that Feodor was dethroned and sent to prison with his mother and sister, within six weeks after his accession.

The successful monk had now attained the summit of his ambitious hopes, and made his entry into Mosco with the utmost magnificence, attended by his Russian adherents, and his Polish friends. Not deeming himself secure, however, while the son of Boris remained alive, he is said to have caused him to be strangled, together with one of his sisters. The new tzar, though he evidently possessed great abilities, seems to have been deficient in point of prudence. Instead of conciliating the favour of his subjects, by attention to their interests, and by conferring on the chief men among them the titles and honours that were at his disposal, he openly displayed his predilection for the Poles, on whom he conferred high posts and dignities, and even connived at the extravagance and enormities which they committed. This impolitic conduct, together with his partiality for the Catholic religion; his marked indifference towards the public worship of the national church, and his want of reverence for the Greek clergy; his marrying a Polish lady; his affectation of Polish manners; his inordinate voluptuousness, and the contempt with which he treated the principal nobility; so irritated and exasperated the

Russians, that discontents and insurrections arose in every quarter of the empire; and the joy with which he had been at first received, was converted into indifference, contempt, and detestation. The Russians soon discovered, from a curious circumstance, that their new sovereign could not be sprung from the blood of their ancient tzars. These had been always lifted on their horses, and rode along with a slow and solemn pace, whereas Dimitri bestrod a furious stallion, which he mounted without the help of his attendants. In addition to these sources of discontent, it was rumoured that a timber fort which Dimitri had caused to be constructed before Mosco, was intended to serve as an engine of destruction to the inhabitants, and that at a martial spectacle which the tzar was preparing for the entertainment of his bride, the Poles, and other foreigners that composed his body guard, were, from this building, to cast firebrands into the city, and then slaughter the inhabitants. This rumour increased the hatred to fury, and they resolved to wreak their vengeance on the devoted tzar. The populace were still farther incensed by the clergy, who declaimed against Dimitri as a heretic, and by Schuiskoy, a nobleman who had been condemned to death by the tzar, but had afterwards been pardoned. This nobleman put himself at the head of the enraged mob, and led them to attack the tzarian palace. This they entered by assault, put to the sword all the Poles whom they found within its walls, and afterwards extended their massacre to such as were discovered in other parts of the city. Dimitri himself, in attempting to escape, was overtaken by his pursuers, and thrust through with a spear, and his dead body being brought back into the city, lay for three days before the palace, exposed to every insult and outrage that malice could invent, or rage inflict. His father-in-law and his wife escaped with their lives, but were detained as prisoners, and the tzaritsa was confined at Yaroslavl.

Schuiskoy, who had pretended to be actuated by no other motives than the purest patriotism, now aspired to the vacant throne, and had sufficient interest to carry his election. His reign was short and uninteresting, and indeed from this time till the accession of the house of Romanof in 1613, the affairs of Russia have little to gratify the curiosity of our readers. Schuiskoy's short reign was disturbed by the pretensions of two fictitious Dimitris, who successively started up, and declared themselves to be either the late tzar, or the prince whom he had personated; and his neighbours the Swedes and Poles, taking advantage of the internal dissensions in the empire, made many successful incursions into Russia, set fire to Mosco, and massacred above 100,000 of the people. The Russians, dissatisfied with the reigning prince, treated with several of the neighbouring potentates for the disposal of the imperial crown. They offered it to Vladislaf, or Uladislaf, son of Sigismund, king of Poland, on condition that he should adopt the Greek persuasion; but as he rejected this preliminary, they turned their eyes, first on a son of Charles IX. of Sweden, and lastly, on a young native Russian, Mikhail Feodorovitch, of the house of Romanof, a family distantly related to their ancient tzars, and of which the head was then metropolitan of Rostof, and was held in great estimation. Thus, after a long series of confusion and disaster, there ascended the Russian throne a

new family, whose descendants have raised the empire to a state of grandeur and importance unequalled in any former period.

We have seen the calamities brought upon the empire by the partitions of its early monarchs, and the wars to which these partitions gave birth; by the invasions and tyranny of the Tartars; and lastly, by the disturbances that prevailed from the machinations of the false Dimitris. We have observed the depression which the empire suffered under these calamities. We are now to witness its sudden elevation among the powers of Europe, and to accompany it in its hasty strides towards that importance which it has lately assumed. But before we enter on the transactions that have enriched the pages of the Russian annals since the accession of the house of Romanof, it may not be improper or uninteresting, to take a general view of the state of the empire at the beginning of the 17th century.

At this period the government of Russia may be considered as a pure aristocracy, as all the supreme power rested in the hands of the nobles and the superior clergy. In particular the boyars, or chief officers of the army, who were also the privy counsellors of the prince, possessed a very considerable share of authority. The election of the late princes Boris, Dimitri, and Schuiskoy, had been conducted principally by them, in concert with the inhabitants of Mosco, where was then held the seat of government. The common people, especially those of the inferior towns, though nominally free, had no share in the government, or in the election of the chief ruler. The boors, or those peasants who dwelt on the noblemen's estates, were almost completely slaves, and transferable with the land on which they dwelt. An attempt to do away this barbarous vassalage had been made, both by Boris and Schuiskoy, but from the opposition of the nobles it was abandoned.

The laws in force at the time of which we are now speaking, consisted partly of the municipal laws drawn up for the state of Novgorod by Yaroslav, and partly of an amended code, called sudebnik, promulgated by Ivan Vasilievitch II. By this sudebnik the administration of the laws was made uniform throughout the empire, and particular magistrates were appointed in the several towns and districts, all subject to the tzar as their chief. The sudebnik consisted of 97 articles, all containing civil laws, as the penal statutes are only briefly mentioned in some articles, so as to appear either connected with the civil, or as serving to illustrate them. The criminal laws were contained in a separate code, called gubnaia gramota, which is now lost, but is referred to in the civil code. In neither of these codes is there any mention of ecclesiastical affairs; but these were regulated by a set of canons drawn up in 1542, under the inspection of Ivan Vasilievitch, in a grand council held at Mosco. In the civil statutes of the sudebnik, theft was punished in the first instance by restitution, or, if the thief were unable to restore the property stolen, he became the slave of the injured party, till by his labour he had made sufficient compensation. Of murder nothing is said, except where the person slain was a lord or master, when the murderer was to be punished with death. There is no mention of torture, except in cases of theft.

Before the accession of the house of Romanof, the

commercial intercourse which the cities of Novgorod and Pscove formerly held with the Hans towns, had entirely ceased; but this was in some degree compensated by the newly established trade between Russia and England, the centre of which was Archangel. This trade had been lately increased by the products derived from the acquisition of Siberia, in exchange for which the English principally supplied the Russians with broad cloth. In 1568, an English counting-house was established at Mosco, and about the same time the Russian company was incorporated. Previous to the 15th century, the trade of the Russians had been carried on merely by barter, but during that century the coinage of money commenced at Novgorod and Pscove; and from this time their commerce was placed on an equal footing with that of the other European nations.

Except in the article of commerce, the Russians were deplorably behind the rest of Europe; and though attempts had been made by Ivan I. Ivan Vasilievitch II. and Boris, to cultivate their manners and improve the state of their arts and manufactures, these attempts had failed of success. The following characteristic features of the state of Russia in the 16th century, are given by Mr Tooke.

The houses were in general of timber, and badly constructed, except that in Mosco and other great towns, there were a few houses built of brick.

That contempt for the female sex, which is invariably a characteristic of defective civilization, was conspicuous among the Russians. The women were kept in a state of perfect bondage, and it was thought a great instance of liberality, if a stranger were but permitted to see them. They durst seldom go to church, though attendance on divine worship was considered of the highest importance. They were constantly required to be within doors, so that they very seldom enjoyed the fresh air.

The men of the middle ranks always repaired about noon to the market, where they transacted business together, conversed about public affairs, and attended the courts of judicature to hear the causes that were going forward. This was undoubtedly a practice productive of much good, as the inhabitants of the towns by these means improved their acquaintance, interchanged the knowledge they had acquired, and thus their patriotic affections were nourished and invigorated.

In agreements and bargains the highest asseveration was, "If I keep not my word, may it turn to my infamy," a custom extremely honourable to the Russians of those days, as they held the disgrace of having forfeited their word to be the deepest degradation.

If the wife was so dependent on her husband, the child was still more dependent on his father; for parents were allowed to sell their children.

Masters and servants entered into a mutual contract respecting the terms of their connection, and a written copy of this contract was deposited in the proper court, where, if either party broke the contract, the other might lodge his complaint.

Single combat still continued to be the last resource in deciding a cause; and to this the judge resorted in cases which he knew not otherwise to determine: but duels out of court were strictly prohibited; and when these took place, and either party fell, the survivor was regarded

regarded as a murderer, and punished accordingly. Personal vengeance was forbidden under the strictest penalties.

The nobles were universally soldiers, and were obliged to appear when summoned, to assist the prince in his wars.

Till the end of the 16th century, the boor was not bound to any particular master. He tilled the ground of a nobleman for a certain time on stated conditions. Thus, he either received part of the harvest or of the cattle, a portion of wood, hay, &c; or he worked five days for the master, and on the sixth was at liberty to till a piece of ground set apart for his use. At the expiration of the term agreed on, either party might give up the contract to the other; the boor might remove to another master, and the master dismiss the boor that did not suit him.

During the troubles and dissensions in which the empire had been involved, since the death of Feodor Ivanovitch, the chief men of the state were divided into several parties. Of these, one sought to elevate to the throne a Polish prince, while another rather favoured the succession of a Swede. A third, and by far the strongest party, were desirous to place upon the throne a native Russian; and they soon turned their eyes on Mikhail Romanof, a distant relation of the ancient family of the tzars, whose father was metropolitan of Rostov. The clergy seemed particularly interested in this choice, as they justly concluded, that a Russian born and brought up in the orthodox Greek faith, would most effectually prevent the poison of Catholic opinions or Protestant heresy, the introduction of which was to be feared from the accession of a Polish or a Swedish monarch. Accordingly, the voice of a single ecclesiastical decided the electors in favour of Mikhail. A metropolitan declared in the hall of election, that it had been announced to him by divine revelation, that the young Romanof would prove the most fortunate and prosperous of all the tzars who had filled the Russian throne. This revelation had an immediate effect on the electors, as their reverence for the superior clergy was so great, that none could presume to doubt the veracity of a person of such exalted rank and sacred function. The revelation once made public, the people too expressed so decidedly their desire to have the young Romanof for their sovereign, that all soon united in their choice. The young man himself, however, refused the proffered honour, and his mother, dreading the fate that might arise from so dangerous an elevation, with tears implored the deputies to depart. The modest refusal of Mikhail served only to persuade the people, that he was the most worthy object on which they could fix their choice; and at length the deputies returned to Moscow, bringing with them the consent of the monarch elect. The coronation took place on the 11th of June 1613, and thus the views of Poland and of Sweden, as well as the designs of Marina, the widow of the first pretender Dimitri, who still contrived to keep a party in her favour, were entirely frustrated.

At the accession of Mikhail, the Swedes and Poles were in possession of several parts of the empire; and to dislodge these invaders was the first object of the new tzar. Aware of the difficulty of contending at once with both these formidable enemies, he began by negotiating a treaty of peace with Sweden. This was not

effected without considerable sacrifices. Mikhail agreed to give up Ingria and Karilii, and to evacuate Estonia and Livonia. Thus freed from his most dangerous enemy, Mikhail prepared to oppose the Poles, of whom a numerous body had entered Russia, to support the claims of their king's son, Vladislaf. Mikhail proceeded, however, in a very wary manner, and instead of opposing the invaders in the open field, he entrapped them by ambuscades, or allured them into districts already desolated, where they suffered so much from cold and hunger, that in 1619 they agreed to a cessation of hostilities for fourteen years and a half, on condition that the Russians should cede to Poland the government of Smolensk.

Thus freed from external enemies on terms which, though not very honourable, were the best that the then posture of his affairs admitted, Mikhail set himself to arrange the internal affairs of his empire. He began by placing his father at the head of the church, by conferring on him the dignity of patriarch, which had become vacant. The counsels of this venerable man were of great advantage to Mikhail, and contributed to preserve that peace and tranquillity by which the reign of this monarch was in general distinguished. The tzar's next step was to form treaties of alliance with the principal commercial states of Europe. He accordingly sent ambassadors to England, Denmark, Holland, and the German empire; and Russia, which had hitherto been considered rather as an Asiatic than a European power, became so respectable in the eyes of her northern neighbours, that they vied with each other in forming with her commercial treaties.

Mikhail also began those improvements of the laws which we shall presently see more fully executed by his son and successor; but the tide of party ran so high, that he could do but little in the way of reformation. He was also obliged to put his frontiers in a state of defence, to provide for the expiration of the truce with Poland, which now drew nigh; and as no permanent peace had been established, both parties began to prepare for a renewal of hostilities. Indeed the armistice was broken by the Russians, who, on the death of Sigismund, king of Poland, appeared before Smolensk, and justified the infringement of the treaty, on the pretext that it was concluded with Sigismund, and not with his successors. Nothing of consequence, however, was done before Smolensk; and the Russian commander, after having lain there in perfect indolence, with an army of 50,000 men, for two years, at length raised the siege. Mikhail attempted to engage the Swedes in an alliance with him against Poland; but failing in this negotiation, patched up a new treaty, which continued unbroken till his death. This happened in 1645.

Mikhail was succeeded by his son Alexei; but as the young prince was only 15 years of age at his father's death, a nobleman named Morosof had been appointed his governor, and regent of the empire. This man possessed all the ambition, without the prudence and address of Boris, and in attempting to raise himself and his adherents to the highest posts in the state, he incurred the hatred of all ranks of people. Though Morosof, by properly organising the army, provided for the defence of the empire against external enemies, he shamefully neglected internal policy, and connived at the most flagrant enormities in the administration of justice.

justice. These abuses went so far, that the populace once stopped the tzar as he was returning from church to his palace, calling aloud for righteous judges. Though Alexei promised to make strict enquiry into the nature and extent of their grievances, and to inflict deserved punishment on the guilty, the people had not patience to await this tardy process, and proceeded to plunder the houses of those nobles who were most obnoxious to them. They were at length pacified, however, on condition that the author of their oppression should be brought to condign punishment. One of the most nefarious judges was put to death; and the principal magistrate of Mosco fell a victim to their rage. The life of Morosof was spared at the earnest entreaty of the zar, who engaged for his future good behaviour.

Similar disturbances had broken out at Novgorod and Pscove; but they were happily terminated, chiefly through the exertions of the metropolitan Nikon, a man of low birth, but who, from a reputation for extraordinary piety and holiness, had raised himself to the patriarchal dignity, and was high in favour with Alexei.

These commotions were scarcely assuaged, when the internal tranquillity of the empire was again threatened by a new pretender to the throne. This man was the son of a linen-draper, but gave himself out at one time for the son of the emperor Dimitri, at another for the son of Schuiskoy. Fortunately for Alexei the Poles and Swedes, whose interest it was to have fomented these intestine disturbances, remained quiet spectators of them, and the pretender meeting with few adherents, was soon taken and hanged.

The pacific conduct of the neighbouring states did not long continue, though indeed we may attribute the renewal of hostilities to the ambition of the tzar.

The war with Poland was occasioned by Alexei's supporting the Kozaks, a military horde, who had left the northern shores of the Dniepr, and retired further to the south. Here they had established a military democracy, and during the dominion of the Tartars in Russia, had been subject to the khan of those tribes; but after the expulsion or subjugation of the Tartars, the Kozaks had put themselves under the guardianship of Poland, to which kingdom they formerly belonged. As the Polish clergy, however, attempted to impose on them the Greek faith, they threw off their allegiance to the king of Poland, and claimed the patronage of Russia. Alexei, who seems to have sought for a pretext to break with Poland, gladly received them as his subjects, as he hoped, with their assistance, to recover the territories that had been ceded to Poland by his father. He began by negotiation, and sent an embassy to the king of Poland, complaining of some Polish publications, in which reflections had been cast on the honour of his father, and demanding that by way of compensation, the Russian territories formerly ceded to Poland should be restored. The king of Poland of course refused so arrogant a demand, and both parties prepared for war. The Russians, assisted by the Kozaks, were so successful in this contest, that the king of Sweden became jealous of Alexei's good fortune, and apprehensive of an attack. He therefore determined to take an active part in the war, especially as the Lithuanians, who were extremely averse to the Russian dominion, had sought his protection. The war with Sweden commenced in 1656, and continued for two years, without any important advan-

tage being gained by either party. A truce was concluded in 1658, for three years, and at the termination of this period, a solid peace was established. In the mean time the war with Poland continued, but was at length terminated by an armistice, which was prolonged from time to time, during the remainder of Alexei's reign.

The reign of this monarch is as remarkable for turbulence, as that of his predecessor had been for tranquillity. No sooner was peace established with the neighbouring states than fresh commotions shook the empire from within. The Don Kozaks, who now formed a part of the Russian population, felt themselves aggrieved by the rigour with which one of their officers had been treated, and placing at their head Radzin, the brother of the deceased, broke out into open rebellion. Allured by the spirit of licentiousness, and the hopes of plunder, vast numbers both of Kozaks and inferior Russians flocked to the standard of Radzin, and formed an army of nearly 200,000 men. This force, however, was formidable merely from its numbers. Radzin's followers were without arms, without discipline, and were quite unprepared to stand the attack of regular troops. Radzin himself seems to have placed no reliance on the courage or fidelity of his followers, and eagerly embraced the first opportunity of procuring a pardon by submission. Having been deceived into a belief that this pardon would be granted on his surrendering himself to the mercy of the tzar, he set out for Mosco, accompanied by his brother; but when he was arrived within a short distance of the capital, whither notice of his approach had been sent, he was met by a cart containing a gallows, on which he was hanged without ceremony. His followers, who had assembled at Astracan, were surrounded by the tzar's troops, taken prisoners, and 12,000 of them hung on the gibbets in the highways. Thus this formidable rebellion, which had threatened to subvert the authority of Alexei, was crushed almost at its commencement.

The influence which Alexei had obtained over the Don Kozaks, excited the jealousy of the Sublime Porte, who justly dreaded the extension of the Russian territory on the side of the Crimea, a peninsula which at that time belonged to Turkey. After a successful attempt on the frontiers of Poland, a Turkish army entered the Ukraine, and the Russians made preparations to oppose them. Alexei endeavoured to form a confederacy against the infidels among the Christian potentates of Europe; but the age of crusading chivalry was over, and the tzar was obliged to make head against the Turks, assisted by his single ally the king of Poland. The Turkish arms were for some years victorious, especially on the side of Poland, but at length a check was put to their successes by the Polish general Sobieski, who afterwards ascended the throne of that kingdom. Hostilities between the Turks and Russians were not, however, terminated during the reign of Alexei, and the tzar left to his successor the prosecution of the war.

The reign of Alexei is most remarkable for the improvements introduced by him into the Russian laws. Before his time the emmanot ukases, or personal orders of the sovereign, were almost the only laws of the country. These edicts were as various as the opinions, prejudices, and passions of men; and before the days of Alexei they produced endless contentions. To remedy

this evil, he made a selection from all the edicts of his predecessors, of such as had been current for 100 years; presuming that these either were founded in natural justice, or during so long a currency had formed the minds of the people to consider them as just. This digest, which he declared to be the common law of Russia, and which is prefaced by a sort of institute, is known by the title of the Ulogenie or Selection, and was long the standard law book; and all edicts prior to it were declared to be obsolete. He soon made his new code, however, more bulky than the Selection; and the additions by his successors are beyond enumeration. This was undoubtedly a great and useful work; but Alexei performed another still greater.

