denotes a piece of metal in the form of coin, such as was either current money among the ancients, or struck on any particular occasion, in order to preserve to posterity the portrait of some great person, or the memory of some illustrious action. Scaliger derives the word medal from the Arabic methalia; a sort of coin with a human head upon it. But the opinion of Vossius is generally received; viz. that it comes from metallum, "metal;" of which substance medals are commonly made.

SECT. I. Utility of Medals in History, and various other Sciences.

There are few studies of more importance to history than that of medals; the sole evidence we can have of the veracity of a historian being only such collateral documents as are evident to every body, and cannot be falsified. In modern times, these are found in public memoirs, instructions to ambassadors, and state papers of various kinds. Such memorials, however, are subject to various accidents, and besides commonly remain in the countries where they are first published, and cannot therefore give to the world at large that perfect and entire satisfaction which ought to be derived from genuine history; so that more durable and widely diffused monuments are still to be wished for. Such are public buildings, inscriptions, and statues; but these, excepting a few instances of the two last, are always confined to particular countries; so that medals alone remain as infallible documents of truth, capable of being diffused over all countries in the world, and of remaining through the latest ages.

The first who showed the importance of medals in ascertaining the dates, and arranging the order of events, in ancient history, by means of medals, was Vaillant, in his History of the Kings of Syria, printed at Paris in 1681. By medals alone, he has been enabled to fix the chronology and important events of history, in the three most ancient kingdoms of the world, viz. Egypt, Syria, and Parthia. Many coins have been discovered since his time, which confirm the accounts he has given. He was followed in this method by Father Hardouin, though with less success. Hardouin's best work is his Herodiades, or Series of Successors to Herod king of Judea. The same plan was pursued by Noris, in his learned Treatise on the Syro-Macedonian princes, and by Bayer in his History of Orphoeae, as well as by Froelich, in the work entitled Annales Regum et Rerum Syrie, Vien. 1754, and another named Kevcnhullers Regum veteram Numismata Aneolata, aut. Ferrara, Vien. 1752, 4to, of which Froelich was properly the author. Corfini and Cary likewise published works of a similar nature; the former in 1744, De Minnfori, aliorumque Armeniae Regum, Nummis, &c.; the latter in 1752, Histoire des Rois de Thrace, et du Bosphore Cimmerien, eclaircie par les Medailles.

The study of the Greek coins does not show the dates of events, though it illustrates the chronology of reigns. This defect, however, is abundantly supplied by those of Rome, which commonly mark the date of the prince's consulship, the year of his tribunician power; giving also, upon the reverse, the re-Greek presentation or poetical symbol of some grand event. The year of the tribunician power is sometimes imagined by antiquaries to be synonymous with that of the emperor's reign: but this is not the case; and Mr Pinkerton is at some pains to set them right in this respect. He finds fault with Julius Caesar, when he assumed the sovereign authority, for taking upon him the title of Perpetual Dictator, as being synonymous with that of king or absolute governor, which the Romans abhorred. "He ought (says our author), under the disguise of some supreme magistrate of annual election, to have lulled the people with a dream, that they might terminate his power when they pleased; or that he himself would resign it, when the necessities of state which had required his temporary elevation had subsided." To this error Mr Pinkerton ascribes the assassination of the dictator, and commends the policy of Augustus, who, with far inferior abilities, continued in possession of the most absolute authority as long as he lived. The tribuneship was an office of annual election; and if put into the hands of any others than plebeians, must have been the supreme power of the state, as it belonged to that office to put a negative upon every public measure whatever. Augustus, being of senatorial rank, could not assume this office: but he invested himself with the tribunician power, which had the advantages of appearing to be only a temporary supremacy, though in truth it was continued during his whole lifetime. Towards the end of his reign, he frequently assumed his defined successor, Tiberius, for his colleague, though in the beginning he had enjoyed it alone. This, with his artifice of resigning his power every ten years, and reaffirming it at the desire, as was pretended, of the senate, secured his sovereignty as long as he lived.—His example was followed by his successors; so that most of them have the inscription Tribunicia Potestate upon their medals, with the date affixed to it thus, Tr. Pot. VII. Yet though this date generally implies the year of the emperor's reign, it sometimes happens that the emperor, by special favour from a former prince, had been endowed with this title before he came to the throne, as being the successor to that prince, of which we have already given an instance in Tiberius. Besides the tribunician power, the emperors very frequently enjoyed that of the consuls; and the date of their consulship is frequently expressed in their coins.

The office of Pontifex Maximus was likewise assumed by the Roman emperors, in order to secure themselves in their authority; which, Mr Pinkerton observes, was one of the most efficacious artifices they could have fallen upon. "In the Greek heroic times Utility of them in History, &c.

Medals.

Utility of (says he), king and priest were carefully united in one person; and when sovereigns arose in Denmark and Sweden, the same plan was followed, as appears from Snorro, and other writers. Nothing could lend more security to the person of the monarch than an office of supreme sanctity, which also confirmed his power by all the terrors of superstition. Even the Christian system was afterwards debauched by a mock alliance with government; though it be clear from the whole New Testament, that such an alliance is subversive of its genuine institution, and the greatest of all its corruptions. But the Roman Catholic clergy, in the dark ages, were the authors of 'no church no king,' for their own interest; while the Roman emperors only fought to strengthen their power by the dark awe of superstition. The title of Pontifex Maximus was so important, that it was retained even by the Christian emperors till the time of Gratian. Its influence in the state was, indeed, prodigious. Cicero observes, that to this office were subject, temples, altars, penates, gods, houses, wealth, and fortune of the people.—That of augur is also borne by many emperors; and its authority was such, that by the law of the twelve tables no public business could be transacted without a declaration from the augur concerning its event.—The proconsular power was also given to Augustus and the other emperors. It conferred a direct authority over all the provinces, and implied the emperor to be chief proconsul, or governor of each, and of all. Another special power assigned to the emperors, but not occurring on coins, was the Jus Relatios Tertiae, Quarte, &c. or the right of making three or four motions in the senate on the same day, while the senators could only propose one.

Hence our author infers, that medals afford the most authentic documents of the Roman history, in particular, that could have been invented by man.—The histories of Nerva and Trajan are much better elucidated by medals than by authors; for the history of Suetonius ends with Domitian, and the Historiae Augustae Scriptores begin with Adrian: so that the reigns of the two emperors just mentioned are almost unknown; and Mr Pinkerton is surprised that none of the learned have attempted to supply the defect.—"Capitolinus (says he), in his life of Maximinus Junior, is quite puzzled to know if Maximus and Pupienus were two emperors, or two names for the fame. Had he happened on any of those coins which bear M. Cr. PUPIENUS MAXIMUS AUG. he would have seen at once that Maximus was only another name for Pupienus."

Medals are useful in other sciences besides history. In geography, we find the situation of towns determined by their vicinity to some noted river, mountain, &c. Thus, ΜΑΓΝΗΤΩΝ ΣΙΡΥΛΛΟΥ shows that Magnesia was situated under Mount Sipylos. In like manner, it is shewn from a medal, that Ephesus stood on the river Cayster; and there is extant a medal, bearing an inscription, which signifies Alexandria on the Scamander; a name given to Troy by Alexander the Great. The reverse has upon it the famous Apollo Smiththeus of Homer. In natural history also, medals are useful chiefly from the coins struck on the celebration of the secular games, in which the figures of various animals are preserved; and thus it may very often be determined whether any animal be known to the ancients or not. On many of the Greek medals are several uncommon plants and animals. Thus, on most of the medals of Cyrene is the figure of the celebrated Sylphium; and on those of Tyre, the shell-fish from which the famous Tyrian purple was procured. By means of medals, also, the exact delineations of many noble edifices are preserved, though not even a vestige of their ruins be now existing; so that the uses of them to the architect are very considerable. To the connoisseur they are absolutely necessary; because arts, by them alone he is enabled to ascertain ancient bulls and statues to their proper persons, with multitudes of other points of knowledge which cannot be otherwise determined. The elucidations of obscure passages in ancient authors by means of medals are so numerous and well known, that it is needless to insist upon them.

Mr Additon has treated the connexion betwixt medals and poetry at considerable length; but Mr Pinkerton finds fault with him for preferring the Latin to the Greek poets. He observes also, that the knowledge of Greek medals is most necessary for a sculptor, and perhaps an architect; but an acquaintance with Latin ones is preferable for a poet, or perhaps a painter. The reason of this difference is, that the former generally have on the obverse the head of some king, god, or goddess, of exquisite relief and workmanship; but the reverse seldom affords much fancy of symbol in the early Greek coins; and in the imperial Greek coins, is chiefly impretted with the temples of their deities. To a person of poetical imagination, however, the Roman coins afford the greatest entertainment, from the fine personifications and symbols to be found on their reverses; of which our author gives the following instances:

"Happiness has sometimes the caduceus, or wand of Mercury, which Cicero, 1. Offic. tells us was thought on Rome to procure every wish. She has, in a gold coin of Severus, heads of poppy, to express that our prime bliss lies in oblivion of misfortune.

"Hope is represented as a sprightly girl, walking quickly, and looking straight forward. With her left hand she holds up her garments, that they may not impede the rapidity of her pace; while in her right hand she holds forth the bud of a flower; an emblem infinitely more fine than the trite one of an anchor, which is the symbol of Patience, and not of Hope. This personification, with some others, must have been very familiar to the ancients; for often in this, and in a few more instances, no name, as SPES AUG. or the like, is inserted in the legend.

"Abundance is imagined as a fedate matron, with a cornucopie in her hands, of which she scatters the fruits, and does not hold up her cornucopie and keep the contents to herself as many modern poets and painters make her do.

"The emperor Titus, having cause to import a great supply of corn during a scarcity at Rome, that supply, or the Annona, is finely represented as a sedate lady, with a filled cornucopie in her left hand, which she holds upright, to indicate that she does not, however, mean to scatter it, as Abundance has a title to do, but to give it to Equity to deal out. This last particular is shewn by her holding a little image of Utility of Equity, known by her scales, and hafsa pura, or point-them in Hi-lets spear, in her right hand, over a basket filled with flour, &c.

Behind the Annona is the prow of a ship decked with flowers, to imply that the corn was brought by sea (from Africa), and that the ships had had a prosperous voyage. The best poet in the world would not have given us a finer train of imagery; the best painter would have been puzzled to express so much matter in so small a compass.

"Securit" stands leaning upon a pillar, indicative of her being free from all designs and pursuits; and the posture itself corresponds to her name. Horace, in describing the wise man, mentions his being teres auge rotundus; round and polished, against all the rules of chance: an idea seemingly derived from the column upon which this ideal lady reclines.