Though there were many courts of judicature in this widely extended empire, the emperor was always lord paramount, and could take a cause from any court immediately before himself. But as several of the old nobles had the remains of principalities in their families, and held their own courts, the sovereign or his ministers, at a distance up the country, frequently found it difficult to bring a culprit out of one of these hereditary feudal jurisdictions, and try him by the laws of the empire. This was a very disagreeable limitation of imperial power; and the more so, that some families, claimed even a right of relevance. A lucky opportunity soon offered of settling the dispute, and Alexei embraced it with great ability.

Some families on the old frontiers were taxed with their defence, for which they were obliged to keep regiments on foot; and as they were but scantily indemnified by the state, it sometimes required the exertion of authority to make them keep up their levies. When the frontiers by the conquest of Kazan were far extended, those gentlemen found the regiments no longer burdensome, because by the help of false musters, the formerly scanty allowance much more than reimbursed them for the expence of the establishment. The consequence was, that disputes arose among them about the right of guarding certain districts, and law suits were necessary to settle their respective claims. These were tedious and intricate. One claimant showed the order of the court, issued a century or two back, to his ancestor, for the marching of his men, as a proof that the right was then in the family. His opponent proved, that his ancestors had been the real lords of the march; but that, on account of their negligence, the court had issued an emmanoy ukase to the other, only at that particular period. The emperor ordered all the family archives to be brought to Mosco, and all documents on both sides to be collected. A time was set for the examination; a fine wooden court-house was built, every paper was lodged under a good guard; the day was appointed when the court should be opened and the claims heard; but that morning the house, with all its contents, was in two hours consumed by fire. The emperor then

said, "Gentlemen, henceforward your ranks, your privileges, and your courts, are the nation's, and the nation will guard itself. Your archives are unfortunately lost, but those of the nation remain. I am the keeper, and it is my duty to administer justice for all and to all. Your ranks are not private, but national; attached to the services you are actually performing. Henceforward Colonel Buturlin (a private gentleman) ranks before Captain Viazemsky (an old prince)" (r).

The Russians owe more to this prince than many of their historians seem willing to acknowledge; and there seems no doubt that some of the improvements attributed to Peter the Great, were at least projected by his father. Under Alexei a considerable trade was opened with China, from which country silks, and other rich stuffs, rhubarb, tea, &c. were brought into Russia, and exchanged for the Siberian furs. The exportation of Russian products to other countries was also increased; and we are assured that Alexei had even projected the formation of a navy, and would have executed the design, had he not been perpetually occupied in foreign wars and domestic troubles.

Alexei died in 1676, leaving three sons and six daughters.—Two of the sons, Feodor and Ivan, were by a first marriage; the third, Peter, by a second. The two former, particularly Ivan, were of a delicate constitution, and some attempts were made by the relations of Peter to set them aside. These attempts, however, proved unsuccessful, and Feodor was appointed the successor of Alexei.

The reign of this prince was short, and distinguished rather for the happiness which the nation then experienced, than for the importance of the transactions that took place. He continued the war with the Turks for four years after his father's death, and at length brought it to an honourable conclusion, by a truce for 20 years, after the Turks had acknowledged the Russian right of sovereignty over the Kozaks. Feodor died in 1682, but before his death nominated his half-brother Peter his successor.

The succession of Peter, though appointed by their favourite tzar Feodor, was by no means pleasing to the majority of the Russian nobles, and it was particularly opposed by Galitzin, the prime minister of the late tzar. This able man had espoused the interest of Sophia, the sister of Feodor and Ivan, a young woman of eminent abilities, and the most insinuating address. Sophia, upon pretence of asserting the claims of her brother Ivan, who, though of a feeble constitution and weak intellects, was considered as the lawful heir of the crown, had really formed a design of securing the succession to herself; and, with that view, had not only insinuated herself into the confidence and good graces of Galitzin, but had brought over to her interests the Strelitzes (o). These licentious soldiers assembled for the purpose, as was pretended, of placing on the throne Prince Ivan, whom they

(r) This transaction is, by most historians, placed under the reign of Alexei, as we have related it; but Mr Tooke, in his history of Russia (vol. ii. p. 37.) attributes the burning of the records of service, by which the nobles and chief courtiers held their offices, to Feodor.

(o) The Strelitzes composed the standing army of Russia, and formed the body guard of the tzars. At this time they amounted to about 14,000, and of course became a formidable engine in the hands of the enterprising princes.

they proclaimed tzar by acclamation. During three days they roved about the city of Mosco, committing the greatest excesses, and putting to death several of the chief officers of state, who were suspected of being hostile to the designs of Sophia. Their employer did not, however, entirely gain her point; for as the new tzar entertained a sincere affection for his half-brother Peter, he insisted that this prince should share with him the imperial dignity. This was at length agreed to; and on the 6th of May 1682, Ivan and Peter were solemnly crowned joint emperors of all the Russias, while the princess Sophia was nominated their copartner in the government.

From the imbecility of Ivan and the youth of Peter, who was now only 10 years of age, the whole power of the government rested on Sophia and her minister Galitzin, though till the year 1687 the names of Ivan and Peter only were annexed to the imperial decrees. Scarcely had Sophia established her authority than she was threatened with deposition, from an alarming insurrection of the Strelitzes. This was excited by their commander Prince Kovanskoi, who had demanded of Sophia that she would marry one of her sisters to his son, but had met with a mortifying refusal from the princess. In consequence of this insurrection, which threw the whole city of Mosco into terror and consternation, Sophia and the two young tzars took refuge in a monastery, about 12 leagues from the capital; and before the Strelitzes could follow them thither, a considerable body of soldiers, principally foreigners, was assembled in their defence. Kovanskoi was taken prisoner, and instantly beheaded; and though his followers at first threatened dreadful vengeance on his executioners, they soon found themselves obliged to submit. From every regiment was selected the tenth man, who was to suffer as an atonement for the rest; but this cruel punishment was remitted, and only the most guilty among the ringleaders suffered death.

The quelling of these disturbances gave leisure to the friends of Peter to pursue the plans which they had formed for subverting the authority of Sophia; and about this time a favourable opportunity offered, in consequence of a rupture with Turkey. The Porte was now engaged in a war with Poland and the German empire, and both these latter powers had solicited the assistance of Russia against the common enemy. Sophia and her party were averse to the alliance; but as there were in the council many secret friends of Peter, these had sufficient influence to persuade the majority, that a Turkish war would be of advantage to the state. They even prevailed on Galitzin to put himself at the head of the army, and thus removed their principal opponent. It is difficult to conceive how a man, so able in the cabinet as Galitzin, could have suffered his vanity so far to get the better of his good sense, as to accept a military command, for which he certainly had no talents. Assembling an army of nearly 300,000 men, he marched towards the confines of Turkey, and here consumed two campaigns in marches and countermarches, and lost nearly 40,000 men, partly in unsuccessful skirmishes with the enemy, but chiefly from disease.

While Galitzin was thus trifling away his time in the south Peter, who already began to give proofs of those great talents which afterwards enabled him to act so conspicuous a part in the theatre of the north, was

strengthening his party among the Russian nobles. His ordinary residence was at a village not far from Mosco, and here he had assembled round him a considerable number of young men of rank and influence, whom he called his play-mates. Among these were two foreigners, Lefort a Genevese, and Gordon a Scotchman, who afterwards signalized themselves in his service. These young men had formed a sort of military company, of which Lefort was captain, while the young tzar, beginning with the situation of drummer, gradually rose through every subordinate office. Under this appearance of a military game, Peter was secretly establishing himself in the affections of his young companions, and effectually lulled the suspicions of Sophia, till it was too late for her to oppose his machinations.

About the middle of the year 1689, Peter, who had now attained his seventeenth year, determined to make an effort to deprive Sophia of all share in the government, and to secure to himself the undivided sovereignty. On occasion of a solemn religious meeting that was held, Sophia had claimed the principal place as regent of the empire; but this claim was strenuously opposed by Peter, who, rather than fill a subordinate situation, quitted the place of assembly, and, with his friends and adherents, withdrew to the monastery of the Holy Trinity, which had formerly sheltered him and his copartners from the fury of the Strelitzes. This was the signal for an open rupture. Sophia, finding that she could not openly oppose the party of the tzars, attempted to procure his assassination; but as her design was discovered, she thought proper to solicit an accommodation. This was agreed to, on condition that she should give up all claim to the regency, and retire to a nunnery. The commander of the Strelitzes, who was to have been her agent in the assassination of Peter, was beheaded, and the minister Galitzin sent into banishment to Archangel.

Peter now saw himself in undisputed possession of the imperial throne; for though Ivan was still nominally tzar, he had voluntarily resigned all participation in the administration of affairs, and retired to a life of obscurity. The first object to which the tzar directed his attention was the establishment of a regular and well-disciplined military force. He had learned by experience how little dependence was to be placed on the Strelitzes, and these regiments he determined to disband. He commissioned Lefort and Gordon to levy new regiments, which, in their whole constitution, dress, and military exercises, should be formed on the model of other European troops. He next resolved to carry into execution the design which had been formed by his father, of constructing a navy. For this purpose he first took a journey to Archangel, where he employed himself in examining the operations of the shipwrights, and occasionally taking a part in their labours; but as he learned that the art of ship-building was practised in greater perfection in Holland, and some other maritime countries of Europe, he sent thither several young Russians to be initiated into the best methods of constructing ships of war. The other measures taken by Peter for establishing a navy, and the success with which they were attended, have been already related under his life, to which we may refer our readers for several circumstances relating to his life and character; as our object here is not to write a biography of this extraordinary man.

man, but briefly to narrate the transactions of his reign.

The war with Turkey still languished, but Peter was resolved to prosecute it with vigour, hoping to get possession of the town of Azof, and thus open a passage to the Black sea. He placed Gordon, Lefort, and two of his nobles at the head of the forces destined for this expedition, and himself attended the army as a private volunteer. The success of the first campaign was but trifling, and Peter found that his deficiency of artillery, and his want of transports, prevented him from making an effectual attack on Azof. These difficulties, however, were soon surmounted. He procured a supply of artillery and engineers from the emperor and the Dutch, and found means to provide a number of transports. With these auxiliaries he opened the second campaign, defeated the Turks on the sea of Azof, and made himself master of the town. Peter was so elated with these successes, that on his return from the seat of war, he marched his troops into Moscow in triumphal procession, in which Lefort, as admiral of the transports, and Scheim as commander of the land forces, bore the most conspicuous parts, while Peter himself was lost without distinction in the crowd of subaltern officers.

He now resolved to form a fleet in the Black sea; but as his own revenues were insufficient for this purpose, he issued a ukase, commanding the patriarch and other dignified clergy, the nobility and the merchants, to contribute a part of their income towards fitting out a certain number of ships. This proclamation was extremely unpopular, and, together with the numerous innovations which Peter was every day introducing, especially his sending the young nobles to visit foreign countries, and his own avowed intention of making the tour of Europe, contributed to raise against him a formidable party. The vigilance and prudence of the tzar, however, extricated him from the dangers with which he was threatened, and enabled him to carry into execution his proposed journey. See PETER I.

On his return to his own dominions, Peter passed through Rawa, where Augustus king of Poland then was. The tzar had determined, in conjunction with Augustus and the king of Denmark, to take advantage of the youth and inexperience of Charles XII. who had just succeeded to the Swedish throne; and in this interview with Augustus, he made the final arrangements for the part which each was to take in the war. Augustus was to receive Livonia as his part of the spoil, while Frederick king of Denmark had his eye on Holstein, and Peter had formed designs on Ingria, formerly a province of the Russian empire.

In the middle of the year 1700, Charles had left his capital, to oppose these united enemies. He soon compelled the king of Denmark to give up his designs on Holstein, and sign a treaty of peace; and being thus at liberty to turn his arms against the other members of the confederacy, he resolved first to lead his army against the king of Poland; but on his way he received intelligence that the tzar had laid siege to Narva with 100,000 men. On this he immediately embarked at Karlskrona, though it was then the depth of winter, and the Baltic was scarcely navigable; and soon landed at Pernau in Livonia with part of his forces, having ordered the rest to Reval. His army did not exceed 20,000 men, but it was composed of the best soldiers in

Europe, while that of the Russians was little better than an undisciplined multitude. Every possible obstruction, however, had been thrown in the way of the Swedes. Thirty thousand Russians were posted in a defile on the road, and this corps was sustained by another body of 20,000 drawn up some leagues nearer Narva. Peter himself had set out to hasten the march of a reinforcement of 40,000 men, with whom he intended to attack the Swedes in flank and rear; but the celerity and valour of Charles baffled every attempt to oppose him. He set out with 4000 foot, and an equal number of cavalry, leaving the rest of the army to follow at their leisure. With this small body he attacked and defeated the Russian armies successively, and pushed his way to Peter's camp, for the attack of which he gave immediate orders. This camp was fortified by lines of circumvallation and contravallation, by redoubts, by a line of 150 brass cannons placed in front, and defended by an army of 80,000 men; yet so violent was the attack of the Swedes, that in three hours the entrenchments were carried, and Charles, with only 4000 men, that composed the wing which he commanded, pursued the flying enemy, amounting to 50,000, to the river Narva. Here the bridge broke down with the weight of the fugitives, and the river was filled with their bodies. Great numbers returned in despair to their camp, where they defended themselves for a short time, but were at last obliged to surrender. In this battle, 30,000 were killed in the intrenchments and the pursuit, or drowned in the river; 20,000 surrendered at discretion, and were dismissed unarmed, while the rest were totally dispersed. A hundred and fifty pieces of cannon, 28 mortars, 151 pairs of colours, 20 standards, and all the Russian baggage, fell into the hands of the Swedes; and the duke de Croy, the prince of Georgia, and seven other generals were made prisoners. Charles behaved with the greatest generosity to the conquered. Being informed that the tradesmen of Narva had refused credit to the officers whom he detained prisoners, he sent 1000 ducats to the duke de Croy, and to every other officer a proportionable sum.

Peter was advancing with 40,000 men to surround the Swedes, when he received intelligence of the dreadful defeat at Narva. He was greatly chagrined; but comforting himself with the hopes that the Swedes would in time teach the Russians to beat them, he returned to his own dominions, where he applied himself with the utmost diligence to the raising of another army. He evacuated all the provinces which he had invaded, and for a time abandoned all his great projects, thus leaving Charles at liberty to prosecute the war against Poland.

As Augustus had expected an attack, he endeavoured to draw the tzar into a close alliance with him. The two monarchs had an interview at Birsen, where it was agreed that Augustus should lend the tzar 50,000 German soldiers, to be paid by Russia; that the tzar should send an equal number of his troops to be trained up to the art of war in Poland; and that he should pay the king 3,000,000 of rixdollars in the space of two years. Of this treaty Charles had notice, and, by means of his minister Count Piper, entirely frustrated the scheme.

After the battle of Narva, Charles became confident and negligent, while the activity of Peter increased with his losses. He supplied his want of artillery by melting Peter,

down the bells of the churches, and constructed numerous small vessels on the lake of Ladoga, to oppose the entrance of the Swedes into his dominions. He took every advantage of Charles's negligence, and engaged in frequent skirmishes, in which, though often beaten, he was sometimes victorious. Thus, he proved to his soldiers, that the Swedes though conquerors, were not invincible, and kept up the spirit of his troops by liberally rewarding every instance of courage and success. He contrived to make himself master of the river Neva, and captured Nyenschantz, a fortress at the mouth of that river. Here he laid the foundation of that city which he had long projected, and which was to become the future metropolis of his empire. At length in 1704 he became master of Ingria, and appointed his favourite Prince Menzikoff to be viceroy of that province, with strict orders to make the building of the new city his principal concern. Here already buildings were rising in every quarter, and navigation and commerce were increasing in vigour and extent.

In the mean time Augustus king of Poland, though treating with Charles for the surrender of his dominions, was obliged to keep up the appearance of war, which he had neither ability nor inclination to conduct. He had been lately joined by Prince Menzikoff with 30,000 Russians; and this obliged him, contrary to his inclination, to hazard an engagement with Meyerfeldt, who commanded 10,000 men, one half of whom were Swedes. As at this time no disparity of numbers whatever was reckoned an equivalent to the valour of the Swedes, Meyerfeldt did not decline the combat, though the army of the enemy was four times as numerous as his own. With his countrymen he defeated the enemy's first line, and was on the point of defeating the second, when Stanislaus, with the Poles and Lithuanians, gave way. Meyerfeldt then perceived that the battle was lost; but he fought desperately, that he might avoid the disgrace of a defeat. At last, however, he was oppressed by numbers, and forced to surrender; suffering the Swedes for the first time to be conquered by their enemies. The whole army were taken prisoners excepting Major-general Krassau, who having repeatedly rallied a body of horse formed into a brigade, at last broke through the enemy, and escaped to Posnanian. Augustus had scarcely sung Te Deum for this victory, when his plenipotentiary returned from Saxony with the articles of the treaty, by which he was to renounce all claim to the crown of Poland in favour of his rival Stanislaus. The king hesitated and scrupled, but at last signed them; after which he set out for Saxony, glad at any rate to be freed from such an enemy as the king of Sweden, and from such allies as the Russians.

The tzar Peter was no sooner informed of this extraordinary treaty, and the cruel execution of his plenipotentiary Patkul*, than he sent letters to every court in Christendom, complaining of this gross violation of the law of nations. He entreated the emperor, the queen of Britain, and the States-General, to revenge this insult on humanity. He stigmatized the compliance of Augustus with the opprobrious name of pusillanimity; exhorted them not to guarantee a treaty so unjust, but to despise the menaces of the Swedish bully. So well, however, was the prowess of the king of Sweden known, that none of the allies thought proper to irritate him, by refusing to guarantee any treaty he

thought proper. At first, Peter thought of revenging Patkul's death by massacring the Swedish prisoners at Moscow; but from this he was deterred, by remembering that Charles had many more Russian prisoners than he himself had of Swedes. Giving over all thoughts of revenging himself in this way, therefore, in the year 1707 he entered Poland at the head of 60,000 men. Advancing to Leopold, he made himself master of that city, where he assembled a diet, and solemnly deposed Stanislaus with the same ceremonies which had been used with regard to Augustus. The country was now reduced to the most miserable situation; one party, through fear, adhered to the Swedes; another was gained over, or forced by Peter to take part with him; a violent civil war took place between the two, and great numbers of people were butchered; while cities, towns, and villages, were laid in ashes by the frantic multitude. The appearance of a Swedish army under King Stanislaus and General Lewenhaupt, put a stop to these disorders, Peter himself not caring to stand before such enemies. He retired, therefore, into Lithuania, giving out as the cause of his retreat, that the country could not supply him with provision and forage necessary for so great an army.

During these transactions Charles had taken up his residence in Saxony, where he gave laws to the court of Vienna, and in a manner intimidated all Europe. At last, satiated with the glory of having dethroned one king, set up another, and struck all Europe with terror and admiration, he began to evacuate Saxony in pursuit of his great plan, the dethroning the tzar Peter, and conquering the vast empire of Russia. While the army was on full march in the neighbourhood of Dresden, he took the extraordinary resolution of visiting King Augustus with no more than five attendants. Though he had no reason to imagine that Augustus either did or could entertain any friendship for him, he was not uneasy at the consequences of thus putting himself entirely in his power. He got to the palace door of Augustus before it was known that he had entered the city. General Fleming having seen him at a distance, had only time to run and inform his master. What might be done in the present case immediately occurred to the minister, but Charles entered the elector's chamber in his boots before the latter had time to recover from his surprise. He breakfasted with him in a friendly manner, and then expressed a desire of viewing the fortifications. While he was walking round them, a Livonian, who had formerly been condemned in Sweden, and served in the troops of Saxony, thought he could never have a more favourable opportunity of obtaining pardon. He therefore begged of King Augustus to intercede for him, being fully assured that his majesty could not refuse so slight a request to a prince in whose power he then was. Augustus accordingly made the request, but Charles refused it in such a manner, that he did not think proper to ask it a second time. Having passed some hours in this extraordinary visit, he returned to his army, after having embraced and taken leave of the king he had dethroned.

The armies of Sweden, in Saxony, Poland, and Finland, now exceeded 70,000 men; a force more than sufficient to have conquered all the power of Russia, had they met on equal terms. Peter, who had his army dispersed in small parties, instantly assembled it on re-

ceiving notice of the king of Sweden's march, was making all possible preparations for a vigorous resistance, and was on the point of attacking Stanislaus, when the approach of Charles struck his whole army with terror. In the month of January 1708 Charles passed the Niemen, and entered the south gate of Grodno just as Peter was quitting the place by the north gate. Charles at this time had advanced some distance before the army, at the head of 600 horse.

The tzar having intelligence of his situation, sent back a detachment of 2000 men to attack him, but these were entirely defeated; and thus Charles became possessed of the whole province of Lithuania. The king pursued his flying enemies in the midst of ice and snow, over mountains, rivers, and morasses, and through obstacles, which to surmount seemed impossible to human power. These difficulties, however, he had foreseen, and had prepared to meet them. As he knew that the country could not furnish provisions sufficient for the subsistence of his army, he had provided a large quantity of biscuit, and on this his troops chiefly subsisted, till they came to the banks of the Berizine, in view of Borislow. Here the tzar was posted, and Charles intended to give him battle, after which he could the more easily penetrate into Russia. Peter, however, did not think proper to come to an action, but retreated towards the Dniepr, whither he was pursued by Charles, as soon as he had refreshed his army. The Russians had destroyed the roads, and desolated the country, yet the Swedish army advanced with great celerity, and in their march defeated 20,000 Russians, though entrenched to the very teeth. This victory, considering the circumstances in which it was gained, was one of the most glorious that ever Charles had achieved. The memory of it is preserved by a medal struck in Sweden with this inscription; Sylvar, paludes, aggeres, hostes, victi.

When the Russians had re-passed the Dniepr, the tzar, finding himself pursued by an enemy with whom he could not cope, resolved to make proposals for an accommodation; but Charles answered his proposals with this arrogant reply; "I will treat with the tzar at Mosco;" a reply which was received by Peter with the coolness of a hero. "My brother Charles, said he, affects to play the Alexander, but he shall not find in me a Darius." He still, however, continued his retreat, and Charles pursued so closely, that daily skirmishes took place between his advanced guard and the rear of the Russians. In these actions the Swedes generally had the advantage, though their petty victories cost them dear, by contributing to weaken their force in a country where it could not be recruited. The two armies came so close to each other at Smolensk, that an engagement took place between a body of Russians composed of 10,000 cavalry and 6000 Kalmuks, and the Swedish vanguard, composed of only six regiments, but commanded by the king in person. Here the Russians were again defeated, but Charles having been separated from the main body of his detachment, was exposed to great danger. With one regiment only, he fought with such fury as to drive the enemy before him, when they thought themselves sure of making him prisoner.

By the 3d of October 1708, Charles had approached within 100 leagues of Mosco; but Peter had rendered the roads impassable, and had destroyed the villages

on every side, so as to cut off every possibility of subsistence to the enemy. The season was far advanced, and the severity of winter was approaching, so that the Swedes were threatened with all the miseries of cold and famine, at the same time that they were exposed to the attacks of an enemy greatly superior in number, who, from their knowledge of the country, had almost constant opportunities of harassing and attacking them by surprise. For these reasons the king resolved to pass the Ukraine, where Mazepa, a Polish gentleman, was general and chief of the nation. Mazepa having been affronted by the tzar, readily entered into a treaty with Charles, whom he promised to assist with 30,000 men, great quantities of provisions and ammunition, and with all his treasures, which were immense. The Swedish army advanced towards the river Disna, where they had to encounter the greatest difficulties; a forest above 40 leagues in extent, filled with rocks, mountains, and marshes. To complete their misfortunes, they were led 30 leagues out of the right way; all the artillery was sunk in bogs and marshes; the provision of the soldiers, which consisted of biscuit, was exhausted; and the whole army spent and emaciated when they arrived at the Disna. Here they expected to have met Mazepa with his reinforcement; but instead of that, they perceived the opposite banks of the river covered with a hostile army, and the passage itself almost impracticable. Charles, however, was still undaunted; he let his soldiers by ropes down the steep banks; they crossed the river either by swimming, or on rafts hastily put together; drove the Russians from their post, and continued their march. Mazepa soon after appeared, having with him about 6000 men, the broken remains of the army he had promised. The Russians had got intelligence of his designs, defeated and dispersed his adherents, laid his town in ashes, and taken all the provisions collected for the Swedish army. However, he still hoped to be useful by his intelligence in an unknown country; and the Kozaks, out of revenge, crowded daily to the camp with provisions.

Greater misfortunes still awaited the Swedes. When Charles entered the Ukraine, he had sent orders to General Lewenhaupt to meet him with 15,000 men, 6000 of whom were Swedes, and a large convoy of provisions. Against this detachment Peter now bent his whole force, and marched against him with an army of 65,000 men. Lewenhaupt had received intelligence that the Russian army consisted of only 24,000, a force to which he thought 6000 Swedes superior, and therefore disdained to entrench himself. A furious contest ensued, in which the Russians were defeated with the loss of 15,000 men. Now, however, affairs began to take another turn. The Swedes, elated with victory, prosecuted their march into the interior; but from the ignorance or treachery of their guides, were led into a marshy country, where the roads were made impassable by felled trees and deep ditches. Here they were attacked by the tzar with his whole army. Lewenhaupt had sent a detachment to dispute the passage of a body of Russians over a morass; but finding his detachment likely to be overpowered, he marched to support them with all his infantry. Another desperate battle ensued; the Russians were once more thrown into disorder, and were just on the point of being totally defeated, when Peter gave orders to the Kozaks and Kalmuks to fire

upon all that fled; "Even kill me, said he, if I should be so cowardly as to turn my back." The battle was now renewed with great vigour; but notwithstanding the tzar's positive orders, and his own example, the day would have been lost, had not General Bauer arrived with a strong reinforcement of fresh Russian troops. The engagement was once more renewed, and continued without intermission till night. The Swedes then took possession of an advantageous post, but were next morning attacked by the Russians. Lewenhaupt had formed a sort of rampart with his waggons, but was obliged to set fire to them to prevent their falling into the hands of the Russians, while he retreated under cover of the smoke. The tzar's troops, however, arrived in time to save 500 of these waggons, filled with provisions destined for the distressed Swedes. A strong detachment was sent to pursue Lewenhaupt; but so terrible did he now appear, that the Russian general offered him an honourable capitulation. This was rejected with disdain, and a fresh engagement took place, in which the Swedes, now reduced to 4000, again defeated their enemies, and killed 5000 on the spot. After this, Lewenhaupt was allowed to pursue his retreat without molestation, though deprived of all his cannon and provisions. Prince Menzikoff was indeed detached with a body of forces to harass him on his march; but the Swedes were now so formidable, even in their distress, that Menzikoff dared not attack them, so that Lewenhaupt with his 4000 men arrived safe in the camp of Charles, after having destroyed nearly 30,000 of the Russians.

This may be said to have been the last successful effort of Swedish valour against the troops of Peter. The difficulties which Charles's army had now to undergo, exceeded what human nature could support; yet still they hoped by constancy and courage to subdue them. In the severest winter known for a long time, even in Russia, they made long marches, clothed like savages in the skins of wild beasts. All the draught horses perished; thousands of soldiers dropt down dead through cold and hunger; and by the month of February 1709 the whole army was reduced to 18,000. Amidst numberless difficulties these penetrated to Pultava, a town on the eastern frontier of the Ukraine, where the tzar had laid up magazines, and of these Charles resolved to obtain possession. Mazepa advised the king to invest the place, in consequence of his having correspondence with some of the inhabitants, by whose means he hoped it would be surrendered. However, he was deceived; the besieged made an obstinate defence, the Swedes were repulsed in every assault, and 8000 of them were defeated, and almost entirely cut off, in an engagement with a party of Russians. To complete his misfortunes, Charles received a shot in his heel from a carbine, which shattered the bone. For six hours after, he continued calmly on horseback, giving orders, till he fainted with the loss of blood; after which he was carried into his tent.

For some days the tzar, with an army of 70,000 men, had lain at a small distance, harassing the Swedish camp, and cutting off the convoys of provision; but now intelligence was received, that he was advancing as if with a design of attacking the lines. In this situation, Charles, wounded, distressed, and almost surrounded

by enemies, is said to have, for the first time, assembled a grand council of war, the result of which was, that it became expedient to march out and attack the Russians. Voltaire, however, totally denies that the king relaxed one jot of his wonted obstinacy and arbitrary temper; but that, on the 7th of July, he sent for General Renschchild, and told him, without any emotion, to prepare for attacking the enemy next morning.

The 8th of July 1709 is remarkable for the battle which decided the fate of Sweden. Charles having left 8000 men in the camp to defend the works and repel the sallies of the besieged, began to march against his enemies by break of day with the rest of the army, consisting of 26,000 men, of whom 18,000 were Kozaks. The Russians were drawn up in two lines behind their entrenchments, the horse in front, and the foot in the rear, with chasms to suffer the horse to fall back in case of necessity. General Slippenbach was dispatched to attack the cavalry, which he did with such impetuosity that they were broken in an instant. They, however, rallied behind the infantry, and returned to the charge with so much vigour, that the Swedes were disordered in their turn, and Slippenbach made prisoner. Charles was now carried in his litter to the scene of confusion. His troops, re-animating by the presence of their leader, returned to the charge, and the battle became doubtful, when a blunder of General Creuk, who had been dispatched by Charles to take the Russians in flank, and a successful manoeuvre of Prince Menzikoff, decided the fortune of the day in favour of the Russians. Creuk's detachment was defeated, and Menzikoff, who had been sent by Peter with a strong body to post himself between the Swedes and Pultava, so as to cut off the communication of the enemy with their camp, and fall upon their rear, executed his orders with so much success as to cut off a corps de reserve of 3000 men. Charles had ranged his remaining troops in two lines, with the infantry in the centre, and the horse on the two wings. They had already twice rallied, and were now again attacked on all sides with the utmost fury. Charles in his litter, with a drawn sword in one hand, and a pistol in the other, seemed to be everywhere present; but new misfortunes awaited him. A cannon ball killed both horses in the litter; and scarcely were these replaced by a fresh pair, when a second ball stroke the litter in pieces, and overturned the king. The Swedish soldiers believing him killed, fell back in consternation. The first line was completely broken, and the second fled. Charles, though disabled, did every thing in his power to restore order; but the Russians, emboldened by success, pressed so hard on the flying foe, that it was impossible to rally them. Renschchild and several other general officers were taken prisoners, and Charles himself would have shared the same fate, had not Count Poniatowski (father of the future favourite of Catharine II.) with 500 horse, surrounded the royal person, and with desperate fury cut his way through ten regiments of the Russians. With his small guard the king arrived on the banks of the Dniepr, and was followed by Lewenhaupt with 4000 foot, and all the remaining cavalry. The Russians took possession of the Swedish camp, where they found a prodigious sum in specie; while Prince Menzikoff pursued the flying Swedes; and as they were in want of boats to cross the Dniepr, obliged them

to surrender at discretion. Charles escaped with the utmost difficulty, but at length reached Ochakov on the frontiers of Turkey. See SWEDEN.

By this decisive victory, Peter remained in quiet possession of his new acquisitions on the Baltic, and was enabled to carry on, without molestation, the improvements which he had projected at the mouth of the Neva. His haughty rival, so long and so justly dreaded, was now completely humbled, and his ally the king of Poland was again established on his throne. During the eight years that had elapsed from the battle of Narva to that of Pultava, the Russian troops had acquired the discipline and steadiness of veterans, and had at length learned to beat their former conquerors. If Peter had decreed triumphal processions for his trifling successes at Azof, it is not surprising that he should commemorate a victory so glorious and so important as that of Pultava by similar pageants. He made his triumphal entry into Mosco for the third time, and the public rejoicings on this occasion far exceeded all that had before been witnessed in the Russian empire.

The vanquished Charles had, in the mean time, found a valuable friend in the monarch in whose territories he had taken refuge. Achmet II. who then filled the Ottoman throne, had beheld with admiration the warlike achievements of the Swedish hero, and, alarmed at the late successes of his rival, determined to afford Charles the most effectual aid. In 1711, the Turkish emperor assembled an immense army, and was preparing to invade the Russian territories, when the tzar, having intimation of his design, and expecting powerful support from Cantemir, hospodar of Moldavia, a vassal of the Porte, resolved to anticipate the Turks, and to make an incursion into Moldavia. Forgetting his usual prudence and circumspection, Peter crossed the Dniepr, and advanced by rapid marches as far as Yassy or Jassy, the capital of that province, situated on the river Pruth; but his temerity had nearly cost him his liberty, if not his life. The particulars of his dangerous situation, with the manner in which he was extricated from it, by the prudent counsel of his consort Catherine, and the advantageous treaty of the Pruth, which was the result of that counsel, have been already related under CATHERINE I.

By this treaty, in which the interests of Charles had been almost abandoned, Peter saw himself delivered from a dangerous enemy, and returned to his capital, to prosecute those plans for the internal improvement of his empire which justly entitled him to the appellation of GREAT. Before we enumerate these improvements, however, we must bring the Swedish war to a conclusion. The death of Charles, in 1718, had left the Swedish government deplorably weakened, by the continual drains of men and money, occasioned by his mad enterprises, and little able to carry on a war with a monarch so powerful as Peter. At length, therefore, in 1721, this ruinous contest, which had continued ever since the commencement of the century, was brought to a conclusion by the treaty of Nystadt, by which the Swedes were obliged to cede to Russia, Livonia, Esthonia, Ingria, a part of Karelia, the territory of Vyborg, the Isle of Oesel, and all the other islands in the Baltic, from Courland to Vyborg; for which concessions they received back Finland, that had been conquered by Peter, together with 2,000,000 of dollars and the liberty of

exporting duty free, from Riga, Reval, and Arensberg, corn to the annual amount of 50,000 rubles. In consequence of this great accession to the Russian empire, Peter received from his senate the title of emperor and autocrat of all the Russians, and the ancient title of tzar fell into disuse.

The improvements introduced by Peter into the internal policy of the empire, must be acknowledged to have been numerous and important. He organized anew the legislative assembly of the state; he greatly ameliorated the administration of justice; he new-modelled the national army; entirely erected the Russian navy; rendered the ecclesiastical government milder and less intolerant; zealously patronised the arts and sciences; erected an observatory at St Petersburg, and by publicly proclaiming the approach of an eclipse, and the precise time at which it was to take place, taught his subjects no longer to consider such a phenomenon as an omen of disaster, or an awful menace of divine judgement. He enlarged the commerce of his empire, and gave every encouragement to trade and manufactures. He formed canals, repaired the roads, instituted regular posts, and laid down regulations for a uniformity of weights and measures. Lastly, he in some measure civilized his subjects, though it is evident that he could not civilize himself.

It is the province of the historian to delineate the characters of the princes whose transactions he relates. Various have been the characters given of Peter the Great, by those who have detailed the events of his reign. It is certain that to him the Russian empire is indebted for much of that splendour with which she now shines among the powers of Europe. As a monarch, therefore, he is entitled to our admiration, but as a private individual we must consider him as an object of detestation and abhorrence. His tyranny and his cruelty admit of no excuse; and if we were to suppose that in sacrificing the heir of his crown he emulated the patriotism of the elder Brutus, we must remember that the same hand which signed the death warrant of his son, could, with pleasure, execute the sentence of the law, or rather of his own caprice, and, in the moments of dissipation and revelry, could make the axe of justice an instrument of diabolical vengeance, and of cool brutality.

Peter was succeeded by his consort Catherine, in whose favour he had, some years before his death, altered the order of succession. As the character of this princess, and the transactions of her short reign, have been fully detailed under her life*, we shall here only notice in the most cursory manner the events that took place.

From the commencement of her reign, Catherine conducted herself with the greatest benignity and gentleness, and thus secured the love and veneration of her subjects, which she had acquired during the life of the emperor. She reduced the annual capitation tax; ordered the numerous gibbets which Peter had erected in various parts of the country to be cut down, and had the bodies of those who had fallen victims to his tyranny decently interred. She recalled the greater part of those whom Peter had exiled to Siberia; paid the troops their arrears; restored to the Kozaks those privileges and immunities of which they had been deprived during the late reign; and she continued in office most of the servants of Peter, both civil and military. She concluded

a treaty with the German emperor, by which it was stipulated that in case of attack from an enemy, either party should assist the other with a force of 30,000 men, and should each guarantee the possessions of the other. In her reign the boundaries of the empire were extended by the submission of a Georgian prince, and the voluntary homage of the Kubinskian Tartars. She died on the 17th of May 1727, having reigned about two years. She had settled the crown on Peter the son of the tzarovitch Alexei, who succeeded by the title of Peter II.

Peter was only 12 years of age when he succeeded to the imperial throne, and his reign was short and uninteresting. He was guided chiefly by Prince Menzikoff, whose daughter Catharine had decreed him to marry. This ambitious man, who, from the mean condition of a pye-boy, had risen to the first offices of the state, and had, during the late reign, principally conducted the administration of the government, was now, however, drawing towards the end of his career. The number of his enemies had greatly increased, and their attempts to work his downfall now succeeded. A young nobleman of the family of the Dolgorukis, who was one of Peter's chief companions, was excited by his relations, and the other enemies of Menzikoff, to instil into the mind of the young prince, sentiments hostile to that minister. In this commission he succeeded so well, that Menzikoff and his whole family, not excepting the young empress, were banished to Siberia, and the Dolgorukis took into their hands the management of affairs. These artful counsellors, instead of cultivating the naturally good abilities of Peter, encouraged him to waste his time and exhaust his strength in hunting, and other athletic exercises, for which his tender years were by no means calculated. It is supposed that the debility consequent on such fatigue increased the natural danger of the small-pox, with which he was attacked in January 1730, and from which he never recovered.

Notwithstanding the absolute power with which Peter I. and the empress Catharine had settled by will the succession to the throne, the Russian senate and nobility, upon the death of Peter II. ventured to set aside the order of succession which those sovereigns had established. The male issue of Peter was now extinct; and the duke of Holstein, son to Peter's eldest daughter, was by the destination of the late empress entitled to the crown; but the Russians, for political reasons, filled the throne with Anne duchess of Courland, second daughter to Ivan, Peter's eldest brother; though her eldest sister the duchess of Mecklenburg was alive. Her reign was extremely prosperous; and though she accepted the crown under limitations that some thought derogatory to her dignity, yet she broke them all, asserted the prerogative of her ancestors, and punished the aspiring Dolgoruki family, who had imposed upon her limitations, with a view, as it is said, that they themselves might govern. She raised her favourite Biren to the duchy of Courland; and was obliged to give way to many severe executions on his account. Few transactions of any importance took place during the reign of Anne. She followed the example of her great predecessor Peter, by interfering in the affairs of Poland, where she had sufficient interest to establish on the throne Augustus III. This interference had nearly involved her in a war with France, and she had already sent a considerable army to

the banks of the Rhine, for the purpose of acting against that power, when the conclusion of a treaty of peace rendered them unnecessary. She entered into a treaty with the shah of Persia, by which she agreed to give up all title to the territories that had been seized by Peter I. on the shores of the Caspian, in consideration of certain privileges to be granted to the Russian merchants.