"The emblems of Piety, Modesty, and the like, are equally apposite and poetical.

"The happiness of the state is pictured by a ship sailing before a prosperous breeze: an image than which the superlative genius of Gray could find none more exquisite; and he has accordingly used it in his most capital production "The Bard," with due success.

"The different countries of the then known world are also delineated with great poetical imagery. It affords patriotic satisfaction in particular to a Briton, to see his native island often represented upon the earliest imperial coins sitting on a globe, with a symbol of military power, the labarum, in her hand, and the ocean rolling under her feet. An emblem almost prophetic of the vast power which her dominion over the sea will always give her, provided she exerts her element of empire with due vigour and perseverance.

"Coins also present us with Achaia, Africa, Alabamnia, Alexandria, Arabia, Armenia, Asia, Bithynia, Cappadocia, Dacia, Dardania, Egypt, Gallia, Hispania, Italia, Judea, Macedon, Mauritania, Panonia, Parthia, Phrygia, Sarmatia, Sicily, Scythia, Syria, and the rivers Danube, Nile, Rhine, Tyber. This personification of provinces seems to have arisen from the figures of provinces carried in triumphs; as the personification of our old poets sprung from the ideal persons actually represented in the mythial plays.

"There is one colonial medal of rude execution of Augustus and Agrippa, which has a high claim to merit in displaying the ancient poetical imagery. It is inscribed IMP. and DIVI. F. and on the reverse, the conquest of Egypt is represented by the metaphor of a crocodile, an animal almost peculiar to that country, and at that period esteemed altogether so; which is chained to a palm tree, at once a native of the country, and symbolic of victory.

"As the reverses are so useful for knowledge of personification, symbols of countries and actions, and the like; so the portraits to be seen on old coins are no less important to a painter; the high merit of a great number of them, in every character, justly entitling them to be regarded as the best studies in the world. Not to mention, that, to an historic painter, the science of ancient medals is absolutely necessary, that he may delineate his personages with the features they really bore while in existence. This can only be attained in this way, or from statues and busts; any one of which will cost as much as hundreds of medals; and indeed a collection of such is only attainable by princes.

The same things which render the study of medals important to a painter, do still more so to a sculptor; and, in this particular, the study of the Greek coins is remarkably useful. The skill of the Greeks in the art of sculpture has always been admired throughout the world; and on their coins the heads of several deities are represented in the most exquisite alto relievo. Our author, therefore, thinks it strange, that the Grecian coins should have hitherto been so little attended to by men of learning and taste. They may have been looked upon, he supposes, as belonging only to the province of the antiquary; but he assures us, that the Greek medals will afford satisfaction to the persons who value them only as pieces of workmanship. In most respects, they greatly excel those of Rome even in its best times: which our author supposes to have been from the days of Augustus to Adrian. "In the days of Adrian, in particular (says he), the Roman mint seems to have been the very seat of art and genius; witness the vast number of exquisite personifications, engraved with equal workmanship, which swarm on the medals of that prince. Yet from his time down to Pothmus, coins of admirable workmanship are to be found. Those of the Faustinas and Lucilla deserve particular mention. There is one, and not an uncommon one, of the latter, in great brals, which yields to nothing of the kind. The reverse is a Venus with the name around her. The portrait of the obverse seems to spring from the field of the coin; it looks and breathes, nay talks, if you trust your eyes. The coins of Tarus are extremely remarkable for a kind of perspective in the figures, as Froelich observes. On others are found triumphal arches, temples, fountains, aqueducts, amphitheatres, circi, hippodromes, palaces, basilicas, columns and obelisks, baths, sea-ports, pharos, and the like. These furnish much pleasure and instruction to the architect, and serve to form his taste to the ancient manner; that manner which unites perfect simplicity with sublimity and grace; that manner which every age admires, in proportion as it has genius to imitate."

Sect. II. Entertainment arising from the Study of Medals.

Besides the purposes which the study of medals answers in the useful arts, a great variety of sources of entertainment are to be found in it. Mr Pinkerton observes, that the most barbarous nations are more pleased with the rudest efforts of art, than with the most admirable works of nature; and that in proportion as the powers of the mind are large and various, such are also the pleasures which it receives from those superlative productions of art, which can only be the offspring of vast genius. Hence works of art are agreeable both to the enlightened and to the ignorant. The chief amusement, therefore, which attends the study of medals, originates from the strength and spirit, the finish and beauty, which the engraver has displayed in the execution of them. It besides gives a kind of personal acquaintance with the persons of whom are the representations. Portraits have always been highly entertaining to mankind; and our author is of opinion, that the love of them gave rise both to painting and sculpture. They are nowhere to be found so ancient, so numerous, and so well preserved as in medals. Amusement is also derived even from the representations of ideal heads and persons; nay, even from the minutest symbols. Thus the Greek coins of cities present us with heads of deities of exquisite workmanship, apparently copied from statues or paintings; so that we may even guess at the works of Apelles and Praxiteles from some of the Greek medals. Their reverses afford still greater variety; there being scarce an object either in art or nature which is not represented upon some of them: and to the satisfaction arising from a view of these, we may likewise add that of beholding, in a lively manner, the dresses, manners and customs, religious and civil ceremonies, of the ancients: so that from medals we may obtain an interesting history of manners; which, though very lately cultivated, may perhaps afford the most useful and entertaining of all the provinces of history.

There is a very considerable difference betwixt the study of medals and that of a mere antiquary. The latter frequently seems to take delight in coins merely in proportion to their rust and deformity; so that it is often a recommendation of some of their pieces, that neither portrait, reverse, nor legend, can be discovered; at least in such manner as can be intelligibly explained. "The delight of the antiquary (says Mr Pinkerton), may be called a depraved appetite of the mind, which feeds on trash, and fills itself with emptiness. It is perhaps a mere childish curiosity mingled with caprice and hypochondriasis. Against this character the ridicule of Severus is particularly shot, but with little effect; for our antiquities exceed in vilsions and nonsense. I say antiquities; for the name of antiquary is sacred. By antiquary, in foreign countries, is implied a man who illustrates their ancient laws, manners, poetry; but especially their ancient history. There, men of the most elevated minds are antiquaries; as Muratori, Leibnitz, Montefquieu, Du Bos. Here men of talents will not stoop, forsooth, to studies the most important to their country, but leave its antiquities to chance. Every thing is important but our history; and we are profound in every ancient matter that is superficial; and superficial in what is profound. Even England cannot boast of one general historian, but trusts to the inaccuracy of Rapin, and the ignorant neatness of Hume. It is therefore no wonder that the study of antiquity is here ridiculous, though most important in other countries; none requiring greater talents, learning, or industry. But the historic antiquary has the pleasure of benefiting society, and enlightening whole nations, while the medallist has only an innocent amusement. This amusement, considered merely as rising from antiquarian objects, has not been explained, though felt by most people, and more by the learned. It seems analogical with that which we derive from an extensive prospect: for as the mind delights to expand itself into distant places, so also into distant times. We connect ourselves with these times, and feel as it were a double existence. The passions are singularly affected by minute circumstances, though mute to generalities; and the relics of antiquity impress us more than its general history."

Sect. III. History of Medals.

The study of medals is not of very ancient date: None of the classic writers give any account of collections of them; though indeed many little particulars are passed without notice by them. In the times of the Greeks, a collection of such coins as then existed must have been but little regarded, as consisting only of those struck by the numerous little states which at that time used the Greek characters and language. Hence they would have had an air of domestic coinage, and no attention would have been paid to them, however exquisite their workmanship might have been. The little intercourse at that time, carried on betwixt the different provinces also, greatly impeded any communication of knowledge to those who wrote histories; so that it is no wonder to find any small collections that might then have existed altogether unnoticed by them.

Almost as soon as any communication was opened between the Greeks and Romans, the latter treated imitated by the arts of the Greeks with all due respect and applause. Their coins were imitated by the Romans, and preferred in cabinets by the senators among their choicest treasures. Suetonius informs us, that on solemn occasions Augustus was accustomed to present his friends with medals of foreign states and princes, along with other valuable testimonies of his friendship. In a more advanced period of the Roman empire, however, individuals would undoubtedly form collections of coins peculiar to their own state; for Dr Stukeley, in his Medallic History of Carausius, informs us, that a complete series of silver coins was lately found in Britain, containing all the emperors down to Carausius inclusively. From Banduri we also know, that certain Greek coins were specially preferred by the Romans; and it appears from their code, that ancient gold and silver coins were made use of instead of gems; to which distinction those of Sicily were particularly entitled. From the decline of the Roman empire till towards the end of the fifth century, almost all branches of literature were involved in darkness, and the metallic science among the rest. While the Christian dominion of Constantinople lasted, indeed, almost all the arts and sciences may be said to have been kept within its own boundaries; though the Arabs and eastern nations had some arts and sciences of their own; but after the destruction of the imperial city by the Turks, the Greeks were once more compelled to become fathers to the European science. Even before this time, indeed, some vestiges of a revival of literature had appeared in Italy; "and so intimate and necessary a connexion (says Mr Pinkerton), has now the study of medals with that of ancient erudition, that on the earliest appearance of a revival of the latter, the former was also disclosed."

The first among the moderns who began to study the metallic science was Petrarch. Being desired by of medals. the emperor Charles IV. to compose a book containing the lives of eminent men, and to place him in the lift, he replied, that he would do so whenever the emperor's life and conduct deserved it. In consequence of this conversation, he afterwards sent the emperor a collection of gold and silver coins bearing the representations fentations of eminent men, with an address suitable to his former declaration. A collection of coins was made in the next age by Alphonsi king of Arragon; but though this monarch collected all that could be found throughout Italy, we know that there could not have been very many, as the whole were contained in an ivory cabinet, and carried always about with him. A very considerable collection was made by Anthony Cardinal St Mark, nephew to Eugenc IV, who ascended the pontifical chair in 1431; and soon after the grand museum at Florence was begun by Colmo de Medici, where a collection of ancient coins and medals had a place among other curiosities. Corvinus king of Hungary about the same time formed a noble collection of coins along with ancient manuscripts and other valuable relics of antiquity.