In 1735, a rupture took place between Russia and Turkey, occasioned partly by the mutual jealousies that had subsisted between these powers, ever since the treaty on the Pruth, and partly by the depredations of the Tartars of the Crimea, then under the dominion of the Porte. A Russian army entered the Crimea, ravaged part of the country, and killed a considerable number of Tartars; but having ventured too far, without a sufficient supply of provisions, was obliged to retreat, after sustaining a loss of nearly 10,000 men. This ill success did not discourage the court of St Petersburg; and in the following year another armament was sent into the Ukraine, under the command of Marshal Munich, while another army under Lasey proceeded against Azof. Both these generals met with considerable success; the Tartars were defeated, and the fort of Azof once more submitted to the Russian arms. A third campaign took place in 1737, and the Russians were now assisted by a body of Austrian troops. Munich laid siege to Otschakof, which soon surrendered, while Lasey desolated the Crimea.

No material advantages were, however, gained on either side; and disputes arose between the Austrian and Russian generals. At length in 1739, Marshal Munich having crossed the Bog at the head of a considerable army, defeated the Turks in a pitched battle near Stavutshan, made himself master of Yassy, the capital of Moldavia, and before the end of the campaign reduced the whole of that province under his subjection. These successes of the Russian arms induced the Porte to propose terms of accommodation; and in the latter end of 1739, a treaty was concluded, by which Russia again gave up Azof and Moldavia, and to compensate the loss of above 100,000 men, and vast sums of money, gained nothing but permission to build a fortress on the Don.

Upon the death of Anne, which took place in 1740, Ivan, the son of her niece, the princess of Mecklenburg was, by her will, entitled to the succession; but being no more than two years old, Biren was appointed to be administrator of the empire during his minority. This nomination was disagreeable to the princess of Mecklenburg and her husband, and unpopular among the Russians. Count Munich was employed by the princess of Mecklenburg to arrest Biren, who was tried, and condemned to die, but was sent into exile to Siberia.

The administration of the princess Anne of Mecklenburg and her husband was upon many accounts disagreeable, not only to the Russians, but to other powers of Europe; and notwithstanding a prosperous war they carried on with the Swedes, the princess Elizabeth, daughter by Catharine to Peter the Great, formed such a party that in one night's time she was declared and proclaimed empress of the Russia; and the princess of Mecklenburg, her husband, and son, were made prisoners. The fate of this unhappy family was peculiarly severe. All but Ivan were sent into banishment, to an island

island at the mouth of the Dvina, in the White sea, where the princess Anne died in child bed in 1747. Ivan's father survived till 1775, and at last ended his miserable career in prison. The young emperor Ivan was for some time shut up in a monastery at Oranien-burg, when, on attempting to escape, he was removed to the castle of Schlusselburg, where he was, as will hereafter be related, cruelly put to death.

The chief instrument in rousing the ambition of Elizabeth, and procuring her elevation to the throne, was her physician and favourite Lestoc, who, partly by his insinuating address, and partly by the assistance of the French ambassador, brought over to Elizabeth's interest most of the royal guards. By their assistance she made herself mistress of the imperial palace, and of the persons of the young emperor and his family, and in a few hours was established without opposition on the throne of her father.

During the short regency of Anne of Mecklenburg, a new war had commenced between Russia and Sweden; and this war was carried on with considerable acrimony and some success, by Elizabeth. The Russian forces took possession of Abo, and made themselves masters of nearly all Finland. But at length in 1743, in consequence of the negotiations that were carrying on relative to the succession of the Swedish crown, a peace was concluded between the two powers, on the condition that Elizabeth should restore the greater part of Finland.

Soon after her accession, Elizabeth determined to nominate her successor to the imperial throne, and had fixed her eyes on Charles Peter Ulric, son of the duke of Holstein Gottorp, by Anne, daughter of Peter the Great. This prince was accordingly invited into Russia, persuaded to become a member of the Greek church, and proclaimed grand duke of Russia, and heir of the empire. The ceremony of his baptism was performed on the 18th November, 1742, and he received the name of Peter Feodorovitch. He was at this time only fourteen years of age; but before he had attained his sixteenth year, his aunt had destined him a consort in the person of Sophia Augusta Frederica, daughter of Christian Augustus prince of Anhalt-zerbst-Dornburg. It is unnecessary for us here to relate the circumstances that led to this marriage, and the unhappy consequences that resulted from it during the life of Elizabeth, as they have already been sufficiently detailed.

Having thus settled the order of succession, Elizabeth began to take an active part in the politics of Europe. The death of Charles VI. emperor of Germany had left his daughter, Maria Theresa queen of Hungary, at the mercy of the enterprising king of Prussia, till a formidable party, more from jealousy of that monarch's military fame than regard to the interests of an injured princess, was formed in her behalf. To this confederacy the empress of Russia acceded, and in 1747 sent a considerable body of troops into Germany, to the assistance of the empress queen. The events of this long and bloody contest have been fully detailed under the article Prussia, from No. 18 to 64, and they comprise the greater part of those transactions in the reign of Elizabeth that do not particularly regard the internal policy of the empire. The more private transactions of the court of St Petersburg, as far as they are connected with the intrigues of her niece Catherine and the follies

of the grand duke Peter, have also been related in our life of CATHERINE II. Elizabeth died on the 5th January 1762, the victim of disease brought on by intemperance. With her character as a private woman we have little business here. Her merits as a sovereign will appear from the following summary drawn by Mr Tooke.

Elizabeth, as empress, governed but little of herself; it being properly her ministers and favourites who dictated her regulations and decrees. Of this number, besides Bestuchef, was also Bazumofsky, to whom, it has been said, the empress was even privately married. At the beginning of her reign, it is true, she went a few times to the sitting of the senate; but the matters transacted there were by much too serious for her mind; and, accordingly, she very soon left off that practice altogether, contenting herself by confirming with her signature the resolutions of that assembly, and the determinations of her minister, or the conference, which supplied the place of the council.

Her character in general was mild, as was evident from the tears it cost her whenever she received accounts from Prussia even of victories gained by her own army, on account of the human blood by which they must necessarily have been purchased. Yet even this delicate sensibility did not restrain her from prosecuting the war into which she had entered from a species of revenge, and for the purpose of humbling the king of Prussia, and even on her death-bed from exhorting the persons who surrounded her to the most vigorous continuation of it. It also proceeded from this sensibility, that immediately on her accession to the government she made the vow never to put her signature to a sentence of death. A resolution which she faithfully kept; though it cannot be averred to have been for the benefit of the empire; since in consequence of it the number of malefactors who deserved to die was every day increasing, insomuch that even the clergy requested the empress to retract her vow, at the same time urging proofs that they could release her from it. All the arguments they could use, however, were of no avail to move the conscientious monarch; she would not give effect to any sentence of death, although the commanders in the army particularly would have been glad that her conscience had yielded a little on that point. They declared that the soldiers were not to be restrained from their excesses by the severest corporal punishments they could employ; whereas such was their dread of a solemn execution, that a few examples of that nature would have effectually kept them in awe.

Commerce and literature, arts, manufactures, handicrafts, and the other means of livelihood, which had been fostered by the former sovereigns, continued their course under Elizabeth with increasing prosperity. The country products were obtained and wrought up in greater quantities, and several branches of profit were more zealously carried on. The sum appointed for the support of the academy of sciences founded by Peter I. at St Petersburg, was considerably augmented by Elizabeth; and she moreover established in 1758 the academy still subsisting for the arts of painting and sculpture, in which a number of young persons are brought up as painters, engravers, statuarys, architects, &c. At Mosco she endowed a university and two gymnasias.

The empress Elizabeth herself having a good voice, music,

music, which Anne had already much encouraged, found under her administration a perpetual accession of disciples and admirers; so that even numbers of persons of distinction at St Petersburg became excellent performers. The art of acting plays was now also more general among the Russians. Formerly none but French or Italian pieces were performed on the stage of St Petersburg, whereas now Sumarokof obtained celebrity, as a dramatic poet in his native language, and in 1756 Elizabeth laid the foundation of a Russian theatre in her residence. Architecture likewise found a great admirer and patroness in her, St Petersburg and its vicinity being indebted to her for great embellishments, and numerous structures.

The magnificence which had prevailed under Anne at the court of St Petersburg was not diminished during her reign, and the court establishment therefore amounted to extraordinary sums. Elizabeth, indeed, in this respect did not imitate her great father; and accordingly in the seven years war the want of a well-stored treasury was already very sensibly felt.

The population of the empire was considerably increased under her reign; and so early as 1752, according to the statement in an account published by an official person, it was augmented by one-fifth.

Elizabeth continued the practice of her predecessors in encouraging foreigners to come to settle in her empire. Emigrant Servians cultivated a considerable tract of land, till then almost entirely uninhabited, on the borders of Turkey, where they built the town of Elizabethgorod, and multiplied so fast, that in the year 1764 a particular district was formed of these improvements, under the name of New Servia. Only the Jews Elizabeth had been no less resolute not to tolerate than her father had been; insomuch that, so early in her reign as 1743, they were ordered to quit the country on pain of death.

The army was augmented under Elizabeth, but certainly not improved. There were now no longer at the head of it such men as the foreigners, Munich, Keith, or Loevendal, who, besides their personal courage and intrepidity, possessed the soundest principles of the art of war; and, what is of no less consequence in a commander, kept up a strict discipline, and took care that the laws of subordination were punctually observed. The excessive licence which the regiments of guards, particularly the life company of the Preobajerskoy guards, presumed to exercise, under the very eyes of the empress in St Petersburg, afforded no good example to the rest of the army; and Elizabeth, in appointing those soldiers of that life company, who had been most guilty of flagrant disorders, and the basest conduct, to be officers in the marching regiments, gives us no very high idea of what was required in an officer, but rather serves easily to explain whence it arose that such frequent complaints were made of insubordination. A great number of excellent regulations that had been introduced into the army, and always enforced by foreigners, especially by Munich, were suffered by the Russian generals to fall into total disuse. The bad effects of this negligence were very soon perceived; and it was undoubtedly a circumstance highly favourable to the Russian troops, that for several years successively, in the war which we have had occasion so often to mention, they had to engage with such a master in the military art as

the king of Prussia, and by their conflicts with him, as well as by their connection with the Austrians, and in the sequel with the Prussian soldiery, they had an opportunity of learning so many things, and of forming themselves into regular combatants.

Elizabeth tarnished her reign, however, by the institution of a political court of inquisition, under the name of a secret state chancery, empowered to examine into and punish all such charges as related to the expression of any kind of displeasure against the measures of government. This, as is usual in such cases, opened a door to the vilest practices. The lowest and most profligate of mankind were now employed as spies and informers, and were rewarded for their denunciations and calumnies against the most virtuous characters, if these happened by a look, a shrug of the shoulders, or a few harmless words, to signify their disapprobation of the proceedings of the sovereign*.

The grand duke ascended the throne by the name of Peter III. This prince's conduct has been variously represented. He entered on the government possessed of an enthusiastic admiration of the virtues of the king of Prussia, with whom he immediately made peace, and whose principles and practice he seems to have adopted as patterns for his imitation. He might have surmounted the effects even of those peculiarities, unpopular as they then were in Russia; but it is said that he aimed at reformations in his dominions, which even Peter the Great durst not attempt; and that he even ventured to cut off the beards of his clergy. He was certainly a weak man, who had no opinions of his own, but childishly adopted the sentiments of any person who took the trouble to teach him. His chief amusement was buffoonery; and he would sit for hours looking with pleasure at a merry-Andrew singing drunken and vulgar songs. He was a stranger to the country, its inhabitants, and their manners; and suffered himself to be persuaded by those about him, that the Russians were fools and beasts unworthy of his attention, except to make them, by means of the Prussian discipline, good fighting machines. These sentiments regulated his whole conduct, and prepared the way for that revolution which improprieties of a different kind tended to hasten.

Becoming attached to one of the Vorontzoff ladies, sister to the princess Dashkoff, he disgusted his wife, who was then a lovely woman in the prime of life, of great natural talents and great acquired accomplishments; whilst the lady whom he preferred to her was but one degree above an idiot. The princess Dashkoff, who was married to a man whose genius was not superior to that of the emperor, being dame d'honneur and lady of the bed-chamber, had of course much of the empress's company. Similarity of situations knit these two illustrious personages in the closest friendship. The princess being a zealous admirer of the French économistes, could make her conversation both amusing and instructive. She retailed all her statistical knowledge; and finding the empress a willing hearer, she spoke of her in every company as a prodigy of knowledge, judgment, and philanthropy. Whilst the emperor, by his buffoonery and attachment to foreign manners, was daily incurring more and more the odium of his subjects, the popularity of his wife was rapidly increasing; and some persons about the court expressed their regret, that so much knowledge of government, such love of humanity, and

such ardent wishes for the prosperity of Russia, should only furnish conversations with Catharina Romanovna (the princess Dashkoff). The empress and her favourite did not let these expressions pass unobserved, they continued their studies in concert; and whilst the former was employed on her famous code of laws, for a great empire, the latter always reported progress, till the middling circles of Mosco and St Petersburg began to speak familiarly of the blessings which they might enjoy if these speculations could be realized.

Meanwhile Peter III. was giving fresh cause of discontent. He had recalled from Siberia Count Munich, who was indeed a sensible, brave, and worthy man; but as he was smarting under the effects of Russian despotism, and had grounds of resentment against most of the great families, he did not much discourage the emperor's unpopular conduct, but only tried to moderate it and give it a system. Peter, however, was impatient. He publicly ridiculed the exercise and evolutions of the Russian troops; and hastily adopting the Prussian discipline, without digesting and fitting it for the constitution of his own forces, he completely ruined himself by disgusting the army.

In the midst of these imprudences, however, Peter was sometimes disturbed by the advice of virtuous counsellors. Among these Gudovitch, the vice-chamberlain, is said to have reproached him in the following spirited address:

"Peter Feodorovitch, I now plainly perceive that you prefer to us the enemies of your fame. You are irrecoverably subservient to them; you acknowledge them to have had good reason for saying that you were more addicted to low and degrading pleasures, than fit to govern an empire. Is it thus that you emulate your vigilant and laborious grandsire, that Peter the Great whom you have so often sworn to take for your model? Is it thus that you persevere in the wise and noble conduct, by which, at your accession to the throne, you merited the love and the admiration of your people? But that love, that admiration, is already forgotten. They are succeeded by discontent and murmurs. Petersburg is anxiously enquiring whether the tzar has ceased to live within her walls? The whole empire begins to fear that it has cherished only vain speculations of receiving laws that shall revive its vigour and increase its glory. The malevolent alone are triumphant; and soon will the intrigues, the cabals, which the first moments of your reign had reduced to silence, again raise their heads with redoubled insolence. Shake off then this disgraceful lethargy, my tzar! hasten to shew and to prove, by some resplendent act of virtue, that you are worthy of realizing those hopes that have been formed and cherished of you."

These remonstrances, however, produced only a temporary gleam of reformation, and Peter soon relapsed into his accustomed sensuality. What he lost in popularity was soon gained by the emissaries of Catharine. Four regiments of guards, amounting to 8000 men, were instantly brought over by the three brothers Orloff, who had contrived to ingratiate themselves with their officers. The people at large were in a state of indifference, out of which they were roused by the following means. A little manuscript was handed about, containing principles of legislation for Russia, founded on natural rights, and on the claims of the different

classes of people which had insensibly been formed, and became so familiar as to appear natural. In that performance was proposed a convention of deputies from all the classes, and from every part of the empire, to converse, but without authority, on the subjects of which it treated, and to inform the senate of the result of their deliberations. It passed for the work of her majesty, and was much admired.

While Catharine was thus high in the public esteem and affection, the emperor took the alarm at her popularity, and in a few days came to the resolution of confining her for life, and then of marrying his favourite. The servants of that favourite betrayed her to her sister, who imparted the intelligence to the empress. Catharine saw her danger, and instantly formed her resolution. She must either tamely submit to perpetual imprisonment, and perhaps a cruel and ignominious death, or contrive to hurl her husband from his throne. No other alternative was left her, and the consequence was what was undoubtedly expected. The proper steps were taken; folly fell before abilities and address, and in three days the revolution was accomplished.

When the emperor saw that all was lost, he attempted to enter Cronstadt from Oranienbaum, a town on the gulf of Finland, 30 verst, or nearly 26 miles, from St Petersburg. The sentinels at the harbour presented their muskets at the barge; and though they were not loaded, and the men had no cartridges, he drew back. The English sailors called from ship to ship for some person to head them, declaring that they would take him in and defend him; but he precipitately withdrew. Munich received him again, and exhorted him to mount his horse, and head his guards, swearing to live and die with him. He said, "No, I see it cannot be done without shedding much of the blood of my brave Holsteiners. I am not worthy of the sacrifice." It is unnecessary for us to be more particular in detailing the progress of the revolution that placed Catharine on the throne of Russia, as the principal circumstances attending this event are given under the life of CATHERINE; but as the conclusion of the tragedy has been there omitted, we shall relate it from the most authentic sources which we have been able to procure.

Six days had already elapsed since the revolution, and that great event had been apparently terminated without any violence that might leave odious impressions on the mind of the public. Peter had been removed from Peterhof to a pleasant retreat called Ropscha, about 30 miles from St Petersburg; and here he supposed he should be detained but a short time previous to his being sent into Germany. He therefore sent a message to Catharine, desiring permission to have for his attendant a favourite negro, and that she would send him a dog, of which he was very fond, together with his violin, a bible, and a few romances, telling her that, disgusted with the wickedness of mankind, he was resolved henceforth to devote himself to a philosophical life. However reasonable these requests, not one of them was granted, and his plans of wisdom were turned into ridicule.

In the mean time the soldiers were amazed at what they had done; they could not conceive by what fascination they had been hurried so far as to dethrone the grandson of Peter the Great, in order to give his crown to a German woman. The majority, without plan or

sentiment of what they were doing, had been mechanically led on by the movements of others; and each individual now reflecting on his baseness, after the pleasure of disposing of a crown had vanished, was filled only with remorse. The sailors, who had never been engaged in the insurrection, openly reproached the guards in the tipping houses with having sold their emperor for beer. Pity, which justifies even the greatest criminals, pleaded irresistibly in every heart. One night a band of soldiers attached to the empress took the alarm, from an idle fear, and exclaimed that their mother was in danger, and that she must be awaked, that they might see her. During the next night there was a fresh commotion more serious than the former. So long as the life of the emperor left a pretext for inquietude, it was thought that no tranquillity was to be expected.

On the sixth day of the emperor's imprisonment at Ropscha, Alexey Orloff, accompanied by an officer named Teploff, came to him with the news of his speedy deliverance, and asked permission to dine with him. According to the custom of that country, wine glasses and brandy were brought previous to dinner; and while the officer amused the tzar with some trifling discourse, his chief filled the glasses, and poured a poisonous mixture into that which he intended for the prince. The tzar, without any distrust, swallowed the potion, on which he immediately experienced the most severe pains; and on his being offered a second glass, on pretence of its giving him relief, he refused it, with reproaches against him that offered it.

He called aloud for milk, but the two monsters offered him poison again, and pressed him to take it. A French valet-de-chambre, greatly attached to him, now ran in. Peter threw himself into his arms, saying in a faint tone of voice, "It was not enough then to prevent me from reigning in Sweden, and to deprive me of the crown of Russia! I must also be put to death."

The valet-de-chambre presumed to intercede for his master; but the two miscreants forced this dangerous witness out of the room, and continued their ill-treatment of the tzar. In the midst of this tumult the younger of the princes Baratinsky came in, and joined the two former. Orloff who had already thrown down the emperor, was pressing upon his breast with both his knees, and firmly griping his throat with his hand. The unhappy monarch, now struggling with that strength which arises from despair, the two other assassins threw a napkin round his neck, and put an end to his life by suffocation.

It is not known with certainty what share the empress had in this event; but it is affirmed that on the very day on which it happened, while the empress was beginning her dinner with much gaiety, an officer (supposed to be one of the assassins) precipitately entered the apartment with his hair dishevelled, his face covered with sweat and dust, his clothes torn, and his countenance agitated with horror and dismay. On entering, his eyes, sparkling and confused, met those of the empress. She arose in silence, and went into a closet, whither he followed her; a few moments afterwards she

sent for Count Panin (the former governor of Peter), who was already appointed her minister, and she informed him that the emperor was dead, and consulted him on the manner of announcing his death to the public. Panin advised her to let one night pass over, and to spread the news next day, as if they had received it during the night. This counsel being approved, the empress returned with the same countenance, and continued her dinner with the same gaiety. On the day following, when it was published that Peter had died of an hæmorrhoidal colic, she appeared bathed in tears, and proclaimed her grief by an edict.

The corpse was brought to St Petersburg, there to be exposed. The face was black, and the neck excoriated. Notwithstanding these horrible marks, in order to assuage the commotions which began to excite apprehension, and to prevent impostors from hereafter disturbing the empire, he was left three days, exposed to all the people, with only the ornaments of a Holstein officer. His soldiers, disbanded and disarmed, mingled with the crowd; and, as they beheld their sovereign, their countenances indicated a mixture of compassion, contempt, and shame. They were soon afterwards embarked for their country; but, as the sequel of their cruel destiny, almost all of these unfortunate men perished in a storm. Some of them had saved themselves on the rocks adjacent to the coast; but they again fell a prey to the waves, while the commandant of Cronstadt dispatched a messenger to St Petersburg to know whether he might be permitted to assist them (8).

Thus fell the unhappy Peter III. in the 34th year of his age, after having enjoyed the imperial dignity only six months. Whatever may have been his faults or follies, it must be allowed that he suffered dearly for them. Of the violent nature of his death there can scarcely be a doubt, though there appear to be grounds for believing that, however much Catharine must have wished for his removal, she did not take an active part in his death.

On her accession, Catharine behaved with great magnanimity and forbearance towards those who had opposed her elevation, or were the declared friends of the deceased emperor. She gave to Prince George, in exchange for his title of duke of Courland conferred on him by Peter, the government of Holstein. She reinstated Biren in his dukedom of Courland; received into favour Marshal Munich, who had readily transferred his fidelity from the dead to the living, and even pardoned her rival, the Countess Vorontzoff, and permitted her to retain the tokens of her lover's munificence. She permitted Gudovitch, who, as we have seen, was high in the confidence of Peter, and had incurred her particular displeasure, to retire to his native country. Perhaps the most unexpected part of her conduct towards the friends of Peter, was her adhering to the treaty of peace which that monarch had concluded with the king of Prussia six months before. The death of his inveterate enemy Elizabeth had relieved Frederick from a load of solicitude, and had extricated him from his dangerous situation. He now, as he thought, saw himself

(8) The above account of Peter's assassination is taken chiefly from M. Tullière's Histoire ou Anecdotes sur la Révolution de Russie, with some modifications from Tooke's Life of Catharine II.

self again involved in a war with the same formidable power; but to his great joy he found that Catharine, from motives of policy, declined entering on a war at the commencement of her reign.

In one particular the empress showed her jealousy and her fears. She increased the vigilance with which the young prince Ivan was confined in the castle of Schlusselburg, from which Peter III. had expressed a resolution to release him. Not long after her accession, this unfortunate prince was assassinated; though whether this event was to be imputed to the empress or her counsellors, cannot be determined. The circumstances of the assassination are thus related by Mr Tooke, from documents supplied by a manifesto published by the court of Petersburg, and supposed to be written by the empress herself.

"A lieutenant, named Mirovitch, thinking himself neglected as an officer, conceived a plan to revenge himself on the empress Catharine II. by delivering the captive Ivan from his dungeon, and replacing him on the throne: a plan which, besides the extraordinary difficulties with which it must be attended, seemed unlikely to succeed, as the manner of life to which that prince had all along been condemned, disqualified him forever for the station of a ruler. Yet Mirovitch, capable of any attempt, however inconsiderate, to which he was prompted by his vindictive spirit, found means to gain over a few accomplices to his rash design. The empress having gone on a journey into Livonia in 1764, and he happening to have a command at Schlusselburg, for strengthening the guard at that fortress, whereby he had frequent opportunities of making himself thoroughly acquainted with the place of Ivan's confinement, caused the soldiers of his command to be roused in the night, and read to them a pretended order from the empress commissioning him to set the prince at liberty.

"The soldiers thus taken by surprise, were induced by threats, promises, and intoxicating liquors, to believe what, however, on the slightest reflection, must have struck them as the grossest absurdity. Headed by Mirovitch, they proceeded to the cell of Ivan. The commandant of the fortress, waked out of his sleep by the unexpected alarm, immediately on his appearing, received a blow with the butt end of a musket, which struck him to the ground; and the two officers that had the guard of the prisoner were ordered to submit. Here it is to be observed, that the officers whose turn it was to have the custody of him, had uniformly, from the time of Elizabeth, secret orders given them, that if any thing should be attempted in favour of the prince, rather to put him to death than suffer him to be carried off. They now thought themselves in that dreadful predicament; and the prince who, when an infant of nine weeks, was taken from the calm repose of the cradle to be placed on an imperial throne, was likewise fast locked in the arms of sleep when that throne was taken from him only one year afterwards, and now also enjoying a short respite from misery by the same kind boon of nature, when he was awakened by the thrust of a sword; and, notwithstanding the brave resistance which he made, closed his eyes for ever by the frequent repetition of the stroke. Such was the lamentable end of this unfortunate prince! of this Russian monarch! The event excited great animadversion throughout the residence; every unbiased person bewailed the youth so innocently

put to death; and incessant crowds of people flocked to see his body in the church of the fortress of Schlusselburg. The government was at length obliged to steal it away by night for inhumation in a monastery at a considerable distance from town. Mirovitch paid the forfeit of this enterprise with his head*.

Were we to offer a detailed account of the principal transactions that took place during the long reign of Catharine, we should far exceed the limits within which this article must be confined, and should at the same time repeat much of what has already been given under other articles. As the events that distinguished the life of Catharine, however, are too important to be wholly omitted, we shall present our readers with the following chronological sketch of them, referring for a more particular account to Mr Tooke's Life of Catharine II. and to the articles CATHARINE II. BRITAIN, FRANCE, POLAND, PRUSSIA, SWEDEN, and TURKEY, in this work.

The year 1766, presented at St Petersburg the grandest spectacle that perhaps was ever seen in Europe. At an entertainment, which the empress chose to name a carousal, the principal nobility appeared in the most sumptuous dresses sparkling with diamonds, and mounted on horses richly caparisoned, in a magnificent theatre erected for that purpose. Here all that has been read of the ancient jousts and tournaments was realized and exceeded in the presence of thousands of spectators, who seemed to vie with each other in the brilliancy of their appearance.

In 1768, the empress composed instructions for a new code of laws for her dominions; and the same year she submitted to the danger of inoculation, in order that her subjects, to whom the practice was unknown, might be benefited by her example; and the experiment, under Baron Dimdale, having happily succeeded, it was commemorated by an annual thanksgiving.

In the same year a war broke out with the Ottoman Porte. The various events of this long and important conflict, which continued for seven years, must here be only briefly enumerated, as they will hereafter be more particularly noticed under the article TURKEY. In this war, our countryman Greig, then an admiral in the Russian service, highly distinguished himself by his conduct in a naval engagement with the Turks, in the harbour of Tschesme in the Archipelago, in which the Turkish fleet was entirely defeated, and their magazines destroyed. This took place on the 4th of November 1772.

In the beginning of the year 1769, the khan of the Crimea made an attack on the territory of Bachmut on the river Bog, where he was several times bravely repulsed, with his army of Tartars and Turks, by Major-general Romanus and Prince Prosorofskoi. At the same time were fought the battles of Zekanofca and Sorocan on the Dniepr, when the large magazines of the enemy were burned. In February the Polish Kozaks in the voivodeship of Bracław put themselves under the Russian sceptre. In the same month the Nisovian Saparogian Kozaks gained a battle in the deserts of Krim. In March the Polish rebels were subdued, and their town taken by Major-general Iamailof. April 2. the fort of Teganrock, on the sea of Azof, was taken. On the 15th the Russian army, under the general in chief Prince Galitzin, crossed the Dniepr. On the 19th a victory was gained by Prince Galitzin near Chotzim. On the 21st the Turks were defeated

not far from Chotzim by Lieutenant-general Count Solikof. The 29th, an action was fought between the Russian Kalmucks and the Kuban Tartars, to the disadvantage of the latter. June 8th, the Turks were defeated at the mouth of the Dniepr near Otechakof. 19th, An action took place on the Dniestr, when the troops of Prince Prosorofskoi forced the Turks to repass the river in great disorder. Chotzim was taken September 19th. Yassy, in Moldavia, was taken 27th September. Bucharest, in Wallachia, was taken, and the hospodar made prisoner, in November 1770. A victory was gained by the Russians under Generals Podhorilshany and Potemkin, near Fokshany. The town of Shursha was taken by Lieutenant-general Von Stoffeln, Feb. 4. A Russian fleet appeared in the port of Maina in the Morea, Feb. 17. Mistra, the Lacedæmon of the ancients, and several other towns of the Morea, were taken in February. Arcadim in Greece surrendered, and a multitude of Turks were made prisoners, in the same month. The Turks and Tartars were driven from their entrenchments near the Pruth, by Count Romantzof, Prince Repnin, and General Bauer, 11th—16th June. Prince Prosorofskoi gained several advantages near Otechakof, June 18. The Russian fleet, under Count Alexey Orlof, gained a complete victory over the Turks near Tscheme, June 24th; the consequence of this victory was the destruction of the whole Turkish fleet, near Tscheme, where it was burned by Admiral Greig, June 26. A battle was fought on the Kagul, in which Count Romantzof defeated the Turkish army, consisting of 150,000 men, took their camp, and all the artillery, July 21. The fortress Bender was taken July 22. The town of Ismail was taken by Prince Repnin, July 26. Kilia by Prince Repnin, August 21. and Ackerman in October. Brailof was taken, November 10. 1771. The fortress of Shursha by General Olitz, on February 23. ; the town of Kaffa by Prince Dolgoruckof, June 29. ; the fort of Kertchi, July 2. ; the fort of Yenicali, July 3. ; and numberless other victories were obtained by sea and land, till the peace was concluded the 13th January 1775. By this the Crimea was declared independent of the Porte, all the vast tract of country between the Bog and Dniepr was ceded to Russia, besides the Kuban and the isle of Taman, with free navigation in all the Turkish seas, including the passage of the Dardanelles, privileges granted to the most favoured nations, and stipulations in behalf of the inhabitants of Moldavia and Wallachia.

In 1779, the empress intending to divide the empire into viceroyalties, began in January with the viceroyalty of Orlof. March 21. a new treaty was signed at Constantinople between Russia and the Porte. May 13. the treaty of peace between the belligerent powers in Germany, and the French king, was signed under the mediation of her majesty. In June she established an hospital for invalids at Mosco, to be confined to officers. In July, General Bauer received orders to cause a canal to be cut to supply Mosco with wholesome water. In October, a ship built at Taganrock, named the Prince Constantine, sailed to Smyrna with Russian commodities. December 3. the viceroyalty of Voronetsh was institu-

ted; and the 27th, Count Romantzof Zadunaiski opened the viceroyalty of Kursk with great solemnity.

In 1780, February 28. appeared the memorable declaration of her imperial majesty, relating to the safety of navigation and commerce of the neutral powers. May 9. the empress set out on a journey to White Russia from Zarscoi Selo, visited Narva, Plescof, met the emperor of Germany under the title of Count Falkenstein at Mohilef, and they pursued the journey together to Smolensk. June 6. Count Falkenstein arrived at Mosco. The 17th, the empress returned to Zarscoi Selo, and the count Falkenstein arrived at St Petersburg. July 8. the emperor returned to Vienna.

In 1781, March 1. the empress became mediatrix between England and Holland. April 5. instituted the first public school in St Petersburg. August 27. the grand dukes, Alexander and Constantine, were inoculated by Baron Dimsdale. August 31. the first stone of a cathedral was laid at Cherson, dedicated to St Catherine. September 19. the grand duke, Paul Petrovitch, and his consort, Maria Feodorovna, departed from Zarscoi Selo, through Plescof, Mohilef, and Kief, on a journey into foreign countries, under the title of Count and Countess of the North.

In 1782, by a command of her majesty, dated January 18. a Roman Catholic Archbishop was installed in the city of Mohilef, with authority over all the Catholic churches and convents in the Russian empire. August 7. the famous equestrian statue of Peter the Great, being finished, was uncovered to the public in presence of the empress, on which occasion she published a proclamation containing pardons for several criminals, &c. (c). November 22. the order of St Vladimir was instituted. The 27th, the empress published a new tariff. November 20. the grand duke and his duchess, having completed their travels through Germany, Italy, France, Holland, the Netherlands, &c. returned to St Petersburg.

In 1783, May 7. the empress instituted a seminary for the education of young persons of quality at Kursk. June 21. a treaty of commerce concluded with the Ottoman Porte. July, the institution of the other viceroyalties of the empire followed in succession. July 21. the empress published a manifesto by her commander in chief Prince Potemkin, in the Krim, in regard to the taking possession of that peninsula, the Kuban, and the island of Taman. The 24th, a treaty was concluded with Heraclius II. tzar of Kartalinia and Kachetti, by which he submitted himself, his heirs and successors for ever, with his territories and dominions, to the sceptre of her majesty, her heirs and successors. The 29th account was received from the camp of Prince Potemkin at Karas-Basar, that the clergy, the boys, and other persons of distinction, with the towns of Karas-Basar, Bachtshiserai, Achmetchet, Kaffa, Kosloff, with the districts of Turkanskoikut and Neubasar, and that of Perkop, in the peninsula of the Krim, together with the hordes of Edissank and Dshambolusk, the sultan Aliim Girey, and his vassals, with all the Budshaks and Bashkirs there, and all the tribes dwelling beyond the river Kuban, the sultan Boatur Girey and his vassals, took the

(c) For a description of this extraordinary statue, see PETERSBURGH.

the oath of allegiance to her imperial majesty, and with willing hearts submitted for ever to her glorious sway. The 30th, the hospodar of Wallachia was deposed, and Draco Sutzo set up in his place. September 22. her majesty raised Gabriel, archbishop of Novgorod and St Petersburg, to the dignity of metropolitan. October 21. in the great hall of the Academy of Sciences, the new institution of the Imperial Russian academy was opened, after a most solemn consecration by the metropolitan Gabriel, and others of the clergy, under the presidency of the princess Dashkoff. November 7. the empress became mediatrix for accommodating the differences between the king of Prussia and the city of Danzig. The school for surgery was opened at St Petersburg on the 18th. December 13. a school commission was instituted for superintending all the public schools. The 28th, an act was concluded with the Ottoman Porte, by which the possession and sovereignty of the Krim, the Kuban, &c. were solemnly made over to the empress.

1784. January 1. the senate most humbly thanked her majesty for the benefactions which she had graciously bestowed on the whole empire in the preceding year, in a speech by Field-marshl Count Razomof-koi. The 18th, the Roman Catholic archbishop of Mohilef, Stanislaus Tshesrentshevitch of Bogush, constituted by her majesty, was, with a variety of church ceremonies, solemnly invested, in the Roman Catholic church at St Petersburg, with the pallium from his holiness the pope, by the papal ambassador Count Archetti, archbishop of Chalcedon. October 14. the Legiers, having crossed the river Alasan, and invaded the dominions of Georgia, were repulsed with great loss by a detachment of Russian troops. December 29. Katolikos Maksim, the serdar and court-marshal Prince Zeretelli, and the chief justice Kuinichese, ambassadors from David, tzar of Imeretia, were admitted to a public audience of her majesty, at which they submitted, in the name of the tzar, him, and his subjects, to the will and powerful protection of her imperial majesty, as the rightful head of all the sons of the orthodox eastern church, and sovereign ruler and defender of the Georgian nations.

1785. January 1. the senate in the name of the empire, humbly thanked her majesty for the benefits she had bestowed upon it during the preceding year. The 8th and 15th, the empress in person, held a public examination of the young ladies educated in the Devitza Monastery. The 12th, Mauro Cordato, hospodar of Wallachia, was deposed; and Alexander Mauro Cordato, his uncle, restored to that dignity. The 21st, the empress visited the principal national school, and passed a long time in examining the classes, and the proficiency of the youth in that seminary; on which occasion a marble tablet was fixed in the wall of the fourth class, with this inscription, in gold letters: THOU VISITEST THE VINEYARD WHICH THY OWN HAND HATH PLANTED. Jan. 21. 1785. April 21. the privileges of the nobility were confirmed; and, on the same day, the burghers of towns constituted into bodies corporate, by a particular manifesto. The public school in Voronetsk was opened. The 24th of May, her majesty went to inspect the famous sluices at Vishney Volotshok, and other water communications, and from thence proceeded to Mosco. June 19. her majesty returned to St Pe-

tersburgh. July 3. she visited the hardware manufactories at Sisterbeck, in Finland. 14th, A manifesto was issued, granting full liberty of religion and commerce, to all foreigners settling in the regions of Mount Caucasus, under the Russian government. September 15. the public school at Nishney Novgorod was opened. October 12. the Jesuits in White Russia, in a general assembly, elected a vicar general of their order. November 1. a treaty of commerce was concluded with the emperor of Germany. The 24th, the Russian consul, in Alexandria, made his public entry on horseback (an honour never before granted to any power); erected the imperial standard on his house, with discharge of cannon, &c. December 28. a Russian mercantile frigate, fully freighted, arrived at Leghorn from Constantinople.

1786. January 1. the senate returned thanks for the benefits conferred on the empire. From the 11th to the 16th the new election of persons to the offices in the Petersburg government, ending with masquerade and illuminations, took place. The 29th, the empress confirmed the plan of a navigation school. February 12. by a decree, the usual slavish subscriptions to petitions were to be discontinued; and, instead of them, only the words humble or faithful subject; and, in certain cases, only subject were ordained to be used. March 2d, the empress granted the university of Mosco 125,000 rubles, and all the materials of the palace Kremlin for increasing its buildings. The 25th, a decree was passed for making and repairing the roads throughout the whole empire at the sole expence of the crown, and 4,000,000 of rubles were immediately allotted for the road between St Petersburg and Mosco. April 10th, a new war establishment for the army was signed; 23d, the hospodar of Wallachia was deposed, and Mavroyeni set up in his place. June 28th, the empress instituted a loan bank at St Petersburg, to the fund whereof she allotted 22,000,000 to be advanced to the nobility, and 11,000,000 to the burghers of the town, on very advantageous terms. August 5th, there were published rules to be observed in the public schools. October 4th, a large Russian ship, with Russian productions from St Petersburg, arrived at Cadiz. November 24th, the empress erected public schools at Tambof. December 14th, Prince Ypsilanti was appointed hospodar of Moldavia in the room of the deposed Mauro Cordato. December 31st, a treaty of commerce and navigation was concluded between Russia and France.