Mr Pinkerton considers Agnolo Poliziano, more commonly known by the name of Angelus Politianus, as the first writer who added medals as vouchers of ancient orthography and customs. He cites different coins of the Medicean collection in his Miscellanea written about the year 1493. By means of a cabinet of medals collected by Maximilian I, emperor of Germany, Joannes Hutichius was enabled to publish a book of the lives of the emperors, enriched with their portraits, delineated from ancient coins. It is generally supposed that this book, which appeared in 1525, was the first work of the kind; but Labbé, in his Bibliotheca Nummaria, mentions another named Illustrium Imagines, by one Andreas Fulvius, printed in 1517, in which most of the portraits seem to be from medals. About the year 1512 also, Guillaume Bude, a French author, had written his treatise De Affe, though it was not printed till many years afterwards. M. Grollier, treasurer of the French armies in Italy, during part of the 16th century, had a great collection of coins of different kinds of metals. After his death, his brats medals were sent to Provence, and were about to be sent into Italy; when the king of France, having got information of the transaction, gave orders to stop them, and purchase the whole at a very high price for his own cabinet of antiquities. M. Grollier had an assortment of gold and silver as well as of brats medals; the cabinet in which they were contained fell two centuries afterwards into the hands of M. l'Abbe de Bothelin; and was known to have been that of Grollier from some slips of paper, on which was his usual inscription for his books, Joannis Grollierii, et amicorum.

Contemporary with Grollier was Guillaume de Choul, who was likewise a man of rank and fortune. He had a good collection of medals, and published many in his Treatise on the Religion of the ancient Romans in 1557. In the Low Countries we know, from the letters of Erasmus, that the study of medals was begun about the beginning of the 16th century. About the middle of that century, Hubertus Goltzius, a printer and engraver, travelled over most countries in Europe searching for coins and medals, in order to publish books concerning them. From one of these works it appears, that there were then in the Low Countries 200 cabinets of medals; 175 in Germany, upwards of 380 in Italy, and 200 in France. It is probable, however, that there are now four times as many in these countries, besides 500 in Britain; but we are not to imagine that all these were grand collections, for of such there are not above a dozen even in Italy: most of those just mentioned were of the class named caskets of medals, containing from 100 to 1000 or 2000.

There are few countries, Italy excepted, in which a greater number of coins have been found than in Britain; though we are by no means well acquainted with the time when the study of them commenced. Mr Pinkerton suspects that Camden was one of the first, if not the very first British author, who produced medals in his works, and who must have had a small collection. Speed's Chronicle, published in the 17th century, was illustrated with coins from Sir Robert Cotton's cabinet. Gorlaeus's collection was purchased by Henry prince of Wales, brother to Charles I. to whom he left it at his death. According to Joseph Scaliger, it consisted of 30,000 coins and medals. A collection of 5500 coins was purchased by Archbishop Laud for 600l. and given to the Bodleian library. Thomas earl of Arundel, earl marshal of England, well known from the Arundelian tables and other antiquities which he imported from Greece and Italy into Britain, had a rich cabinet of medals collected by Daniel Nihum. The dukes of Buckingham and Hamilton, Sir William Paffon, Sir Thomas Fanshaw of Ware-Park, Sir Thomas Hanmer, Ralph Sheldon, Esq. Mr Selden, &c. are enumerated by Evelyn as collectors of medals. Charles I. as well as his historian the earl of Clarendon, were also collectors. The king had a very fine cabinet; which, however, was dissipated and lost during the civil commotions. Oliver Cromwell had a small collection; and the cabinet of Charles II. is mentioned by Vaillant in the preface to his treatise entitled "Nummi in Colonitis," &c. This branch of magnificence has not been much attended to by succeeding British monarchs; though his present majesty has a very good collection of ancient gold coins.

A great number of fine cabinets have been formed in Britain since the time of Evelyn. About the year 1720, Haym makes mention of those of the duke of Devonshire, the earls of Pembroke and Winchelsea, Sir Hans Sloane, Sir Andrew Fontaine, Mr Sadler, Mr Abdy, Mr Wren, Mr Chicheley, and Mr Kemp. At present there are many remarkable collections; but that of the late Dr William Hunter is deservedly esteemed the most remarkable in Europe, excepting that of the late French king. It was not only formed at a great expense, but with much care and ability; many foreign medals offered to it having been rejected (A). The other remarkable collections are those of the duke of Devonshire, the earl of Pembroke, Earl Fitzwilliam, formerly the marquis of Rockingham's, the honourable Horace Walpole, the reverend Mr Craehrode, the reverend Mr Southgate, Mr Townley, Mr

(A) This collection, as well as the rest of Dr Hunter's Museum, is now in the possession of the university of Glasgow, to which it was bequeathed by the doctor's will. R. P. Knight, Mr Edward Knight, Mr Tyfon, Mr Barker, Mr Brown, and several others. The British museum and universities in England have also collections; as well as the Advocates library, the Antiquarian Society, and the universities in Scotland.

SECT. IV. Materials of which Medals are constructed.

MEDALS are formed of gold, silver, and the various modifications of copper. The gold usually made use of in coinage is about the fineness of 22 carats; and as the art of purifying this metal was very much unknown in former times, the most ancient medals are for this reason much more impure than the modern coins. Gold is never found in its native state above 22 carats fine; and the very ancient medals are much under that standard. Many of them are composed of a mixture of gold and silver, called by the ancients electrum. The gold medals were made of much finer metal after Philip of Macedon became possessed of the gold mines of Philippi in Thrace; and the medals of his son Alexander the Great are equally fine; as well as those of some other princes of that age. Those of the Egyptian Ptolemies are of the fineness of 23 carats three grains, with only one grain of alloy. The Roman coins are very pure even from the earliest times; the art of refining gold being well known before any was coined at Rome. Some authors are of opinion, that the Roman coins begin to fall short of their purity after the time of Titus; but Mr Pinkerton denies that any thing of this kind takes place till the time of the emperor Severus; and even then only in a very few instances. Most of the Roman gold was brought from Dalmatia and Dacia, where that metal is still to be met with. A very remarkable circumstance is observed in the eastern part of Hungary, which belonged to the ancient Dacia. It germinates in the vines of Tokay, and is found in their stems; as it is elsewhere in the straw of corn.

Pliny informs us, and indeed it is generally known, that gold and silver are found mixed together in the earth. Where the silver amounted to one-fifth part of the gold, the metal was called electrum; but sometimes the quantity of silver was added artificially. The gold was in those days as well as at present refined by means of mercury: and the ancient artists had certainly attained to great perfection in this branch of metallurgy; as Bodin tells us, that the goldsmiths of Paris upon melting one of Vespasian's gold coins found only 7/8 part of alloy.

Most of the ancient silver, particularly that of Greece, is less pure than that of succeeding times; even the Roman silver is rather inferior to the present standard, and that from the very beginning; but in the time of Severus, the silver appears very bad, and continues so until the time of Diocletian. Many writers upon this subject have mistaken the denarii æqui, "coins of brafs wafted with silver," for silver currency. Silver coins are extremely scarce from the time of Claudius Gothicus to that of Diocletian, or from the year 270 to 284; in which short space no fewer than eight emperors reigned. Silver at that time was found mostly in Spain; and the commerce with that country was disturbed by the usurpers who arose in Gaul; and such were the troubles of the times, that not only the silver but also the gold coins of those eight emperors, are extremely scarce. There is still, however, some silver extant of these eight emperors; and it is certain, that copper wafted was never used as silver currency, but was entirely a distinct coinage. Occasional deprivations of silver had taken place long before; as Pliny tells us, that Mark Antony mixed iron with his silver denarii; and Mr Pinkerton informs us, that he had seen a denarius of Antony, which was attracted by a magnet.

The ancient brafs coins consist of two kinds: the Ancient red or Cyprian, which indeed is no other than copper; brafs. and the common yellow brafs. Our author observes, that in the Roman coinage brafs was of double the value of copper, and he is of opinion, that it was the fame among the Greeks; and the latter is the metal most commonly made use of in the Greek coinage. The Roman sesterii was always of brafs: the middling-sized kind are partly copper and partly brafs; the former being double the value of the latter, which are the afer.

Mr Pinkerton next proceeds to give an account of the mixed metals used among the Romans. In Brit. tals. tain all kinds of coins made of mixed metal are without hesitation alleged to be forgeries; although it is certain that the variety of mixed metals used in coinage was very considerable. The most valuable mixture was that of gold or silver, already mentioned, named electrum; the silver commonly amounting to one-fifth part of the gold made use of, or perhaps more. Of this mixture are many of the early coins of Lydia, and some other Asiatic states; also those of the kings of the Bosphorus Cimmerius, during the imperial ages of Rome. Next to the electrum were the coins of Corinthian brafs: but Mr Pinkerton informs us, that not a single coin was ever struck of this metal by the Corinthians; it having been constantly employed only in the fabrication of vases or toys. It was in use at any rate only for a very short time; being altogether unknown in the days of Pliny the Elder. Our author therefore ridicules those who pretend not only to find out imperial coins of this metal, but to discover three kinds of it; viz. one in which the gold predominates, another in which the silver prevails, and a third where the brafs is most conspicuous. He gives Æneas Vico, one of the most ancient writers on medals, as the author of this idea; but whose opinions were confuted by one Savot, a writer in the 17th century. Vico mentions a coin of this kind struck under Augustus, another of Livia, and a third of Claudius. The mistake, he is of opinion, arose from the circumstance of the first propagator not being able to account for the various mixtures and modifications of brafs observable in ancient coins of the large size; and which in so common a metal appear very odd to the moderns. Besides the authority of Pliny and other antiquaries of more modern a date, who all declare that they never saw a single medal of Corinthian brafs, or of that metal mixed with silver and gold, our author adduces another evidence which he looks upon to be superior to either; viz. that those who have given into this supposition, imagine, that the large pieces called sesterii, and others called dupondiarii, worth about twopence or a penny, are said to have been composed of this precious metal. It is unreasonable to think, that any proportion of gold gold or silver could have been made use of in these. The coins said to have been struck upon Corinthian brafs are only done upon a modification of common brafs; of which we know, that in proportion to the quantity of zinc made use of in conjunction with the copper, the metal assumes a variety of hues. On the authority of Pliny he informs us, that the coins mistaken for Corinthian brafs were no other than prince's metal.

The Egyptian silver coins struck under the Roman emperors are at first of tolerably pure silver; but afterwards degenerate into a mixture of copper and tin with a little silver. They are very thick, but many of them are elegantly struck, with uncommon reverses. There are likewise three sets of brafs coins belonging to this country from the earliest times of the Roman emperors there. Some of these are of bell-metal or pot-metal; and after the time of Gallienus and Valerian, the coinage of brafs with a small addition of silver, becomes authorised by the state; the coins struck upon it, being called denarii aerii. Those of lead or copper plated with silver have been fabricated by Roman forgers. Some coins of lead, however, have been met with of undoubted antiquity; and an ancient writer informs us, that tin money was coined by Dionysius; but none has been found. The lead coins of Tigranes king of Armenia, mentioned as genuine by Jobert, are accounted forgeries by Mr Pinkerton and other modern medallists. Plautus, however, "makes mention of leaden coins, and several of them have been found; but our author looks upon them to have been chiefly essay pieces, struck in order to let the artist judge of the progress of the die. Others are the plated kind already mentioned, fabricated by ancient forgers, but having the plating worn off. A great number of leaden coins are mentioned by Fricorini in a work entitled Piombi Antichi, in which he supposes them to have served as tickets for guests; and coins of the same kind are also mentioned by Pafferi. In the work entitled Notitia Imperii Romani, there is mention of coins made of leather, but none of them have ever been found.

SECT. V. Of Ancient Money.

In considering the different sizes, values, &c. of the Greek and Roman coins, our author treats of the medals as money; a knowledge of which, he says, is essentially necessary to every reader of the classics; info much that it may almost dispute the preference with the studies of ancient geography and chronology. Notwithstanding all that has been written upon the subject, however, our author is of opinion, that the science is still in its infancy, in as far as it relates to the real money of the ancients. "The ideal (says he), which is indeed the most important province of discussion, has been pretty clearly ascertained; and we are almost as well acquainted with the Attic mna or mina, and the perplexing progress of the Roman sesterzia, as with our own pounds." But with the actual coin of the ancients the case is different; and the ignorance even of the learned in this point is wonderful."

Our author now goes on, with great asperity of language, to particularize the ignorant manner in which modern authors have treated the subject of medals.

"Arbuthnot and Clarke (says he), are, if possible, more ignorant of medals than Budeus the very first. The latter professes his love of medals, but quotes a con- fular coin with the head of Cicero; and looks upon one of the 30 pieces of silver, the reward of the treachery of Judas, and which was said to be preserved among some relics at Paris, to be worthy of reference and commemoration. Arbuthnot, if we may judge from his book, had never seen any ancient coins; and Clarke, it is well known, was quite ignorant of them. The latter, with all his labour, seems even to have known nothing of the theoretic part of the real ancient money. Indeed Dr Mead's catalogue seems to have been almost the only book on medals which had undergone his perusal. On the other hand, the ignorance of medallists on this score is no less profound. To this day they look upon the didrachms of Ægina, so celebrated in antiquity, as tridrachms of Ægium; and upon the early obolus as a brafs coin. In the Roman clas the large brafs is esteemed the as, while it shall be proved that it is the sesterzium, and worth four ases. The denarius is reckoned at ten ases even in the imperial times; whereas it only went at that rate for the first 90 years after the coinage of silver at Rome. The denarius aerius is taken for silver currency; with other mistakes, which evince that medallists are as ignorant of the theory, as the others are of the practice."

In his account of the ancient Greek money, Mr Pinkerton observes, that the light of science, like that of the sun, has proceeded from east to west. "It is most probable (says he), that the first invention of money arose like the other arts and sciences; and spread from thence into the western parts of the world. In its first shape it appeared as mere pieces of metal without any flated form or impression; in lieu of rude state which, it was regulated by weight. Even down to the Saxon government in England, large sums were regulated by weight; and in our own times every single piece is weighed in gold; though with regard to silver this nicety is not minded, nor indeed does it seem practicable. Among the ancients, whose commercial transactions were less important and extensive than those of the moderns, silver was weighed as well as gold; nay even brafs, in some cases.

In Greece, large sums were determined by mna or mince; and the most capital sums by talents. In every country the mina is supposed to have contained 100 drachmae, or small silver coins, of that country, and the talent 60 minae. The mina is supposed to be a pound weight of the country to which it belonged. The Attic pound, according to Dr Arbuthnot, contained 16 ounces, equal to our avoirdupois pound: but Mr Pinkerton looks upon this as a very absurd opinion, and accuses the doctor of having adopted it merely that he may explain a passage in Livy. He is of opinion, that the Attic pound is very nearly the fame with the pound Troy. The mina of Athens had at first 73 drachms; but by Solon it was fixed at 100. The ancient drachm weighed the fame which it does at present in medical weight, viz. the eighth part of an ounce. The mina or pound of 12 ounces had consequently 96 of these drachms; but four of them were given to the round sum to supply defects in the alloy; and indeed (says our author), in consequence of a common practice in all ages and in all countries, of giving some addition to a large weight. Thus the pound in weight had but 96 drachmae in fact, while the pound in tale had 100; as the Roman libra in weight had but 84 denarii, in tale 108; and as our pound in tale, by an inverse progress, is not a third of our pound in common weight.

Notwithstanding the very severe criticism on Dr Arbuthnot just mentioned, however, we find our author adopting his account of the talents used in coinage in several countries. Thus, according to the doctor,

<table> <tr> <th>The Syrian talent had</th> <th>15 Attic minae</th> </tr> <tr> <td>Ptolemaic</td> <td>.20</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Antiochian</td> <td>60</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Euboean</td> <td>60</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Babylonian</td> <td>70</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Larger Attic</td> <td>80</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Tyrian</td> <td>80</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Egyptian</td> <td>80</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Æginean</td> <td>100</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Rhodian</td> <td>100</td> </tr> </table>

Notwithstanding the concession made here by Mr Pinkerton to the doctor, he tells us, that he very much questions this list of talents, and that many ancient writers are little to be relied upon. "Writers on this subject confess, that the numbers in all ancient manuscripts are the parts most subject to error, as being almost always contracted. They ought to allow that the authors themselves must often be liable to wrong information.

"Herodotus mentions, that King Darius ordered gold to be paid into his treasury by the Euboic talent, and silver by the Babylonian. The Euboic is esteemed the fame with that called afterwards the Attic; and as we estimate gold by carats, so it is natural to suppose, that the most precious metal would be regulated by the most minute weight. But I confess, I take the Babylonian talent to be the same with that of Ægina. Mr Raper has proved the first coins of Macedon to be upon the standard of Ægina. Now the early Persian coins are upon that very scale, the largest tetradrachms weighing from 430 to 440 grains. Hence it follows, that the Persian silver coins were of the Æginean standard; and the payment was certainly to be made according to the standard of the money. The larger Attic talent was of 80 lesser minae; because the larger Attic mina was of 16 ounces. The Alexandrian talent, according to Festus, consisted of 12,000 denarii, being the fame with that used by the Egyptian kings in their coins; and is shewn by Mr Raper to have been the fame with the talent of Ægina. Perhaps the whole of the ancient coins of Asia, Africa, Greece, Magna Graecia, and Sicily, are reducible to three talents or standards. 1. That of Ægina, used in most of the more ancient silver coinages; as would seem in even the later of Egypt, Carthage, Cyrene, &c. 2. The Attic (being the Asiatic gold standard, afterwards used by Phidion king of Argos in estimating gold, and called Euboic from Euboea, one of the quarters of the city of Argos), used in Athens and the greater part of the world as the standard both of gold and silver. 3. The Doric or Sicilian talent of 24 nummi, each worth an obolus and a half; whence the talent is estimated at fix Attic drachms or three daries. These weights continued to be the standard of money after it began to be distinguished by impression; nay, to the fall of Greece and prevalence of the Roman empire."

Coinage, according to Herodotus, was first invented by the Lydians, from whom the Greeks quickly received it. The former could not have received it from the Persians, whose empire did not begin till 570 B.C., though our author supposes that it might have proceeded from the Syrians, who carried on commerce in very ancient times. The most ancient Greek coins of silver have an indented mark upon one side, and a tortoise upon the other; and those of the greatest antiquity have no letters upon them. Those of later date have ΑΓΙΩ marked upon them, which medallists interpret of Ægium in Achaia; being led into that supposition by the tortoise, which they look upon as the sure mark of the Peloponnesus. But though our author agrees that the tortoise was so, he thinks that they are otherwise very far wrong in their conclusions. Ægium in Achaia was a place of no consequence till the times of Aratus and the Achaean league; but there are 11 of these coins in Dr Hunter's cabinet, which show that they must have been struck in times of the most remote antiquity, and that the place where they were struck was rich and flourishing at the time. The coins we speak of are not common; but those which have the name ΑΓΙΩΝ at full length, and which may perhaps belong to Ægium in Achaia, are extremely scarce; insomuch that in all Dr Hunter's vast collection there are not above one or two. They are likewise constructed upon a scale quite different from all other Grecian money; being of 8, 13, 15, 90, and about 186 grains. The Grecian drachma at an average is 66 grains; and Mr Pinkerton thinks it would have been strange if pieces had been struck of eight-tenths of an obolus, of an obolus and a half, or of a drachma and a half. Ægium being originally an obscure village, could not be the first which coined money: so that Mr Pinkerton supposes the name ΑΓΙΩ to have stood for Ægialus, the ancient name of Sicyon, a wealthy and powerful city; or rather Ægina, the mint of which was much celebrated, and perhaps the most ancient in Greece.

Other arguments in favour of these coins being derived from Ægina, are drawn from their weight as well as their workmanship, which are quite different from those bearing the name of Ægium at full length. The coinage of Ægina is known to have been different from that of the rest of Greece; insomuch that its drachma was worth 10 Attic oboli, while the Attic drachma was valued only at fix. Hence the drachmas of Ægina were named by the Greeks παχιας, or thick; a name very applicable to the coins in question. From these observations, our author is of opinion, that we may even distinguish the precise weight of the ancient coins of Ægina. According to the exact proportion, the drachma of this place should weigh exactly 110 grains; and one of them very much rubbed weighed above 90. The others of larger size, which seem to be didrachms of Ægina, weigh from 181 to 194 grains; but the latter being the only one he could meet with in good preservation, it was impossible to form any just medium. Even in those best preserved, he thinks that 10 grains may be allowed for a waste of the metal in so long a time as 2400 years, which would bring the drachma of Aegina near its proper standard. The obolus of Aegina was in proportion to its drachma of six oboli. It is the piece of 15½ grains, and 13 when very much rubbed. The hemiobolon is that of eight, but when rubbed it falls short of this weight.