1787. January 7. the empress departed from Zar-skoi Selo on a journey to her southern dominions; 29th, after having visited the towns of Veleki-Luki, Smolensk, Sterodub, Novgorod Severskoi, Beresua, Tchernigof, &c. leaving testimonies of her clemency and bounty in each, arrived at Kief. February 6-7th, the deposed hospodar of Moldavia, Mauro Cordato, thinking his life not safe in Yassi, found an opportunity privately to escape. March, public schools were endowed and opened at Rostof, Uglitsh, Moliga, and Romanof in the vice-royalty of Yaroslavl; also at Ustiug and Arasovitz in the vice-royalty of Vologda. April 21st, a manifesto was issued for promoting peace and concord among the burghers of the empire. The 22d, her majesty pursued her journey from Kief, to the Dniepr. The 25th, the concerted interview between her and the king of Poland, near the Polish town of Konief, took place. The 30th,

80th, the empress visited Krementschuk in the viceregalty of Katarinoslauf. The treaty of commerce with England being expired, the British factory were informed that they must henceforward pay the duties on imports in silver money, like the other nations who had no commercial treaty. May 7th, the empress hearing that the emperor of Germany was at Cherson, proceeded thither, and met him there on the 12th. The 17th, she prosecuted her journey to the Krim. June 2d, the emperor, after travelling with her majesty through the Krim, took leave of her at Borislauf, in the viceregalty of Katarinoslauf, on his way home. 23d, The empress having returned from the Krim, through Krementschuk, Pultava, Karsk, Orel, and Tula, arrived at the village of Kolomensk, seven verst from Mosco. June 28th, the 25th anniversary of her reign, she displayed various marks of her bounty. The debtors to the crown were forgiven, prisoners released, imposts taken off, soldiers rewarded, &c. July 4th, returned over Tver, Tula, Valdai, Vishnei-Volotshok, and Novgorod, to Zarskoi-Selo, where she arrived the 11th. The 12th, the new built school at Riga, called Lycium, was solemnly dedicated. August 5th, Bulgakoff, the Russian ambassador, at the Ottoman Porte, was imprisoned in the Seven Towers, contrary to the law of nations, which the empress regarded as a public declaration of war. 21st, The Turkish fleet at Otchakof, attacked the Russian frigate Skorui, and the sloop Bitingi, but was repulsed and put to flight by the bravery of the latter. Many signal advantages were gained over the Turks; several public schools founded in various parts of the empire between this and August following; during which time the war broke out with Sweden.

1788. August 12th, in the expedition beyond the Kuban, the Russian troops entirely routed a company of 4000 Arutayans and Aleasinians; 800 of the enemy were slain, and five villages destroyed. 15th, The surrender of the Turkish fortress of Dubitsha took place. 18th, The Turks made a violent sortie from Otchakof, but were repulsed by the Russian yagers; and, after a battle of four hours, were driven back with the loss of 500 men. 23d, A fierce battle was fought between the Russian troops and Sacubonians, in which the latter lost 1000 men. The Russian fleet kept the Swedish blocked up in Sveaborg, ever since the battle of July 6th. The Swedish army left the Russian territory in Finland. September 18th, the town and fortress of Chotzim surrendered to the Russians, with the garrison of 2000 men, 153 cannon, 14 mortars, and much ammunition. 19th—29th, A small Russian squadron from the fleet at Sevastopol, cruising along the coast of Anatolia, destroyed many of the enemy's vessels, prevented the transporting of the Turkish troops, and returned with great booty. 20th, Ussenier Shamanachin, chief of the Bsheduchovians, was on his petition, admitted a subject of Russia. 26th, A numerous host of Kubanians and Turks were beaten on the river Ubin, with the loss of 1500 men. November 7th, Prince Potemkin, at the head of his Kozaks, took the island Beresan, with many prisoners and much ammunition. December 6th, the town and fortress of Otchakof were taken by Prince Potemkin Tavritsheskoï; 9510 of the enemy were killed, 4000 taken prisoners, 180 standards, 310 cannons and mortars. The whole of the inhabitants were taken prisoners, amounting to

25,000; the Russians lost 950 killed and 1824 wounded. December 19th, General Kamenskoy gained considerable advantages over the Turks near Gangur.

1789. April 16th, Colonel Rimskoy Korsakoff was surrounded by the Turks, who were beaten, with great slaughter, by Lieutenant-General Von Derfelden. 17th—28th, Some Russian cruisers from Sevastopol effected a landing on Cape Karakarman, burnt six mosques, and carried off great booty. 20th, General Derfelden drove the Turks from Gelatch, gained a complete victory, killed 2000, took 1500 prisoners, with the seraskier Ibrahim Pasha, and the whole camp. Several skirmishes took place between the Russians and Swedes in Finland, always to the advantage of the former. May 31st, another victory was gained over the Swedes. June 5th, Sulkof was taken from the Swedes, and Fort St Michael on the 8th. July 15th, Admiral Tchitchagoff engaged the Swedish fleet under the command of the duke of Sudermania; but no ship was lost on either side. 21st, A battle was fought at Fokshany to the great loss of the Turks, and Fokshany was taken. August 13th, the Russian galley fleet fought the Swedish under Count Ehrenschwerdt, the former took a frigate and five other ships, and 2000 prisoners. August 21st, another sea fight took place, and Prince Nassau Siegen made good his landing of the Russian troops in sight of the king of Sweden at the head of his army. September 7th, Prince Repnin attacked the seraskier Hassan Pasha near the river Seltka, and took his whole camp. 11th, Count Suvaroff and prince of Saxe Cobourg engaged near the river Kymnik the grand Turkish army of nearly 100,000 men, and gained a complete victory; from which Count Suvaroff received the surname Kymnikskoi. 14th, The Russian troops under General Ribbs, took the Turkish citadel Chodshabey, in the sight of the whole of the enemy's fleet. 30th, The fortress Palanka being taken, the town of Belgorod or Akermann surrendered to Prince Potemkin Tavritsheskoï. November 4th, the town and castle of Bender submitted at discretion to the same commander.

1790, April 24, General Numsen gained a victory over the Swedes near Memel. May 2d, a sea fight took place off Reval, in which the Russians took the Peace and Prince Charles of 64 guns from the Swedes; and in this engagement these two gallant English officers, Captains Trevannin and Dennison, were killed. 23d, the fleet under Vice-admiral Cruse engaged the Swedish fleet near the island Siskar in the gulf of Finland, without any advantage being gained on either side, though they fought the whole day. 24th, an action was fought at Savataipala, when the Swedes were forced to fly. June 6, the Swedes were defeated by Major Buxhovden, on the island Uransari. June 22, the whole Swedish fleet, commanded by the duke of Sudermania, was entirely defeated by Admiral Tchishagoff and the prince of Nassau Siegen; on this occasion 5000 prisoners were taken, amongst whom were the centre admiral and 200 officers. 28, General Denisoff defeated the Swedes near Davidoff. July 9, Admiral Ushakoff obtained a victory over the Turkish fleet commanded by the capudan pasha, at the mouth of the straits of Yerkali. August 3, peace was concluded with Sweden, without the mediation of any other power. August 28, 29, an engagement took place on the Euxine, not far from Chodshabey, between the Russian admiral Ushakoff

1790. koff and the capudan pasha, when the principal Turkish ship, of 80 guns, was burnt, one of 70 guns, and three taken, the admiral Said Bey being made prisoner, and another ship sunk; the rest made off. September 30. a great victory was obtained over the Turks by General Germann, with much slaughter, and the seraskier Batal Bey, and the whole camp, were taken. October 18. Kilia surrendered to Major Bibbas. November 6. 7. the fortress Cultiha and the Turkish flotilla were taken. December 11. the important fortress of Ismail, after a storming for seven hours without intermission, surrendered to Count Suvaroff, with the garrison of 42,000 men; 30,816 were slain on the spot, 2000 died of their wounds, 9000 were taken prisoners, with 265 pieces of cannon, an incredible store of ammunition, &c. The Russians lost only 1815 killed, and 2450 wounded.

1791. 60. 1791, March 25—31. the campaign opened by the troops under Prince Potemkin, not far from Braïlov, when the Turks were defeated in several battles, in which they lost upwards of 4000 men. June 5. the troops under General Golenitshief Kutusoff, near Tultsha, drove the Turks beyond the Danube, and at Babada entirely routed a body of 15,000 men, of whom 1500 were left dead upon the field. 22. The fortress Anapuas was taken by storm, when the whole garrison, consisting of 25,000 men, were put to the sword, excepting 1000 who were taken prisoners. 28. The troops under Prince Repnin attacked the Turkish army, consisting of nearly 80,000 men, commanded by the grand vizir Yusuf Pasha, eight pashas, two Tartar sultans, and two beys of Anatolia; and after a bloody battle of six hours, entirely routed them: 5000 Turks were killed in their flight. June 28. Sudskuk Kale was taken. July 31. Admiral Ushakoff beat the Turkish fleet on the coasts of Rumelia. Prince Repnin and Yusuf Pasha signed the preliminaries of peace between the Russian empire and the Ottoman Porte, by which the Dniestr was made the boundary of the two empires, with the cession of the countries lying between the Boz and the Dniestr to Russia. August 15, 16. at Pilnitz near Dresden, a congress was held by the emperor of Germany, the king of Prussia, the elector of Saxony, the count d'Artois, &c. &c. One of the most important events in this year was the death of Prince Potemkin at Yassy in Moldavia on the 15th October.

1792. 162. 1792. Early in this year Bulgakoff, the Russian minister at Warsaw, declared war against Poland; and the Polish patriots raised an army in which Thaddeus Kosciuszko (or according to some Koschiefsky) soon bore a conspicuous part.

In 1788, the diet of Poland had abrogated the constitution which the empress of Russia had, in 1775, compelled that nation to adopt, and had formed an alliance with the king of Prussia, by way of defence against the further encroachments of the Russian despot. Three years after, viz. on the third of May 1791, the new constitution which was intended further to destroy the ambitious hopes of Catharine, was decreed at Warsaw. See POLAND, N^o 125. These were affronts which the Russian empress could not forgive, and in one of the conciliabula, in which the ministers of state, and the favourite for the time being, sat to regulate the affairs of the north of Europe, and to determine the fate of the surrounding nations, the annihilation of the Polish monarchy was resolved on.

The declaration of war above mentioned was denounced by Bulgakoff at an assembly of the diet. See POLAND, N^o 148. That body received the declaration with a majestic calmness, and resolved to take measures for the defence of the nation. The generous enthusiasm of liberty soon spread throughout the republic, and even the king pretended to share in the general indignation. An army was hastily collected, and the command of it be towed on Prince Joseph Poniatofsky, a general whose inexperience and frivolous pursuits were but ill adapted to so important a charge.

In the mean time several Russian armies were preparing to overwhelm the small and disunited forces of the Poles. A body of 80,000 Russians extended itself along the Boz; another of 10,000 was collected in the environs of Kief, and a third of 30,000 penetrated into Lithuania. While these armies were carrying murder and desolation through the Polish territories, Catharine was employing all her arts to induce the neighbouring powers to join in the partition of Poland, and in this she was but too successful. A treaty was accordingly concluded between the empress and the king of Prussia, by which either appropriated to itself a certain share of the remains of Poland. Stanislaus Augustus, the powerless head of that republic, was prevailed on to make a public declaration, that there was a necessity for yielding to the superiority of the Russian arms.

1793. On the 9th of April the Polish confederation An, 1793. of the partizans of Russia assembled at Grodno; and on this occasion the Russian general placed himself under the canopy of that throne which he was about to declare for ever vacant, and the Russian minister Sievers, produced a manifesto, declaring the intention of his mistress to incorporate with her domains all the Polish territory which her arms had conquered.

The Russian soldiers dispersed through the provinces, committed depredations and ravages of which history furnishes but few examples. Warsaw became especially the theatre of their excesses. Their general Igelstrom, who governed in that city, connived at the disorders of the soldiers, and made the wretched inhabitants feel the whole weight of his arrogance and barbarity. The patriots of Poland had been obliged to disperse; their property was confiscated, and their families reduced to servitude. Goaded by so many calamities, they once more took the resolution to free their country from the oppression of the Russians, or perish in the attempt. Some of them assembled, and sent an invitation to Kosciuszko, to come and lead them on against the invaders of their freedom.

Kosciuszko had retired to Leipsic with Kolontay, Zagonchek, and Ignatius Potocky, all eminent for patriotism and military ardour. These four Poles hesitated not a moment in giving their approbation to the resolution adopted by their indignant countrymen; but they were sensible that, in order to succeed, they must begin by emancipating the peasants from the state of servitude under which they then groaned. Kosciuszko and Zagonchek repaired with all expedition to the frontiers of Poland, and the latter proceeded to Warsaw, where he held conferences with the chief of the conspirators, and particularly with several officers who declared their detestation of the Russian yoke. All appeared ripe for a general insurrection, and the Russian commanders, whose suspicions had been excited by the appearance of Kosciuszko

ciusko on the frontiers, obliged that leader and his confederates to postpone for a time the execution of their plan. To deceive the Russians, Kosciusko retired into Italy, and Zagonchek repaired to Dresden, whither Ignatius Potoski and Kolontay had gone before him. On a sudden, however, Zagonchek appeared again at Warsaw, but was impeached by the king to General Igelstrom, and, in a conference with the general, was ordered to quit the Polish territory. He must now have abandoned his enterprise altogether, or immediately proceeded to open insurrection. He chose the latter.

1794. Kosciusko was recalled from Italy, and arrived at Cracow, where the Poles received him as their deliverer. Here he was joined by some other officers, and took the command of his little army, consisting of about 3000 infantry, and 1200 cavalry. On the 24th of March was published the manifesto of the patriots, in which they declared the motives for their insurrection, and called on their countrymen to unite in the glorious attempt to free the republic from a foreign yoke. Kosciusko was soon joined by 300 peasants armed with scythes, and some other small reinforcements gradually came in. A body of 7000 Russians had collected to oppose the movements of this little army, and a battle took place, in which the patriots were successful.

While the insurrection had thus auspiciously commenced on the frontiers, the confederate of the capital were nearly crushed by the exertions of the Russian general. Hearing at Warsaw of the success of Kosciusko, Igelstrom caused all those whom he suspected to have any concern in the insurrection, to be arrested; but these measures served only to irritate the conspirators. On the 18th of April they openly avowed their confederacy with the patriots of the frontiers, and proceeded in great numbers to attack the Russian garrison. Two thousand Russians were put to the sword, and the general being besieged in his house, proposed a capitulation; but profiting by the delay that had been granted him, he escaped to the Prussian camp, which lay at a little distance from Warsaw.

Wilna, the capital of Lithuania, followed the example of Warsaw, but the triumph of the insurgents was there less terrible, as Colonel Yasinsky, who headed the patriots, conducted himself with so much skill, that he made all the Russians prisoners without bloodshed. The inhabitants of the cantons of Chelm and Lublin, also declared themselves in a state of insurrection, and three Polish regiments who were employed in the service of Russia, espoused the cause of their country. Some of the principal partizans of Russia were arrested, and sentenced to be hanged.

Kosciusko exerted himself to the utmost to augment his army. He procured recruits among the peasants, and to inspire them with the more emulation, he adopted their dress, ate with them, and distributed rewards among such as appeared most to merit encouragement. All his attempts to inspire the lower orders of the Poles with the ardour of patriotism were, however, unavailing. A mutual distrust prevailed between the nobles and the peasants, and this was fomented by the arts of Stanislaus and the other partizans of Russia.

The empress had sent into Poland two of her best generals, Suvaroff and Fersen. For some time Kosciusko succeeded in preventing the junction of these generals,

and several engagements took place between the Russians and patriots, in which the former were generally successful. At length, on the 4th of October the fate of Poland was decided by a sanguinary conflict between Kosciusko and Fersen, at Maciejovitch, a small town of Little Poland, about 60 miles from Warsaw. The talents, the valour, and desperation of Kosciusko, could not prevent the Poles from yielding to superior numbers. Almost the whole of his army was either cut in pieces, or compelled to surrender at discretion, and the hero himself, covered with wounds, fell senseless on the field of battle, and was made prisoner.

The small number that escaped fled to Warsaw, and shut themselves up in the suburb of Praga. Hither they were pursued by Suvaroff, who immediately laid siege to the suburb, and prepared to carry it by storm. On the 2d of November, the brutal Suvaroff gave the assault, and having made himself master of the place, put to the sword both the soldiers and the peaceable inhabitants, without distinction of age or sex. It is computed that 20,000 persons fell victims to the savage ferocity of the Russian general; and, covered with the blood of the slaughtered inhabitants, the barbarian entered Warsaw in triumph.

Thus terminated the feeble resistance of the Polish patriots. The partition of the remaining provinces was soon effected, and Stanislaus Augustus, who had long enjoyed merely the shadow of royalty, and had degraded himself by becoming the instrument of Russian usurpation, retired to Grodno, there to pass the remainder of his days on a pension granted him by the empress.

1795. On the 18th of February, a treaty of defensive alliance between the empress of Russia and his Britannic majesty was signed at St Petersburg. The ostensible object of this treaty was to maintain the general tranquillity of Europe, and more especially of the north; and by it Russia agreed to furnish Great Britain with 10,000 infantry and 2000 horse in case of invasion; while Great Britain was, under similar circumstances, to send her imperial majesty a squadron consisting of two ships of 74 guns, six of 60, and four of 50, with a complement of 4560 men. On the 18th March was signed the act by which the duchies of Courland and Semigalia, together with the circle of Pilten, all which had lately belonged to the duke of Courland, but had long retained only the shadow of independence, submitted themselves to the Russian dominion.

In this year there took place between the courts of St Petersburg and Stockholm, a dispute which threatened to terminate in a war. Gustavus III. had been assassinated by Aukerstroem at a masquerade, on the 15th March 1791, and the young king Gustavus Adolphus being still a minor, the duke of Sudermania, his uncle, had been appointed regent of the kingdom. The regent had determined to effect a marriage between his nephew and a princess of the house of Mecklenburg; but Catharine publicly declared that the late king had betrothed his son to one of her granddaughters. The misunderstanding hence originating, was increased by the rude and indecorous behaviour of the baron Von Budberg, the Russian charge des affaires at Stockholm, and matters seemed tending to an open rupture; when in 1796, a French emigrant named Christin effected a reconciliation, and General Budberg, the baron's uncle, was sent

Russia. sent as ambassador to Stockholm from the Russian court. In consequence of this reconciliation, the young king, attended by the regent, and a numerous train of Swedish courtiers, set out on a visit to St Petersburg, where they arrived on the 24th of August, and an interview took place between the empress and her royal visitors, for the purpose of finally adjusting the projected matrimonial alliance. Gustavus Adolphus was much pleased with the appearance of the grand duchess Alexandra; but informed the empress, that by the fundamental laws of Sweden he could not sign the marriage contract before the princess had abjured the Greek religion; and as neither the solicitations nor the flatteries of Catharine could prevail on the young monarch to depart from the received custom of his country, the negotiation ended, and the next day Gustavus and his retinue quitted St Petersburg.

The last transaction of importance in the reign of Catharine was her invasion of the Persian territories, undertaken for the purpose of acquiring certain possessions on the shores of the Caspian. A Russian army entered Daghestan, and made itself master of Derbent, but was afterwards defeated by the Persians under Aga Mahmed.

The death of the empress took place, as we have elsewhere stated, on the 9th of November of this year; and the grand duke Paul Petrovitch ascended the throne under the title of Paul I.