The general denomination of the Greek money is the drachma, or eighth part of an ounce; which to this day is retained in the medical weights, the Grecian coins receiving their names from the weights they bore; though in some instances the weights received their appellations from the coins. The silver drachma, according to Mr Pinkerton, was about ninepence sterling; and he finds fault with those who make the drachma and denarius both equal to one another, the latter being no more than threepence. The didrachm of silver, according to the same calculation, was worth 18d.; but the tridrachm occurs very rarely: and Mr Pinkerton is even of opinion, that medallists give this name to the didrachm of Aegina. The largest of all the Grecian coins is the tetradrachm, which on the Aeginean standard is worth five shillings; but in those of the other states only four. There are, however, many subdivisions in the silver drachma; the highest being the tetrobolion or coin of four oboli; being in proportion to the drachma as our great to a fixpence, weighing about 44 grains, and being in value about fixpence. The hemidrachm or triobolion comes next in value, weighing about 33 grains, and worth fourpence halfpenny. The silver diobolion, or third of the drachma, weighs about 22 grains, and is worth threepence. The obolus of silver weighs about 11 grains, and is worth only three halfpence. There is likewise a hemiobolon in silver, or half the obolus, of five grains and a half, value three farthings: and another called tetraobolion dichalcos or quarter obolus, which is the most minute coin yet met with; and by reason of its extreme smallness, weighing only two grains and a quarter, is now very scarce: but there is one in the cabinet of Dr Hunter, and some more have been lately brought from Athens by Mr Stuart. Some of them are likewise met with at Tarentum. It would appear, however, that there were some still smaller, and of value only three-fourths of a farthing. None of these have been met with; and the smallness of the size renders it improbable that any will ever be met with; as the peasants, who commonly discover coins, would probably either not observe them at all, or, if they did, would neglect them as things of no value.

Many different names have been imposed on the coins belonging to the different states of Greece: thus Κόρη, the maiden, was a name often applied to the tetradrachm, and which would seem to apply to those of Athens; though there are coins of other cities with the head of Proserpine, and the word Κόρη, to which it would appear more applicable in our author's opinion. Χελώνη, the shell, was the name of another coin, from its type. A Sicilian coin was named Διαμαρτυρία, from Gelon's wife. A tetradrachm was named Καρπαθιακός, and had eight subins, or hemidrachms. The Τροιζηνια, so called from its country Troizene, had Pallas on one side and a trident on the reverse.

The hemiobolon was the πενήνταρχος of Lacedaemon; and the καταλύτικος is supposed to have been equal to the Roman sesterius or quarter drachma. The εὐσφοροί were coins with the mystic chest or hamper of Bacchus upon them, out of which a serpent rises; and are much celebrated in antiquity. We are told by Livy, that Marcus Acilius, in his triumph over Antiochus and the Etrolians, carried off 248,000 of them; Cneus Manlius Vulso in that over Gallo-Grecia had 210,000; and Lucius Emilius Regillus, in his naval triumph over the fleets of Antiochus, had 131,300. Cicero likewise mentions his being possessed of a vast sum in them. The most probable opinion concerning them seems to be, that they are all silver tetradrachms; such as belong to the cities of Apamea and Laodicea in Phrygia; Pergamus in Mytha; Sardis and Tralles in Lydia; and Ephesus: but it is a mistake to ascribe any to Crete. Mr Pinkerton thinks it absurd to imagine that Crete, a small island, should strike such vast numbers of coins; though Cicero mentions his being in possession of an immense treasure in them at the time he was governor of Asia Minor. "It is most likely (says Mr Pinkerton), that his wealth should be in the coin of the country to which he belonged. But what had these triumphs of Cicero's government to do with Cretan money? But indeed the coins themselves, as above noticed, establish the fact."

Another set of coins famous in antiquity were those coins of Cyzicus in Mytha, which were of gold; but they Cyzicus, are now almost entirely vanished by being recoined in other forms. The Αργυρίων ταρίχεια, or money of Argus, who was made governor of Egypt by Cambyses, is made mention of by Hesychius; but none of them, as far as is known, have reached our times. They must have been marked with Persian characters, if with any. The coin of Queen Philistis is mentioned by the same writer, and many of these pieces are still extant; but we know not where this queen reigned, nor does there seem to be any method of finding it out. Mr Pinkerton inclines to believe, that the pre-sided over Sicily; and as a confirmation of that supposition, mentions some inscriptions of ΒΑΣΙΛΙΣΣΑΣ ΦΙΛΙΣΤΙΑΩΝ on the Gradini of the theatre at Syracuse; but which appear not older than the Roman times. Some authors are of opinion, that she reigned in Cofara or Malta; which our author thinks much more improbable.

The most particular attention with regard to the Athenian names and standard of coins is due to those of Athens; coins, and it is remarkable, that most of them which have reached us are of a very late period, with the names of magistrates inscribed upon them. Some of these bear the name of Mithridates; and few are older than the era of that prince; who, it is well known, took the city of Athens in his war with the Romans. I suspect (says Mr Pinkerton), that no Athenian coins of silver are posterior to Sylla's infamous destruction of that city; an event the more remarkable, as Sallust tells us, that Sylla was learned in Greek. Indeed Caligula, Nero, and most of the pests of society, have been learned men, in spite of a noted axiom of Ovid,

Sed ingenuas didicisse feliciter artes Emollit mores, nec finit esse feros.

It is still more remarkable, that the fabric of Athenian nian coins is almost universally very rude; a singular circumstance, if we reflect how much the arts flourished there. It can only be accounted for from the excellence of their artists being such as to occasion all the good ones to be called into other countries, and none but the bad left at home. In like manner, the coins struck at Rome in the imperial times are excellent, as being done by the best Greek artists; while those of Greece, though famous at that time for producing miraculous artists, are during that period commonly of very mean execution. The opulence of Athens in her days of glory was very great; owing in an eminent degree to her rich commerce with the kingdoms on the Luxine sea, carried on chiefly from Delos, which belonged to Athens, and was the grand centre of that trade." Hence it has become matter of surprise to Neumann, that when there are so many coins of Mycene, an island even proverbially poor, there should be none of Delos. But Mr Pinkerton accounts for this from Mycene's being a free state, and Delos subject to Athens. "It may be well supposed (says he), that Athens had a mint at Delos; and such Athenian coins as have symbols of Apollo, Diana, or Latona, were struck in this island."

The copper money of the Greeks is next in antiquity to the silver. Mr Pinkerton is of opinion, that it was not used at Athens till the 26th year of the Peloponnesian war; about 424 years before Christ, and 300 after silver was first coined there. The first copper coins were those of Gelo of Syracuse, about 490 B. C.

The chalcos of brafs, of which eight went to the silver obolus, seems to have been the first kind of Greek coin. At first it was looked upon as of so little consequence, that it became proverbial; and to say that a thing was not worth a chalcos, was equivalent to saying that it was worth nothing. As the Greeks became poor, however, even this diminutive coin was subdivided into two, four, nay eight λεπτα or small coins; but our author confines very severely those who have given an account of those divisions. "Pollux, and Suidas copying from him (says he), tell us, that there were seven lepta to one chalcos; a number the most unlikely that can be, from its indivisibility and incapacity of proportion.

"Pollux lived in the time of Commodus, so was too late to be of the smallest authority: Suidas is four or five centuries later, and out of the question. Pliny tells us, that there were ten chalci to the obolus; Diodorus and Cleopatra that there were fix; Isidorus says there were four: and if such writers differ about the larger denomination, we may well imagine that the smaller equally varied in different states; an idea supported by these undeniable witnesses, the coins which remain. Most of the Greek copper coin which has reached our times consists of chalci; the lepta being so small as to be much more liable to be lost." In Dr Hunter's cabinet, however, there are several of the dilepta of Athens: and from being stamped with the representation of two owls, seem to be the same with the silver diobolus: "a circumstance (says Mr Pinkerton), of itself sufficient to confute Pollux; for a dilepton can form no part of seven; a number indeed which never appeared in any coinage of the same metals, and is contradictory to common sense. It may be observed, that the whole brafs coins of Athens published by Dr Combe are reducible to four fizes, which may be the lepton, dilepton, tetralepton or hemichalcos, and chalcos. The first is not above the fize of one of King Lepton, James I.'s farthing tokens; the last about that of our dilepton, common farthing." The lepta was also called σεμιά, &c. as being change for the poor. The κυναβας, perhaps so called from the figure of a wolf upon it, was the coin of a particular state, and if of brafs must have weighed three chalci. The other names of the copper coins of Greece are but little known. Lycurgus ordered iron money to be coined at Sparta; but to perishable is this metal, that none of that kind of money has reached our times.

After the conquest of Greece by the Romans, most of the coins of that country diminished very much in their value, the gold coinage being totally discontinued: though some of the barbarous kings who used the Greek character were permitted to coin gold, but they used the Roman model; and the standard used by the few cities in Asia who spoke the Greek language in the times of the emperors is entirely unknown. Copper seems to have been the only metal coined at that time by the Greeks themselves; and that upon the Roman standard, then universal through the empire, that there might be no impediment to the circulation of currency. They retained, however, some of their own terms, using them along with those of the Romans. The assiorn or assiorn of Rome, the name of the diminished as, being 16 to the drachma or denarius, the obolus was so much diminished in value as to be struck in brafs not much larger than the old chalcos, and valued at between two and three asfaria; which was indeed its ancient rate as to the drachma. This appears from the copper coins of Chios, which have their names marked upon them. The brafs obolus, at first equal in fize to the Roman septertius or large brafs, lessens by degrees to about the fize of a silver drachma. From the badness of the imperial coinage in Greece also, it appears that brafs was very scarce in that country, as well as in all the cities using the Greek characters; being found mostly in the western countries of the Roman empire.

With respect to the gold coins of the Greeks, Mr Pinkerton is of opinion that none of that metal was of Greece coined before the time of Philip of Macedon, as none have reached our times prior to the reign of that monarch. From a passage in Thucydides our author concludes, that in the beginning of the Peloponnesian war the Athenians had no gold coin. Mentioning the treasure in the Acropolis or citadel of Athens, at the commencement of that war, the historian mentions silver coin, and gold and silver in bullion; and had any of the gold been in coin, he would certainly have mentioned it. Philip began his reign about 68 years after the beginning of the Peloponnesian war; and we can scarcely suppose that any city would have pre- ceded the elegant and wealthy Athens in the coining of gold.