Paul Petrovitch had attained his 42d year before the death of his mother placed him on the imperial throne; but for many years before her death, he had lived in a state of comparative obscurity and retirement, and had apparently been considered by the empress as incapable of taking any active part in the administration of affairs. It is well known that Catharine never admitted him to any participation of power, and kept him in a state of the most abject and mortifying separation from court, and in almost total ignorance of the affairs of the empire. Although by his birth he was generalissimo of the armies, president of the admiralty, and grand admiral of the Baltic, he was never permitted to head even a regiment, and was interdicted from visiting the fleet at Cronstadt. From these circumstances it is evident that the empress either had conceived some jealousy of her son, or saw in him some mental imbecility, that appeared to her to disqualify him for the arduous concerns of government. There is little doubt, from the circumstances which distinguished his short reign, that Catharine had been chiefly influenced in her treatment of the grand duke, by the latter consideration. There were certainly times at which Paul displayed evident marks of insanity, though he occasionally gave proofs of a generous and tender disposition, and even of intellectual vigour.

It is generally believed that, a short time before her death, Catharine committed to Plato Zuboff, her last favourite, a declaration of her will, addressed to the senate, desiring that Paul should be passed over in the succession, and that on her death the grand duke Alexander should ascend the vacant throne. As soon as Zuboff was made acquainted with the sudden death of the empress, he flew to Pavlovsk, about 23 miles from St Petersburg, where Paul occasionally resided, but meeting the grand duke on the road, he, after a short

explanation, delivered up the important document. Paul, charmed with his zeal and loyalty, rewarded the late favourite, by permitting him to retain the wealth and honours which had been heaped on him by his mistress, while a general and rapid dispersion soon took place among the other adherents of the late sovereign. On the day following the death of his mother, Paul made his public entry into St Petersburg, amidst the acclamations of all ranks of people.

One of the first measures adopted by the new emperor excited considerable surprise, and divided the opinions of the public with respect to the motives by which it had been suggested; some attributing it to his respect for the memory of his late father; others to a culpable reflection on that of his mother. He ordered the remains of Peter III. to be removed from the sepulchre in which they had been deposited in the church of St Alexander Nefski, and caused him to lie in state for three weeks, while they were watched night and day by the only two remaining conspirators who had assisted at his assassination. After this dreadful mark of his justice on the murderers of his father (surely more terrible to the guilty mind than death itself), he consigned the ashes to the sepulchre of Catharine II. in the cathedral of St Peter and St Paul, obliging the assassins to walk in the procession as chief mourners.

Few political events of any importance marked the reign of Paul previous to the year 1798, when, in consequence of a treaty between Paul and the emperor of Germany, a Russian army of 45,000 men under Field-marshal Suvaroff, joined the imperialists in the Austrian territories in Italy. The progress of Suvaroff, his successes over Moreau, and his final recall by his master, have already been related in the article FRANCE, from 498 to 506.

In 1799, Paul entered into a treaty of offensive and defensive alliance with his Britannic majesty. This treaty was signed at St Petersburg on the 22d of June, having been preceded by a provisional treaty between the same powers at the end of the year 1798. By the provisional treaty it had been stipulated that Paul should assist the king of Prussia, if the latter could be persuaded to join his arms to the allied powers against France, with 45,000 men; and that the king of Great Britain should pay to Russia a subsidy of £75,000 sterling per month; and in case the king of Prussia should refuse to join the coalition, the same number of troops, in consideration of the same subsidy, should be employed as occasion might require, to assist the common cause. By the new treaty, the emperor of Russia, instead of the 45,000 troops, engaged to furnish 17,593, with the necessary artillery, to be employed in an expedition against Holland; and he engaged to furnish six ships, five frigates, and two transports, for the purpose of transporting part of the invading army from Britain, to the continent. In consideration of these succours, the court of London engaged to advance to Russia a subsidy of £44,000 sterling per month; to pay the sum of £58,929 10s. sterling for the expences of equipping the fleet; and after the period of three months had elapsed from such equipment, to pay a further subsidy of £19,642 10s. sterling per month, so long as the fleet should remain under the command of his Britannic majesty.

In consequence of this treaty, a Russian fleet joined

that of Britain in Yarmouth roads, and took part in the unfortunate expedition to the coast of Holland, undertaken in the summer of 1799. See BRITAIN, N^o 1069.

In the beginning of the year 1801, all Europe was thrown into the greatest astonishment by the appearance of a paragraph in the Hamburg gazette of the 16th of January. The paragraph was dated from Petersburg, the 30th December, 1800, and is as follows.

"We learn from Petersburg, that the emperor of Russia, finding that the powers of Europe cannot agree among themselves, and being desirous to put an end to a war which has desolated it for 11 years past, intends to point out a spot, to which he will invite all the other sovereigns to repair and fight in single combat; bringing with them as seconds and squires, their most enlightened ministers, and their most able generals, such as Messrs Thugot, Pitt, Bernstorff, &c. and that the emperor himself proposes being attended by generals count de Pahlen and Khutosof: We know not if this report be worthy of credit; however, the thing appears not destitute of some foundation, and bears strong marks of what he has been often taxed with."

This paragraph was immediately copied or translated into all the public papers, and it was strongly affirmed by many, that it was the composition of Paul himself. This has since been confirmed by the poet Kotzebue, who was employed by the emperor of Russia to translate the original into German, for the express purpose of its being inserted in the Hamburg gazette (11).

This was not the only mark of mental derangement displayed by the unhappy monarch. His favours and his displeasure were alternately experienced by some of his most distinguished courtiers and adherents. Stanislaus, the deposed king of Poland, partook by turns of his beneficence and his severity; and at length on the death of that monarch, Paul assisted at his funeral, commanded in person the guards that attended on the ceremony, and uncovering himself with the utmost emotion, saluted the coffin as it passed. To the memory of the hoary Suvaroff, who is said to have fallen a broken-hearted victim to the distraction of his imperial master, he raised a colossal statue of bronze; and on the days when he reviewed his troops in the square where the statue had been erected, he used to command them to march by in open order, and face the statue. Notwithstanding the important service that had been rendered him by Zuboff, the emperor soon became disgusted with him; spoke of him to his friends with great asperity; at length denounced him as a defaulter to the imperial treasury of half a million of rubles; and convinced of the justice of the allegation, proceeded to sequester the vast estates which belonged to him and his two brothers.

Driven to desperation by such conduct, the second brother of the favourite one day walked up boldly to the emperor upon the parade, and with manly eloquence represented the injustice of his measures. Paul received him without anger, heard him without interruption, and restored the property; but soon after he ordered Plato Zuboff to reside on his estate. He formed an adulterous connexion with Madame Chevalier, a French actress, through whose influence Zuboff was again recalled to court, and restored to favour.

It is not surprising that these instances of folly and caprice should alarm and disgust many of the nobles. In particular, Count P—, the governor of St Petersburg, a son of the celebrated general P—, who so eminently distinguished himself in the last Turkish war, Prince Y—, with some other men of rank, entered into a confederacy with Zuboff, to prevent the final ruin of their country, by removing the present emperor. In their conferences, which were managed with great prudence and discretion, it was resolved that Paul should die, and the day of the festival called Maslaintza, the eleventh of March O. S. should be the day for executing the awful deed. At the time of this confederacy, the emperor and his family resided in the new palace of St Michael, an enormous quadrangular pile standing at the bottom of the summer gardens. As Paul was anxious to inhabit this palace as soon after he was crowned as possible, the masons, carpenters, and various artificers, toiled with incredible labour by day and by torch light, under the sultry sun of the summer, and in all the severity of a polar winter, and in three years this enormous and magnificent fabric was completed. The whole is moated round, and when the stranger surveys its bastions of granite, and numerous draw bridges, he is naturally led to conclude, that it was intended for the last asylum of a prince at war with his subjects. Those who have seen its massy walls, and the capaciousness and variety of its chambers, will easily admit that an act of violence might be committed in one room, and not be heard by those who occupy the adjoining one; and that a massacre might be perpetrated at one end, and not known at the other. Paul took possession of this palace as a place of strength, and beheld it with rapture, because his imperial mother had never even seen it. While his family were here, by every act of tenderness, endeavouring to soothe the terrible perturbation of his mind, there were not wanting those who exerted every stratagem to inflame and increase it. These people were constantly insinuating that every hand was armed against him. With this impression, which added fuel to his burning brain, he ordered a secret staircase to be constructed,

(11) This paragraph is such a curious morceau of witty insanity, that we shall here give the original French, as written by Paul himself, and published by Kotzebue, in his account of his exile into Siberia. "On apprend de Petersburg, que l'Empereur de Russie, voyant que les puissances de l'Europe ne pouvoient s'accorder entr'elles, et voulant mettre fin à une guerre qui la desolait depuis onze ans, vouloit proposer un lieu où il inviteroit tous les autres Souverains de se rendre et y combattre en champ clos, ayant avec eux pour écuyer juge de camp et héros des armes leurs ministres les plus éclairés et les généraux les plus habiles, tels que M. M. Thugot, Pitt, Bernstorff; lui-même se proposant de prendre avec lui les généraux C. de Pahlen et Khutosof. On ne sait si on doit y ajouter foi; toute fois la chose ne paroît pas destituée de fondement, en portant l'empreinte de ce dont il a souvent été taxé."

structed, which, leading from his own chamber, passed under a false stove in the anti-room, and led by a small door to the terrace.

It was the custom of the emperor to sleep in an apartment next to the empress's, upon a sofa, in his regiments and boots, whilst the grand duke and duchess, and the rest of the imperial family, were lodged at various distances, in apartments below the story which he occupied. On the 10th March, 1801, the day preceding the fatal night, whether Paul's apprehension, or anonymous information, suggested the idea, is not known, but conceiving that a storm was ready to burst upon him, he sent to Count P——, the governor of the city, one of the noblemen who had resolved on his destruction: I am informed, P——, said the emperor, that there is a conspiracy on foot against me, do you think it necessary to take any precaution? The count, without betraying the least emotion, replied, Sire, do not suffer such apprehensions to haunt your mind; if there were any combinations forming against your majesty's person, I am sure I should be acquainted with it. Then I am satisfied, said the emperor, and the governor withdrew. Before Paul retired to rest, he, beyond his usual custom, expressed the most tender solicitude for the empress and his children, kissed them with all the warmth of farewell fondness, and remained with them for a considerable time. He afterwards visited the sentinels at their different posts, and then retired to his chamber. Soon after the emperor had retired, the guard that was always placed at his chamber door was, by some pretext, changed by the officers who had the command for the night, and who were engaged in the conspiracy. One man only remained. This was a hussar whom the emperor had honoured with particular marks of attention, and who always slept at night in the antichamber, at his sovereign's bed room door. This faithful soldier it was found impossible to remove, except by force, which at that time the conspirators did not think proper to employ. Silence now reigned throughout the palace, disturbed only by the pacing of the sentinels, or by the distant murmurs of the Neva; and only a few straggling lights were to be seen, irregularly gleaming through the windows of the palace. In the dead of the night, Z——, and his friends, amounting to eight or nine persons, passed the drawbridge, ascended the staircase that led to the emperor's apartments, and met with no opposition till they reached the antichamber, where the faithful hussar, awakened by the noise, challenged them, and presented his fusée. Though they must have admired the brave fidelity of the guard, neither time nor circumstances would admit of an act of generosity, which might have endangered their whole plan of operations. Z—— drew his sabre, and cut the poor fellow down. In the mean time Paul, roused by the unusual bustle, sprang from his couch. At this moment the whole party rushed into his chamber. The unhappy sovereign anticipating their design, at first endeavoured to entrench himself behind the chairs and tables; but soon recovering some share of his natural courage, he assumed a high tone, told them they were his prisoners, and required them to surrender. Finding that they fixed their eyes steadily and fiercely upon him, and continued to advance, he implored them to spare his life, declared his willingness instantly to relinquish the sceptre, and to accept of any terms which

they might dictate. He even offered to make them princes, and to confer on them orders and estates. Regardless alike of his threats and promises, they now began to press on him, when he made a convulsive effort to reach the window, but failed in the attempt; and, indeed, had he succeeded in his endeavour to escape that way, the height from the window to the ground was so great, that the expedient would probably have only put a more speedy period to his existence. As the conspirators drew him back, he grasped a chair, with which he knocked down one of the assailants, and a desperate conflict now took place. So great was the noise, that notwithstanding the massy walls, and double folding doors that divided Paul's apartments from those of the empress, she was disturbed, and began to call for help, when a voice whispered in her ear, commanding her to remain quiet, and threatening that if she uttered another word, she should instantly be put to death.

Paul was now making his last struggle, when the prince Y—— struck him on the temple with his fist, and laid him prostrate on the floor. Recovering from the blow, the unhappy monarch again implored his life. At this moment the heart of one of the conspirators relented, and he was observed to hesitate and tremble, when a young Hanoverian, who was one of the party, exclaimed, We have passed the Rubicon; if we spare his life, we shall, before the setting of to-morrow's sun, become his victims; on saying which he took off his sash, turned it twice round the naked neck of the emperor, and giving one end to Z——, himself drew the other, till the object of their attack expired *.

The assassins retired from the palace without the least molestation, and returned to their respective homes. As soon as the dreadful catastrophe was discovered, medical assistance was called in, in the hope of restoring what might be only suspended animation; but these attempts proved fruitless. At seven o'clock on the morning of the 12th, the intelligence of the death of Paul, and the accession of the grand duke Alexander were announced to the capital. By eight o'clock the principal nobility had paid their homage to the new emperor, in the chapel of the winter palace; and the great officers of state being assembled, Alexander was solemnly proclaimed emperor of all the Russians. The emperor presented himself at the parade on horseback, and was hailed by the troops with loud and cordial acclamations.

The emperor Alexander was in his 24th year when he ascended the throne, and from his amiable disposition had acquired the love and respect of all his subjects. The first measure which he adopted, his proclamation, and his first imperial orders, all tended to encourage and confirm the confidence with which the people beheld him ascend the throne of his forefathers. He solemnly promised to tread in the steps of Catharine II.: he allowed every one to dress according to their own fancy; exonerated the inhabitants of the capital from the trouble and duty of alighting from their carriages on the approach of the imperial family; dismissed the court advocate, who was universally and justly detested; suppressed the secret inquisition that had become the scourge of the country; restored to the senate its former authority; set at liberty the state prisoners, and recalled from Siberia several of the exiles. He even extended his mercy to the assassins of the late emperor. Zuboff was ordered not to approach the imperial residence;

dence, and the governor of the city was transferred to Riga.

It is not easy to explain the motives that induced Alexander to forego that vengeance which justice seemed to demand on the heads of his father's assassins. It has been attributed by one of his panegyrist to a forlorn and melancholy conviction that the murderers had been prompted to commit the bloody deed, solely by a regard for the salvation of the empire. This conviction might have induced the young monarch to diminish the weight of that punishment which piety and justice called on him to inflict, but can scarcely account for his total forbearance.

The emperor Alexander, on his accession to the throne, appeared desirous to cultivate the friendship of the neighbouring states, and especially that of Great Britain. His late father, among other projects, had procured himself to be elected grand master of the knights of Malta, and had laid claim to the sovereignty of that island. This claim, which had nearly produced a rupture between the courts of London and St Petersburg, Alexander consented to abandon, though he expressed a wish to be elected grand master of the order, by the free suffrages of the knights. In the mean time a confederacy had been formed among the northern powers of Europe, with a view to oppose the British claim to the sovereignty of the seas; but by the spirited interference of the British court, especially with the cabinet of St Petersburg, the good understanding between Britain and the northern states was re-established, and the embargo which had been laid on British vessels in the Russian ports was taken off.

On the 15th of June, Alexander caused to be published the following circular letter, showing his disposition to be on terms of amity with the French republic. "All the relations of policy, commerce, and correspondence with France, which were interrupted, in consequence of the revolution in that country, have not yet been re-established in their full extent; but as at the present moment negotiations are going on to effect a reconciliation with that power by every means consistent with the dignity of the emperor and the interests of his people, his majesty has been pleased to charge his ministers to apprise his foreign ambassadors and agents, that he is willing to renew the usual course of connection with the government, and that the conferences respecting that object are in full activity. In the situation in which this matter stands, therefore, it is no longer proper that the ambassadors of his imperial majesty should continue to observe any distance towards the ambassadors of the French government."

Early in the same month there was signed at St Petersburg, a treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation, between Russia and Sweden, to continue for 12 years, by which Sweden was allowed to import into Russia, alum, salt herrings, and salt, on the payment of one-half of the duties then exacted, and into Russian Finland the produce of Swedish Finland, duty free; while the importation of Russia into Sweden, of hemp, linen, and tallow, was allowed at one half of the existing duties, and of linseed at two-thirds. The most remarkable part of this treaty was the recognition, by the court of St Petersburg, of the northern confederacy, which the amicable adjustment with Britain appeared to have done away.

The commerce of Russia had now recovered its former splendour. The exports from the city of Riga alone for the year ending July 1801, amounted to 6,770,638 rubles, and of these exports, England alone imported to the value of 2,509,853 rubles.

On the 25th of March 1802 was signed at Amiens the definitive treaty of peace between the belligerent powers of Europe, by one material article of which the islands of Malta, Gozo and Comino, were to be restored to the knights of St John of Jerusalem, under the protection and guarantee of France, Great Britain, Austria, Spain, Russia, and Prussia; and his Sicilian majesty was invited to furnish 2000 men, natives of his states, to serve in garrisons at the different fortresses of the said islands, for one year after their restitution to the knights, or until they should be replaced by a force deemed sufficient by the guaranteeing powers. Some time after the conclusion of this treaty, disputes arose among the contracting powers relative to the sovereignty of Malta, which the emperor of Russia insisted should be yielded to Naples, otherwise he would not undertake to guarantee the order, and would separate from it the priories of Russia. The result of these disputes is well known, as they afforded a reason for renewing the bloody contest which has so long desolated the face of Europe.

During the short interval of peace that was enjoyed by Europe, the emperor of Russia made several prudent regulations in the internal administration of his empire. On the 12th of September 1801, a manifesto had been published, proclaiming the union of Georgia or Russian Grufinia with the empire, and on the 1st April 1802, Alexander sent a deputation to establish the new government at Tiflis, the capital of the province. This deputation was received by the natives with enthusiastic joy, especially as they brought back the image of St Nina, which their prince Wachtang at his death had left at Mosco. On the 28th May, the emperor wrote a letter to the chamberlain Wittostoff, president of the commission for ameliorating the condition of the poor of St Petersburg, in which he recommended the commission to follow the example of a similar establishment at Hamburg, in selecting proper objects for their charitable bequests, preferring the humble and industrious pauper to the idle and sturdy beggar. He also offered considerable premiums to persons who should introduce any new or advantageous mode of agriculture, or who should bring to perfection any old invention, open any new branch of commerce, establish any new manufacture, or contrive any machine or process that might be useful in the arts.

Early in the year 1803, the emperor fitted out at his own expence, two vessels for a voyage of discovery round the world, under the command of Captain Krusenstern. These ships were provided with every necessary for accomplishing the object of the voyage; and several men of eminence for science and literature, among whom was Churchman the American astronomer, volunteered their services on this occasion. The vessels sailed in the latter end of 1803, and about a year after, intelligence was received from M. Krusenstern, who was then lying at Kamtschatka. They had touched at the Marquesas islands, where they had found a Frenchman and an Englishman, who had been left there several years before. The Englishman had completely forgotten his native

native language, and the Frenchman, who had for seven years spoken nothing but the language of the natives, scarcely retained sufficient French to inform M. Krusenstern that he had made part of the crew of an American vessel which was wrecked on those coasts. The expedition was then preparing to sail for Japan, to carry thither M. de Rasannoff, who had been appointed ambassador extraordinary from the court of Russia to that of Japan.