Notwithstanding, however, this deficiency of gold coin among the Greeks, it is certain that the coinage of gold had taken place in Sicily long before; as we have gold coins of Gelo about 491 B. C. of Hiero I. 478, and of Dionysius I. in 494, all using the Greek characters; though not to be ranked among the gold coins of Greece, as Philip caused his to be. Gold coins of Syracuse even appear of the third class of antiquity, or with an indented square, and a small figure in one of its segments. Gold coins are used in the cities of Brettium, Tarentum, and throughout Magna Graecia; also in Panticapea in Thrace, and likewise Cola in that country; but not in Tufeany, as is commonly belived, though Neumann proves that they were struck by Brutus, and are unquestionably as ancient as the Greek coins. The Thebans and Athenians probably coined the first gold after Philip had set them the example, and when they were attempting to resist the projects of that enterprising monarch. The Aetolians probably coined their gold during the time of their greatest power, about a century after Philip, and when they were combating the power of Aratus and the Achaean league. "There is (says Mr Pinkerton) but one ἀργυροῦς of Thebes, much worn, in Dr Hunter's cabinet, and weighing but 59 grains; and perhaps not above two or three ἀργυροῦς or gold didrachms of Athens in the world; one of which is also in the collection of Dr Hunter, and weighs 13 1/2 grains. It appears to be more modern than the reign of Philip. That monarch having got possession of the mines of Philippi in Thrace, improved them so much, that they produced him annually above a thousand talents of gold, or 2,880,000l. of our money. From this gold the first coins named from the monarch, Philipi, were struck. They were marked with his portrait; and for many ages after were so numerous, that they were common in the Roman empire; whence the name Philippi became at length common to gold, silver, and at last even brafs coins of their size. Even in the time of Philip gold was very scarce in Greece; but after the Phocians had plundered the temple of Delphos, this precious metal which had been valued as gems, and consecrated only to the decoration of the temples of the gods, began to be known among the Greeks. The comparative value of gold and silver, however, seem to have been at that time very different from what they are now. Herodotus values gold at 13 times its weight in silver; Plato in his Hipparchus at 12; and even the low value of 10 to 1 seems to have been the rated value in Greece, though in Rome the plenty of silver from the Spanish mines made the value of gold to be much higher; and there is no reason to think that it was ever valued in that city at less than 12 times its weight in silver. The Philippos ἀργυροῦς, gold piece, or stater, is a didrachm, and is the most common of all the ancient coins. Mr Pinkerton is of opinion that it went for 20 silver drachms on its first appearance; but in latter times for 25 Greek drachmae or Roman denarii. There are proofs of the Philippi being didrachms, both from the writings of ancient authors and from numbers of the coins themselves, which remain to this day; and that the ἀργυροῦς, or principal gold coin of Greece, was of the same weight, is also evident from ancient writings. It was anciently worth about 15s. but valuing gold now at the medium price of 4l. per ounce, it is worth about 20s. The ἀργυροῦς, or half the former coin, fearcely occurs of the coinage of Philip and Alexander, though it does of Hiero I. of Syracuse and of King Pyrrhus. It passed for ten silver drachmas, and was valued only at 7s. 6d. though now worth 10s. There was another division of this kind worth about 5s. There were besides some lesser divisions of gold coins, which could not be worth above two drachmas. These were coined in Cyrene; and there were besides several old gold coins of Asia Minor, the value of which is now unknown. Our author supposes that they were coined not with relation to their weight as parts of the drachma, but merely to make them correspond with so many silver pieces as was necessary. There are also larger coins than the ἀργυροῦς, the δίαργυροι of Alexander and Lyfinmachus being double its value. Some others are met with of Lyfinmachus, Antiochus III. and some of the Egyptian monarchs, weighing four times the ἀργυροῦς, and now worth about 4l. sterling. Some weigh even more; but this our author supposes owing to a difference in the purity of the gold.

In Rome, as well as in Greece, the money was at first estimated by weight; and the first metal coined money by that people was copper, silver being long unknown in Rome; nor is it certainly known that any silver has ever been found in the Italian mines. In Rome the first valuation of money was by the libra grossis arvis, or pound of heavy brafs: and in the progress of their conquests, the little silver and gold that came in their way was regulated by the same standard, as appears from the story of Brennus. The weights made of the Ro. ule of were the same with those which continue to this man pound. The pound consisted of 12 ounces of 458 grains each; but the pound by which the money was weighed appears to have consisted only of 420 grains to the ounce, or to have contained in all 5040 grains. This became the standard of copper; and when silver came to be coined, seven denarii went to the ounce as eight drachms did in Greece. Gold was regulated by the feriptulum or ferupulum, the third part of a denarius, and by the larger weights just mentioned. The number 10 was at first used by the Romans in counting their money; but finding afterwards that a smaller number was more convenient, they divided it into quarters; and as the quarter of 10 is 2 1/2, they for this reason bestowed upon it the name of feftertius or "half seferting, the third;" to express that it was two of any weights, as, &c. measures, &c. and half a third; whence the sefertius came at last to be the grand estimate of Roman money. The as being at first the largest, and indeed the only Roman coin, the word sefertius means sefertius as, or "two ases and a half." On the first coining of silver, the denarius of ten ases was struck in the most common and convenient denary division of money, or that by tens; the sefertius being of course two ases and a half. But the denarius being afterwards estimated at 16 ases, the name sefertius was fill applied to a quarter of the denarius, though it now contained four ases. The term sefertius was applied to all sums not exceeding 1000 sefertii, or 81. 6s. 8d.; but for greater sums the mode of the sefertius was likewise altered, though not to exclude the former. Very large sums of money were estimated by the hundred weight of brafs; for the Romans were at first unacquainted with the talent. The hundred weight, by way of eminence, was distinguished by the name of pondus, and feffertium pondus became a phrase for two hundred weight and a half. Mr Pinkerton is of opinion, that we may value the as libralis of ancient Rome at about eightpence English. Estimating the as therefore at a pound weight, the feffertium pondus was equal to 1000 feffertii, or 8l. 6s. 8d.; and by coincidence which our author supposes to have been the effect of design, as soon as the silver coinage appeared, the feffertium centum denariorum was always equal to 8l. 6s. 8d. allo. The word feffertium itself, however, seems to have been unknown prior to the coinage of silver money at Rome: the pondera gravis eris being sufficient before that time for all the purposes of a state in which money was so scarce. But however this may be, the pondus or hundred weight of brafs was precisely worth 100 denarii, or a pound of silver. As the great feffertium was always valued at 1000 of the smaller, or 8l. 6s. 8d. we never find one feffertium mentioned in authors, but two, three, or more; ten thousand of them being equal to 83,331l. 6s. 8d.

The states from which the Romans may be supposed first to have derived their coinage, were the Etruscans and the Greek colonies in Magna Graecia and Sicily. Joseph Scaliger, Gronovius, &c. contend that it was from the Sicilians that the Romans first derived their knowledge of money; but Mr Pinkerton argues that it was from the Etruscans. In confirmation of his opinion, he appeals to the state of the Roman territories in the time of Servius Tullius, who is looked upon to have been the first who coined money at Rome. At that time the whole Roman dominion did not extend beyond ten miles round the city; and was entirely surrounded by the Etruscan and Latin states; Cumae being the next Greek colony to it that was of any consequence, and which was in the neighbourhood of Naples, at about the distance of 150 miles. Our author asks, Is it reasonable to think that the Romans received the use of money from the Etruscans and Latins who were their neighbours, or from the Greeks, who were at a distance, and at that time, as far as appears from their history, absolutely unknown to them? "If this argument (adds he), is strong with regard to the nearest Grecian colonies, what must it be with respect to Sicily, an island 300 miles distant from Rome, where it was not known, at that time, if a boat went by land or water?" Arguments, however, for this opinion have been derived from the similarity between the Sicilian and Roman coins; which Mr Pinkerton now proceeds to examine. The Greek pound in Sicily was called λίρα, and consisted, like the Roman, of 12 σφραγίς, or ounces; and Mr Pinkerton grants that the Roman libra was derived from the Greek λίρα, but denies that the as, or libra, a coin, was from Sicilian model. The Sicilians had indeed a coin named λίρα, but it was of silver, and of equal value to the Ἑλληνικόν standard, ten of which went to the Sicilian διασπάραχος. He differs from Gronovius, that the standard of Ἑλληνικόν was used at Corinth, and of course at Syracuse; and it appears from Aristotle, that the Sicilians had a talent or standard of their own. The Sicilian obolus or λίρα contained al- so 12 ounces or chalci, so named at first because they weighed an ounce weight; but the σφραγίς of Hiero weigh more than a troy ounce; and the brafs coins of Agrigentum are marked with cyphers as far as fix: the largest weighing only 186 grains, or about one-third of the primitive ounce. Our author denies that even the Roman denarius took its rise from the Sicilian διασπάραχος, as many authors assert. Were this the case, it would have weighed 180 grains; whereas the Roman denarii are not above the third part of the quantity.

From all these considerations, our author is of opinion that the Sicilians borrowed the division of their Sicilian λίρα from the Etruscans, or possibly from the Romans coins themselves; which our author thinks is more probable than that the Romans had it from Sicily. The strongest argument, however, against the Roman coinage being borrowed from the Sicilian is, that though great numbers of Sicilian coins are to be found in the cabinets of medallists, yet none of them resemble the as libralis of the Romans in any degree. In most cabinets also there are Etruscan coins upon the exact scale of the as libralis, and several of its divisions; from whence Mr Pinkerton concludes, that "thele, and these alone, must have afforded a pattern to the primitive Roman coinage." The Etruscans were a colony from Lydia, to which country Herodotus ascribes the first invention of coinage. "Those colonists (says Mr Pinkerton), upon looking round their settlements, and finding that no silver was to be had, and much less gold," supplied the mercantile medium with copper; to which the case of Sweden is very similar, which, as late as the last century, had copper coins of such magnitude, that wheelbarrows were used to carry off a sum not very considerable.

Some coins are found which exceed the as libralis in the most weight; and these are supposed to be prior to the time ancient Roman coins: of Servius Tullius. Some of them are met with of 34 and of 53 Roman ounces; having upon one side the figure of a bull rudely impressed, and upon the other the bones of a fish. They are most commonly found at Tuder, or Tudertum, in Umbria; but they appear always broken at one end: so that Mr Pinkerton is of opinion, that perhaps some might be struck of the decussis form, or weighing ten pounds. These pieces, in our author's opinion, make it evident, that the Romans derived their large brafs coins from the Etruscans and the neighbouring states: they are all cast in moulds; and the greater part of them appear much more ancient than the Roman ases, even such as are of the greatest antiquity.

Mr Pinkerton agrees with Sir Isaac Newton as to the time that Servius Tullius reigned in Rome, which he supposes to be about 460 B. C. His coinage seems to have been confined to the as, or piece of brafs having the impression of Janus on the one side, and the prow of a ship on the other; because Janus arrived in Italy by sea. Varro, however, informs us, that the very first coins of Tullius had the figure of a bull or other cattle upon them, like the Etruscan coins, of which they were imitations. Those with the figure of Janus and the prow of a ship upon them may be supposed first to have appeared about 400 B. C. but in a short time, various subdivisions of the as were coined. The Subdivisio semis, or half, is commonly stamped with the head of one of the Jupiter as, Jupiter laureated; the triens or third, having four cyphers, as being originally of four ounces weight, has the head of Minerva; the quadrans or quarter, marked with three cyphers, has the head of Hercules wrapt in the lion's skin; the sextans or sixth, having only two cyphers, is marked with the head of Mercury with a cap and wings; while the uncia having only one cypher, is marked with the head of Rome. All these coins appear to have been cast in moulds, by a considerable number at a time; and in the British museum there are four of them all united together as taken out of the mould in which perhaps dozens were cast together. In process of time, however, the smaller divisions were struck instead of being cast; but the larger still continued to be cast until the as fell to two ounces. Even after this time it was still called libra, and accounted a pound of copper; though there were now larger denominations of it coined, such as the biffas or double as; tresfis and quadruflis of three and four as; nay, as far as decuflis or ten as, marked X. Olivieri mentions one in his own cabinet weighing upwards of 25 ounces, and cast when the as was about three ounces weight. There is likewise in the Museum Etruscum a decuflis of 43 Roman ounces, cast when the as was at four ounces. There was likewise a curious decuflis in the Jesuits library at Rome, for which an English medallist offered 20l.; but it was seized by the pope along with every other thing belonging to the society.