In the beginning of 1804, the emperor established a university at Kharkof in Lithuania, for the cultivation and diffusion of the arts and sciences in that part of the Russian empire, and Mr Fletcher Campbell, a Scots gentleman, was employed to procure masters for this new institution. Some time after, the emperor ordered that meteorological observations should be regularly made at all the universities and public schools, and the results published. It appears that at the end of this year the sums allotted by the Russian government, for defraying the expences of these institutions amounted to 2,149,213 rubles, besides a gift of nearly 60,000 rubles towards erecting the new university.

About this time an imperial ukase was published, granting to the Jews a complete emancipation from the shackles under which that devoted people had long groaned, and allowing them the privileges of educating their children in any of the schools and universities of the empire, or establishing schools at their own expence.

For some time the genius of discord, which had again actuated the minds of the European sovereigns, failed to extend her baleful influence over the Russian empire; but it was scarcely possible that the emperor should long remain an impartial spectator of the renewed disputes between his more powerful neighbours. An important change had, in the latter end of 1802, taken place in the ministry of the empire; and Count Woronzoff, brother to the late ambassador at London, had been appointed great chancellor in chief of the department of foreign affairs, with Prince Adam Tzartoriski for his assistant. How far this change in the councils of the empire influenced the political measures of the court of St Petersburg, it is not easy to determine; but in the latter end of 1803, Alexander appeared to view with a jealous eye the presumption and violence exercised by France among the German states, and the encroachments which she appeared desirous of making on the freedom of the Baltic. Alexander had offered his mediation between Great Britain and France, but without effect, and both these parties strove to bring over the Russian emperor to their alliance. France seems to have held out to the ambition of Alexander the bait of a partition of the Turkish territories, the dismemberment of which had long been a favourite object with his predecessors. At length, however, the court of London prevailed, and the Russian ambassador, by his master's orders, took leave of the First Consul of the French republic, though without demonstrating any intentions of immediate hostility. A new levy of 100,000 men was immediately ordered, to recruit the Russian army, and to prevent any jealousy on the side of Turkey, assurances were given to the Sublime Porte of the amicable intentions of Russia towards that power.

On the 11th April a treaty of concert was concluded between Great Britain and Russia, in which the two governments agreed to adopt the most efficacious means

for forming a general league of the states of Europe, to be directed against the power of France. The objects of this league were undoubtedly of great importance to the welfare of Europe; and it is deeply to be regretted that the circumstances of the times did not admit of their being carried into execution. From the terms of the treaty, these objects appear to be,—First, The evacuation of the country of Hanover and the north of Germany. Secondly, The establishment of the independence of the republics of Holland and Switzerland. Thirdly, The re-establishment of the king of Sardinia in Piedmont, with as large an augmentation of territory as circumstances would allow. Fourthly, The future security of the kingdom of Naples, and the complete evacuation of Italy, the island of Elba included, by the French forces. Fifthly, The establishment of an order of things in Europe, which might effectually guarantee the security and independence of the different states, and present a solid barrier against future usurpation.

For the prosecution of the great objects of this treaty, it was proposed by the first article that an army of 500,000 men should be levied; but in a subsequent separate article, the contracting parties, after observing that it was more desirable than easy to assemble so large a force, agreed that the treaty should be carried into execution as soon as it should be possible to oppose to France an active force of 400,000 men. It was understood and stipulated that these troops should be provided by the powers of the continent who should become parties to the league, and subsidies should be granted by Great Britain in the proportion of 1,250,000 sterling for every 100,000 men, besides a considerable additional sum for the necessary expence occasioned in bringing them into the field.

About this time the occupation of Genoa by the French, on the pretence that that republic was too feeble to support itself against the attacks of Great Britain, was communicated to the different courts of Europe, and excited in every quarter the highest indignation. The emperor Alexander, in particular, was incensed at this new outrage. Such an open violation of those principles which were justly regarded as essential to the general safety, committed not only during the peace of the continent, but when passports had been delivered to his ambassador, in order that a negotiation might be commenced for the purpose of providing for the permanent security and repose of Europe, he considered as an indecent insult to his person and crown. He issued immediate orders for the recall of M. Novosiltzoff; and the messenger dispatched upon this occasion was commanded to repair with the utmost diligence to Berlin. M. Novosiltzoff had not yet left that city; he immediately therefore returned his passports to the Prussian minister of state, Baron de Hardenberg, and at the same time delivered, by order of his court, a memorial explanatory of the object of his mission, and of the circumstances which had led to its termination.

It stated that the emperor had, in compliance with the wishes of his Britannic majesty, sent his ambassador to Bonaparte, to meet the pacific overtures which he had made to the court of London: that the existing disagreement between Russia and France might have placed insurmountable obstacles in the way of a negotiation for peace by a Russian minister; but that his imperial majesty.

majesty of Russia did not for a moment hesitate to pass over all personal displeasure, and all the usual formalities; that he had declared he would receive the passports only on condition that his minister should enter directly upon a negotiation with the chief of the French government, without acknowledging the new title which he had assumed; and that Bonaparte should give explicit assurances that he was still animated by the same wish for a general peace, which he had appeared to shew in his letter to his Britannic majesty; that after his Prussian majesty had transmitted the positive answer of the court of the Thuleries, that it persevered in the intention sincerely to lend its hand to a pacific negotiation, the emperor had accepted the passports; but that by a fresh transgression of the most solemn treaties, the union of the Ligurian republic with France had been effected; that this event of itself, the circumstances which had accompanied it, the formalities which had been employed to hasten the execution of it, the moment which had been chosen to carry the same into execution, had formed an aggregate which must terminate the sacrifices which the emperor would have made at the pressing request of Great Britain, and in the hope of restoring tranquillity to Europe by the means of negotiation.

The recall of the Russian envoy appeared to be the signal of hostilities on the part of Russia and Austria against France. These hostilities may be said to have commenced and terminated in the autumn of this year. The military operations that distinguished this short but bloody conflict, the rapid successes of the French, the capitulation of Ulm on the 17th of October, the occupation of Vienna by the French on the 12th of the same month, and the sanguinary battle of Austerlitz on the 27th of November, have been already noticed under FRANCE, N^o 552—555, and are fresh in the memory of our readers. The consequences of these disastrous events were, first a cessation of hostilities, and at length a treaty of firm alliance between Russia and France.

Before Alexander finally stooped to the imperial eagles of Napoleon, however, he was determined to make one more effort to preserve his independence. The Russian envoy at Paris, d'Oubril, had hastily concluded a preliminary treaty of peace between his master and the emperor of the French, which he signed at Paris on the 5th of July 1806, and instantly set out for St Petersburg to procure the ratification of his master. The terms of this convention were laid before the privy council by Alexander; but they appeared so derogatory to the interests of Russia, that the emperor refused them his sanction, and declared that the counsellor of state, d'Oubril, when he signed the convention, had not only departed from the instructions he had received, but had acted directly contrary to the sense and intention of the commission with which he had been entrusted. His imperial majesty, however, signified his willingness to renew the negotiations for peace, but only on such terms as were consistent with the dignity of his crown, and the interests of his empire.

In the mean time, the king of Prussia began, when it was too late, to see the folly and imprudence of the neutrality which he had so long maintained, and he at length prepared to oppose his now feeble efforts to the growing power of France. He brought together in the summer of this year, an army of at least 200,000 men,

near Weimar and Jena, while the French myriads assembled in Franconia, and on the frontiers of Saxony. Previous to the commencement of hostilities, his Prussian majesty issued a spirited manifesto, in which he explained his motives for abandoning his plan of neutrality, and appealed to Europe for the justice of his cause. The king of Prussia entered into an alliance with the emperor Alexander, and with the king of Sweden, and it was expected, that these united forces would at length hurl the tyrant of Europe from his throne, or at least compel him to listen to equitable terms of pacification. These expectations were, however, miserably disappointed. The same extraordinary success was still to attend the arms of France, and the north of Europe was again condemned to submit in silence to her yoke.

On the 13th October, the Prussians received a dreadful check at the battle of Jena, where, according to the French accounts, their loss amounted to 20,000 in killed and wounded, and above 30,000 prisoners; and on the 27th of the same month, Napoleon entered Berlin. While the French were thus successful, the troops of the emperor Alexander entered Prussian Poland, and took up their residence at Warsaw; but they were soon attacked by the French under the grand duke of Berg. On the 26th of November, the outposts of the respective armies fell in with each other, and a skirmish took place, in which the Russians were thrown into some confusion and a regiment of Kozaks was made prisoners. On the 28th the grand duke of Berg entered Warsaw with his cavalry, and the Russians retreated across the Vistula, burning the bridge over which they had passed. On the 26th of December, a dreadful engagement took place between the Russians, commanded by General Benningsen, and the French under generals Murat, Davoust, and Lasnes. The scene of action was at Ostralenka, about 60 miles from Warsaw, and the fighting continued for three days. The loss was immense on both sides, though the advantage appears to have been on the side of the French. According to French accounts, the Russian army lost 12,000 men in killed and wounded, together with 80 pieces of cannon, and all its ammunition waggons, while the Russian account states the loss of the French at 5000 men.

In the beginning of February 1807, the Russians obtained a partial advantage in the battle of Eylau. According to the account of this battle, given by General de Budberg, in a dispatch to the marquis of Douglas, the British ambassador at St Petersburg, the Russian general Benningsen, after having fallen back, for the purpose of choosing a position which he judged well adapted for manoeuvring the troops under his command, drew up his army at Preussisch Eylau. During four days successively his rear guard had to withstand several vigorous attacks; and on the 7th of February at three o'clock in the afternoon, the battle became general through the whole line of the main army. The contest was destructive, and night came on before it could be decided. Early on the following morning, the French renewed the attack, and the action was contested with obstinacy on both sides, but towards the evening of that day the assailants were repulsed, and the Russian general remained master of the field. In this action, Napoleon commanded in person, having under him Au-

gérard, Davoust, Soult, Ney, and Bessieres, at the head of the imperial guards. The loss of the Russians in that engagement, was by themselves stated at above 6000 men, while they estimated that of the French at nearly double that number.

This was the last important stand made by the Russian army. Several actions succeeded at Spanden, at Lamitten, at Guttotadt, and at Heilsberg, in all of which the French had the advantage, till at length on the 14th of June, the Russians appeared in considerable force on the bridge of Friedland, whither the French army under Napoleon was advancing. At three in the morning, the report of cannon was first heard, and at this time Marshals Lasnes and Mortier were engaged with the Russians. After various manoeuvres, the Russian troops received a check, and filed off towards Koningsberg. In the afternoon, the French army drew up in order of battle, having Marshal Ney on the right, Lasnes in the centre, and Mortier on the left, while Victor commanded a corps de reserve, consisting of the guards. At half past five the attack began on the side of Marshal Ney; and notwithstanding the different movements of the Russians to effect a diversion, the French soon carried all before them. The loss of the Russians, according to the usual exaggerations of the French bulletins, was estimated at from 10,000 to 15,000 men, and 25 of their generals were said to have been killed, wounded, or taken. In consequence of this victory, the French became masters of all the country round Koningsberg, and Marshal Soult entered that city in triumph.

Thus concluded the campaign in Germany, in which the Russians sustained a loss of at least 30,000 of their choicest troops.

While these military operations were going forward on the continent of Europe, the emissaries of France were busily employed at Constantinople, in exciting the divan to declare against their ancient enemies. They at length succeeded; and on the 30th of December war with Russia was proclaimed, and 28 regiments of janissaries assembled under the command of the grand vizir; but the disturbances which broke out in the latter end of May 1807, prevented any operations of importance from taking place, and the pacification which was soon concluded between Russia and France, though it did not entirely put a stop to the war between the former power and Turkey, in some measure diminished their hostile preparations.

The defeats which the allied armies had sustained in Prussia and Poland, rendered peace, almost on any terms, a desirable object; and Alexander found himself constrained to meet, at least with the appearance of friendship, the conqueror of his armies. Propositions for an armistice had been made by the Prussian general to the grand duke of Berg near Tilsit, and after the battle of Friedland, the Russian prince Labanoff had a conference, on similar views, with the prince of Neufchatel, soon after which an armistice was concluded between the French and Russians. On the 25th of June

an amicable meeting took place on the river Niemen between the emperors of France and Russia, and adjoining apartments were fitted up for the reception of both courts in the town of Tilsit. This constrained friendship was soon after cemented by the treaty of Tilsit, concluded between the emperor of the French on the one part, and the emperor of Russia and the king of Prussia on the other, on the 7th and 12th of July in this year.

The conclusion of the treaty of Tilsit was notified to the court of London on the 1st of August by M. Alopeus, minister plenipotentiary from the emperor of Russia; and at the same time a proposal was made from his imperial majesty for mediating a peace between France and Britain. This mediation, however, was declined on the part of Great Britain, until his Britannic majesty should be made acquainted with the stipulations of the treaty of Tilsit, and should find them such as might afford him a just hope of the attainment of a secure and honourable peace. This declining of the mediation of Russia was no doubt expected by the court of St Petersburg; but it served as a pretext for binding more closely the alliance between that power and France, by breaking off her connection with Great Britain. Accordingly, in October, Lord Granville Leveson Gower, who had succeeded the marquis of Douglas as British envoy, received a note from the government, intimating that, as a British ambassador, he could be no longer received at the court of St Petersburg, which he therefore soon after quitted. An embargo was laid on all British vessels in the ports of Russia, and it was peremptorily required by Napoleon, and Alexander, that Sweden should abandon her alliance with Great Britain.

An additional ground of complaint against the British court was furnished by the attack on Copenhagen, and the seizure of the Danish fleet in the beginning of September; and though Lord Gower had attempted to justify these measures on the plea of anticipating the French in the same transaction, the emperor of Russia expressed, in the warmest terms, his indignation at what he called an unjust attack on a neutral power. A considerable Russian fleet joined the French, but the combined squadrons were compelled to seek for shelter in the Tagus, where they remained blocked up by the British; and another fleet of 15 sail of the line that proceeded up the Mediterranean, and advanced as far as Trieste, shared a similar fate (1.)

On the 26th of October the emperor of Russia published a declaration, notifying to the powers of Europe that he had broken off all communication between his empire and Great Britain, until the conclusion of a peace between this power and France. In a counter-declaration, published at London on the 10th of December, his Britannic majesty repels the accusations of Russia, while he regrets the interruption of the friendly intercourse between that power and Britain. His majesty justifies his own conduct, and declares, that when the opportunity for peace between Great Britain and Russia shall

(1) By the unfortunate convention of Cintra, concluded on the 3d of September 1808, the Russian fleet in the Tagus was surrendered to the British, to be held as a deposit, till six months after the signing of a definitive treaty of peace.

shall arrive, he will embrace it with eagerness; satisfied, if Russia shall manifest a disposition to return to her ancient feeling of friendship towards Great Britain, to a just consideration of her own true interests, and to a sense of her own dignity as an independent nation.

In October 1808, a meeting took place at Erfurth between the emperors of France and Russia, and a letter was drawn up under their signature, addressed to his Britannic majesty. The object of this letter was, to induce the king of Great Britain to enter into negotiations for a general peace, and with that view it was dispatched by Count Romanzoff, the Russian minister at Erfurth, to Mr Canning the British secretary of state for foreign affairs. As this letter, and the official note of the British government in answer to it, supply two very important documents in the latter history of the present war, we shall here introduce them. The letter of the two emperors is as follows.

"Sire.—The present circumstances of Europe have brought us together at Erfurth. Our first thought is to yield to the wish and the wants of every people, and to seek, in a speedy pacification with your majesty, the most efficacious remedy for the miseries which oppress all nations. We make known to your majesty our sincere desire in this respect by the present letter.

"The long and bloody war which has torn the continent is abandoned, without the possibility of being renewed. Many changes have taken place in Europe; many states have been overthrown. The cause is to be found in the state of agitation and misery in which the stagnation of maritime commerce has placed the greatest nations. Still greater changes may yet take place, and all of them contrary to the policy of the English nation. Peace, then, is at once the interest of the continent, and that of the people of Great Britain.

"We unite in entreating your majesty to listen to the voice of humanity, silencing that of the passions; to seek, with the intention of arriving at that object, to conciliate all interests, and by that means to preserve all the powers which exist, and to ensure the happiness of Europe and of this generation, at the head of which Providence has placed us."

(Signed) ALEXANDER.—NAPOLEON.

In answer to this letter the following official note, signed by Mr Secretary Canning, was dispatched to Erfurth; and as the imperial correspondents refused to accede to the requisitions it contained, all hopes of present accommodation were at an end.

"The king has uniformly declared his readiness and desire to enter into negotiations for a general peace, on terms consistent with the honour of his majesty's crown, with fidelity to his engagements, and with the permanent repose and security of Europe. His majesty repeats that declaration.

"If the condition of the continent be one of agitation and of wretchedness; if many states have been overthrown, and more are still menaced with subversion; it is a consolation to the king to reflect that no part of the convulsions which have been already experienced, or of those which are threatened for the future, can be in any degree imputable to his majesty. The king is most willing to acknowledge that all such dreadful changes are indeed contrary to the policy of Great Britain.

"If the cause of so much misery is to be found in the stagnation of commercial intercourse, although his majesty cannot be expected to hear, with unqualified regret, that the system devised for the destruction of the commerce of his subjects has recoiled upon its authors, or its instruments, yet it is neither in the disposition of his majesty, nor in the character of the people over whom he reigns, to rejoice in the privations and unhappiness even of the nations which are combined against him. His majesty anxiously desires the termination of the sufferings of the continent.

"The war in which his majesty is engaged, was entered into by his majesty for the immediate object of national safety. It has been prolonged only because no secure and honourable means of terminating it have hitherto been afforded by his enemies.

"But in the progress of a war, begun for self-defence, new obligations have been imposed upon his majesty, in behalf of powers whom the aggressions of a common enemy have compelled to make common cause with his majesty, or who have solicited his majesty's assistance and support in the vindication of their national independence.

"The interests of the crown of Portugal and of his Sicilian majesty are confided to his majesty's friendship and protection.

"With the king of Sweden his majesty is connected by the ties of the closest alliance, and by stipulations which unite their counsels for peace as well as for war.

"To Spain his majesty is not yet bound by any formal instrument; but his majesty has, in the face of the world, contracted with that nation engagements not less sacred, and not less binding, upon his majesty's mind, than the most solemn treaties.

"His majesty, therefore, assumes that, in an overture made to his majesty for entering into negotiations for a general peace, the relations subsisting between his majesty and the Spanish monarchy have been distinctly taken into consideration; and that the government acting in the name of his Catholic majesty, Ferdinand VII. is understood to be a party to any negotiation in which his majesty is invited to engage."

The demand of concurrence in the views of France and Russia made on Sweden was formally repeated in a declaration of the emperor Alexander, published at St Petersburg on the 10th February in this year. In this declaration his imperial majesty intimated to the king of Sweden, that he was making preparations to invade his territories; but that he was ready to change the measures he was about to take, to measures of precaution only, if Sweden would, without delay, join Russia and Denmark in shutting the Baltic against Great Britain, until the conclusion of a maritime peace. He professed that nothing could be more painful to him, than to see a rupture take place between Sweden and Russia; but that his Swedish majesty had it still in his power to avoid this event, by resolving without delay, to adopt that course which could alone preserve strict union and perfect harmony between the two states.

The king of Sweden, however, determined to abide by the measures which he had for some time pursued, and to accede to the terms of the convention which had just been concluded between him and the king of Great Britain. In consequence of this determination, a Rus-