Mr Pinkerton contests the opinion of Pliny that the as continued of a pound weight till the end of the first Punic war. His opinion (he says), is contested by the coins which still remain; and it appears probable to him that the as decreased gradually in weight; and, from one or two of the pieces which still exist, he seems to think that the decrease was slow, as from a pound to eleven ounces, then to ten, nine, &c.; but neither the as nor its parts were ever correctly sized. During the time of the second Punic war, when the Romans were sore pressed by Hannibal, the as was reduced to a single ounce. It is said to have taken place in the 215th year before our era, being about 36 years after the former change. This as libralis, with the faces of Janus upon it, is the form most commonly met with previous to its being reduced to two ounces. Our author supposes that the as libralis continued for at least a century and a half after this coinage of Tullius down to 300 B. C. about the year of Rome 452, between which and the 502d year of Rome a gradual diminution of the as to two ounces must have taken place. The following table of the dates of the Roman coinage is given by Mr Pinkerton.

<table> <tr> <th>As libralis with Janus and the prow of a ship</th> <th>400</th> </tr> <tr> <th>As of ten ounces</th> <th>300</th> </tr> <tr> <th>Eight</th> <th>290</th> </tr> <tr> <th>Six</th> <th>280</th> </tr> <tr> <th>Four</th> <th>270</th> </tr> <tr> <th>Three</th> <th>260</th> </tr> <tr> <th>Two, according to Pliny</th> <th>250</th> </tr> <tr> <th>One, according to the same author</th> <th>214</th> </tr> <tr> <th>About 175 B. C. also, we are informed by Pliny</th> <th></th> </tr> </table>

that the as was reduced to half an ounce by the Papyrian law, at which it continued till the time of Pliny himself, and long after.

After the Romans began to have an intercourse with Greece, a variety of elegant figures appear upon the parts of the as, though not on the as itself till after the time of Sylla. Towards the latter end of the republic also, dupondii, or double ases, were coined, together, with the feftertii aerii, which came in place of the quadrifex, when the denarius began to be reckoned at 16 ases; probably at the time the latter was reduced to half an ounce. In some instances it is to be observed, that the Romans accommodated their coins to the country where their army was stationed; whence we have many coins marked as Roman, which have been coined in Magna Graecia and Sicily, and are evidently upon the Greek and not the Roman scale. In the latter part of the republican times, also, the types begin to vary; so that we have a brafs coin supposed to be struck by Sextus Pompeius in Sicily, having upon it a double head of that warrior, representing a Janus. Mr Pinkerton supposes it to have been a dupondius; which indeed appears to be the case from the double head. This coin is of copper, and still weighs an ounce, notwithstanding its antiquity.

The largest imperial copper coin was the feftertius, of a piece worth about twopence of our money. Mr Pinkerton censures severely the opinion of other medallists, all of whom say that the feftertius was of silver. "In fact (says he), it would be as rational in any antiquary, a thousand years hence, to contend that the halfpenny and farthing are of silver, because they were so in the reign of Henry VIII." In confirmation of his own opinion, he quotes the following passage from Pliny: "The greatest glory of brafs is now due to the Marian, called also that of Cordova. This, after the Livian, most absorbs the lapis calaminaris, and imitates the goodness of native orichalcum in our feftertii and dupondiarii, the ases being contented with their own copper." Gronovius confesses that he does not know what to make of this passage, and that it causes him hesitate in his opinion. The Livian mine mentioned here by Pliny, is supposed to have got its name from Livia the wife of Augustus; and it is probable that the pieces marked with her portraits, entitled Justitia, Salus, Virtus, &c. were dupondii from this very mine, the metal being exceedingly fine, and of the kind named Corinthian brafs by the ancient medallists. "Perhaps (says Mr Pinkerton), the mine received its name from this very circumstance of her coins being struck in the metal taken from it."

No change took place in the Roman coinage from the time that the as fell to half an ounce to the days of Pliny: but Mr Pinkerton observes, that before the time of Julius Caesar yellow brafs began to be used, and was always looked upon to be double the value of Cyprian or red copper. There are but few coins in large brafs immediately before Julius Caesar, or even belonging to that emperor; but from the time of Augustus downward, the large coins are all found of brafs, and not one of them copper. The largest of what are called the middle size are all of yellow brafs; and the next size, which is the as, and weighs half an ounce, is universally copper. What the ancients na- med orichalcum, or what we call brafs, was always looked upon to be greatly superior in value to the aes Cyprium. Procopius, speaking of a statue of Julian, tells us, that brafs inferior in colour to gold is almost equal in value to silver. The mines of native brafs were very few in number, and were owing entirely to the singular combination of copper and lapis calamina-ris in the bowels of the earth, which very seldom occurs; and the ancients were far from being well acquainted with the method of combining these two bodies artificially; so that yellow brafs was always esteemed at double the value of copper; and hence, in the ancient coinages, the brafs and copper pieces were kept as distinct as those of gold and silver.

Mr Pinkerton challenges to himself the discovery that the imperial fesertius was of brafs; and is at considerable pains to bring proofs of it. Besides the testimony of Pliny, which of itself would be decisive, this is supported by the strongest collateral evidence of other authors. From a passage in Julius Africanus, who wrote the ἱστορία, or Treatise on Medicine, it appears that the nummus, or fesertius, weighed an ounce, and of consequence that it could not be silver but brafs; and all the large imperial Roman coins weigh an ounce. We know not the age in which Julius Africanus lived; and as he makes the denarius to contain 16 as, he must have been before the age of Gallienus, when it had 60. Gronovius supposes him to have been the same mentioned by Eusebius. This author speaks of a Julius Africanus who lived in the time of Heliogabalus, and whom Mr Pinkerton supposes to have been the same with him above mentioned.

The fesertius underwent no change till the time of Alexander Severus, when it was diminished by one-third of its weight. Trajanus Decius was the first who coined double fesertii, or quinarii, of brafs; but from the time of Trebonianus Gallus to that of Gallienus, when the first brafs ceases, the fesertius does not weigh above the third part of an ounce; the larger coins are accounted double fesertii; and after the time of Gallienus it totally vanishes. In the times of Valerian and Gallienus we find a new kind of coinage, mentioned by the name of denarii aris, or Philip-pi ærei. Two sizes of denarii began to be used in the time of Caracalla; the larger of fix fesertii, or 24 assaria; the smaller of four fesertii, or 16 assaria as usual. In the time of Pupienus, the latter was reduced to such a small size as not to weigh more than 36 grains; though in Caracalla's time it weighed 56. After the time of Gordian III. the smaller coin fell into disuse, as breeding confusion. The larger denarius of fix fesertii, though diminished at last to the size of the early denarius, still retained its value of fix fesertii, or 24 assaria. The Philippus æreus came at length in place of the fesertius. It was also called denarius; from which we may learn not only their size, but that they were in value ten assaria as the first denarius. In the reign of Diocletian, the place of the fesertius was supplied by the follis; that emperor having restored the silver coin to its purity, and likewise given this form to the copper; but it would seem that this restoration of the coinage only took place towards the end of his reign; whence we have but few of his silver coins, and still fewer of the follis, though the denarii ærei continue quite common down to the time of Constantine. The follis of Diocletian seems to have weighed above half an ounce; and Mr Pinkerton is of opinion, that Diocletian designed this coin to supply the place of the denarius æreus; which of course was worth ten assariae, and fix of them went to the silver denarius. From this time the assarium diminishes to the size of 30 grains; and soon after the follis appeared, the denarius æreus was entirely dropped, the former having gradually supplied its place. Some mints appear to have retained the use of the denarius longer than others; and in some the change was preceded, and gradually brought in, by washing the follis with silver or tin, as the denarius had formerly been. Pieces of this kind occur in the times of Diocletian, Maximian I. and II. and Constantius I.; that is, for about ten years after the follis made its appearance. Some countries, however, retained the denarius æreus; others the follis; and some had a medium betwixt the two, or the follis washed in imitation of the denarius.

Towards the end of the reign of Constantine I. a new coinage was introduced throughout the whole empire. The follis coined by this prince was of half an ounce weight; 24 of them going to the milliarensis, or larger silver coin. The word follis signifies also a purse, in which sense we sometimes find it mentioned in the Byzantine history. The common follis of silver, when it occurs by itself, means a purse of 250 milliarensis, as the fesertium was 250 denarii; and by a law of Constantine I. every man paid to the state a follis or purse according to his income. The method of counting by purses continues in Turkey to this day.

The dupondius was only half the value of the fesertius, or about one penny sterling; and before the issuing of yellow brafs appeared it seems to have been struck upon copper, and double the size of the as. There are some of this coin, struck in the time of Julius Caesar, in yellow brafs, weighing half an ounce, with a head of Venus Victrix upon one side; on the reverse, a female figure, with serpents at her feet: while others have a Victory on the reverse, with Q. Oppius Pr. After the time of Augustus, the dupondius was struck in yellow brafs; which Pliny tells us was also the case in his time. The word dupondiaris seems to have been used by Pliny, and adopted, not to express that the coin was dupondius, but that it was of dupondiary value. Neither was the former word confined to signify double weight, but was used also for double length or measure, as in the instance of dupondius pes, or two feet, &c. In the imperial times, therefore, dupondius was used, not to signify a coin of double the weight of the as, but of double the value. It was one of the most common of the Roman coins; and seems to have been very common even in Constantinople. In the time of Justinian, it seems there was a custom of nicknaming young students of the law dupondii, against which the emperor made a law; but it is not known what gave rise to the name. The dupondius, though of the same size with the as, is commonly of finer workmanship, the metal being greatly superior in value. It continues to be of yellow brafs, as well as the fesertius, to the time of Gallienus; but the as is always in copper.

The imperial as, or assarium, was worth only a halfpenny. halfpenny. At first it weighed half an ounce, and was always of copper till the time of Gallienus, when it was made of brafs, and weighed only the eighth part of an ounce. From the time of Gallienus to that of Diocletian, it continued to diminish till more, the fize being then twenty to an ounce. This was the fame with the lepta, or smalleft coins but the noumia, which weighed only ten grains.

The parts of the as occur but feldom: which may, indeed, be well expected, confidering the low value of it; though there fill occur fome of thoef called femis, triens, quadrans, sextans, and uncia, coined in the times of Nero and Domitian. There is no small brafs from the time of Pertinax to that of Gallienus, excepting that of Trajanus Decius; but in the time of Gallienus it becomes extremely common; and the coins of small brafs, as well as the larger, are always marked S. C. fuch as want it being univerfally accounted forgeries; and were plated with silver, though the plating be now worn off. The small pieces struck for slaves during the time of the faturialia, muft alfo be diftinguifhed from the parts of the as. The S. C. upon thefe moft probably signifies Saturni Confufio, and were struck in ridicule of the true coins, as the slaves on that occasion had every privilege of irony.

The feftertius diminifhes from Pertinax to Gallienus fo falt, that no parts of the as are struck, itfelf being fo small. Trajanus Decius, indeed, coined fome fmall pieces, which went for the femis of the time. The fmall brafs coins under Gallienus were called afaria, fixty of which went to the filver denarius. They are about the fize of the denarius, and fome of them occur of the coinage of Gallus and his family, of half that fize, which appear to have been struck during the latter part of his reign, when the afarium was diminihiied to a ftill fmalier fize. It is probable, however, that fome of thefe very fmall coins had been struck in all ages of the empire, in order to fatter among the people on folemn occasions. Mr Pinkerton is of opinion that they are the miffilia, though moft other medallifts think that they are medallions. "But if fo (fays our author), they were certainly called miffilia à non mittendo; for it would be odd if fince medallions were scattered among the mob. It is a common custom juft now to strike counters to fatter among the populace on fuch occasions, while medals are given to peers of the kingdom; and we may very juftly reafon from analogy on this occasion."

The afforion or lepton of the Constantinopolitan empire was, as we have already obferved, one of the fmalleft coins known in antiquity, weighing no more than 20 grains; and the noumia were the very fmalleft which have reached our times, being only one half of the former. By reafon of their extreme fmalnefs, they are very scarce; but Mr Pinkerton informs us, that he has in his poffeffion a fine one of Theodosius II. which has on it the emperor's head in profile. Theodosius P. F. AV.; on the reverfe a wreath, having in the centre VOT. XX.: MULT. XXX.

The principal coin of the lower empire was the follis, which was divided into an half and quarter, named ἡμισοφόλιος and πενταργος; the latter of which is fown by Du Cange to have been a fmall brafs coin, as the other is fuppoſed to have been by Mr Pinkerton.—Befides thefe, the follis was divided into eight oboli, 16 afaria or lepta, and 32 noumia, though in common computation it contained 40 of thefe laft. This coin, notwithstanding fo many divifions, was of no more value than a halfpenny.

Mr Pinkerton controverts an opinion, common among medallifts, that the largest brafs coin or follis of the lower empire had 40 fmall coins, exprefled by the letter M upon it; the next had 30, exprefled by the letter Λ; the half by the letter Κ; and the quarter marked I, which contained only 10. Mr Pinkerton informs us, that he has three coins of Anafatius, all marked M in large ; one of them weighs more than half an ounce; the fecond 40 grains lefs; and the third of 160 grains, or one-third of an ounce; but the fize is fo very unequal, that the laft, which is very thick, does not appear above half the fize of the firt. There are pieces of Juthinian which weigh a whole ounce; but the fize of copper was increafed as the filver became scarcer; and the value of the coinage cannot be deduced from the weight of the coins, as it is plain that our own coinage is not of half the value with regard to the metal. A great number of medallions were struck by Conftantius II., but there is no other copper larger than the half ounce, excepfing that of Anafatius, when the follis began to be struck larger. All medallifts allow the others to be medallions.

The metal employed in thefe very fmall coins, though at firt of brafs, was always a bafe and refufe kind; but copper is generally made ufe of in the parts of the as from the earliest times to the laft; and if brafs be fometimes employed, it is never fuch as appears in the feftertii and dupondiarii, which is very fine and beautiful, but only the refufe. "Yellow brafs of the right fort (fays Mr Pinkerton), feems totally to have ceafed in the Roman coinage with the feftertius, under Gallienus, though a few fmall coins of very bad metal appear under that hue as late as Juilian II."

Silver was coined in Rome only as late as the 48th Roman year of the city, or 266 B. C. Varro indeed speaks filver of silver having been coined by Servius Tullius, and the libella having been once in filver; but Pliny's authority muft be accounted of more weight than that of this author, as he mistakes the λάρης of Sicily for Roman coins, having been current at Rome during the time of the firft Punic war. Even Pliny, according to our author, very frequently mistakes with regard to matters much antecedent to his own time; and among the moderns he criticifes fervely Erafmus and Hume. "Erafmus (fays he), who had been in England for fome time, talks of leaden money being ufed here." Not even a leaden token was struck in the reign of Henry VIII.; yet his authority has been followed with due deference to fo great a name; for how could Erafmus, who muft have seen the matter with his own eyes, affert a direét falfehood? To give a later inftance in a writer of reputation, Mr Hume, in Vol. VI. of his history, has thefe words, in treating of the reign of James I. "It appears that copper halfpence and farthings began to be coined in this reign. Tradefmen had commonly carried on their retail bufinefs by leaden tokens. The fmall filver penny was foon loft; and at this time was nowhere to be found." Copper halfpence and farthings were not struck till Charles II. 1672: there were fmall tokens for farthings struck in copper by James I. but not one for the halfpenny. The silver farthings had ceased with Edward VI. but the silver halfpence continued the sole coins till Edward II. It was by copper tokens that small business was carried on. The silver penny was much used till the end of the reign of George I.; and so far from being nowhere to be found, is superabundant of every reign since that period, not excepting even the present reign of George III. From these instances the reader may judge how strangely writers of all ages blunder, when treating a subject of which they are entirely ignorant."

The first silver denarii coined at Rome, are supposed by our author to have been those which are impressed with the ROMA; and he inclines to account those the most ancient that have a double female head on the one side, and on the reverse Jupiter in a car, with Victory holding the reins, and the word ROMA indented in a rude and singular manner. The double female head seems to denote Rome, in imitation of the Janus then upon the as. There are 15 of these in the cabinet of Dr Hunter; one of the largest weighs 98 1/2 grains: and the rest, which seem to be of greatest antiquity, are of various weights betwixt that and 84; the smaller and more modern weigh 58 or 59 grains; but Mr Pinkerton is of opinion, that the large ones are of the very first Roman coinage, and struck during that interval of time betwixt the coinage of the first silver denarius and the as of two ounces. He takes the indentation of the word ROMA to be a mark of great antiquity; such a mode being scarcely known anywhere else, except in Caulonia, Crotona, and other towns of Italy; all of them allowed to be struck at least 400 B. C. As these coins are not double denarii, they must have been struck prior to the small ones; and Neumann has given an account of one of them re-coined by Trajan, in which the indentation of ROMA is carefully preserved. The first denarius was in value 10 ases, when the as weighed three ounces; and allowing 90 grains at a medium for one of these large denarii, the proportion of copper to silver must have been as 1 to 160: but when the as fell to one ounce, the proportion was as 1 to 80; when it fell to half an ounce, so that 16 ases went to the denarius, the proportion was as 1 to 64, at which it remained. Copper with us, in coinage, is to silver as one to 40; but in actual value as 1 to 72.

At Rome the denarius was worth 8d.; the quinarius 4d.; and the sesterce, whether silver or brafs, 2d. The denarius is the coin from which our penny is derived, and was the chief silver coin in Rome for 600 years. According to Celsus, seven denarii went to the Roman ounce, which in metals did not exceed 430 grains; but as all the denarii hitherto met with weigh at a medium only 60 grains, this would seem to make the Roman ounce only 420 grains; though perhaps this deficiency may be accounted for from the unavoidable waste of metal even in the best preserved of these coins. According to this proportion the Roman pound contained 84 denarii; but in tale there was a very considerable excess; for no fewer than 100 denarii went to the Roman pound. The Greek ounce appears to have been considerably larger than that of Rome, containing about 528 grains; yet notwithstanding this apparently great odds, the difference in the coins was so small, that the Greek money went current in Rome, and the Roman in Greece. The denarius at first went for 10 ases, and was marked X; it was afterwards raised to 16; which Mr Pinkerton supposes to have been about 175 B. C. Some are met with bearing the number XVI, nay, with every number up to CCCCLXXVI. These large numbers are supposed to have been mint-marks of some kind or other. After being raised to 16 ases, it continued at the same value till the time of Gallienus; so that till that time we are to look upon its constituent parts to be 16 ases or asaria, eight dupondii, four brafs sestertii, and two silver quinarii. Under the emperor Severus, however, or his successor Caracalla, denarii were struck of two fizes, one of them a third heavier than the common; which we must of consequence suppose to have borne a third more value. This large piece obtained the name of argentus, and argentus Philippus, or the "silver Philip;" the name of Philip having become common to almost every coin. The common denarii now began to be termed minutii and argentus Philippus minutuli, &c. to express their being smaller than the rest. Some have imagined that the large denarii were of the same value with the small, only of worse metal; but Mr Pinkerton observes, that among the few which have any difference of metal, the smallest are always the worst. The first mention of the minutii is in the time of Alexander Severus, who reduced the price of pork from eight minutii at Rome to two and to one. The minutus argentus of that age was about 40 grains; and from the badness of the metal was not worth above 4d. of our money. Thus the price of meat was by this prince reduced first to 8d. and then to 4d.

According to Zozimus and other writers, the pu-Refraction rity of the Roman coin was restored by Aurelian: of the but Mr Pinkerton controverts this opinion; thinking it more probable, that he only made the attempt without success; or that his reformation might be entirely confined to gold, on which there is an evident change after the time of this emperor. His successor Tacitus is said to have allowed no brafs to be mixed with silver upon any account; yet the few coins of this emperor are very much alloyed. We are certain, however, that the emperor Diocletian restored the silver to its ancient purity; the denarii struck in his reign being very small indeed, but of fine silver as the most ancient coins of the empire. After Gordian III. the small denarius entirely vanished, while the large one was so much diminished, that it resembled the minutus, or small one of Caracalla, in size. Gallienus introduced the denarii æreï instead of the sestertii. The argentus, though reduced more than one-third in size, contained fix denarii ærei, the old standard of sestertii. According to the writers of this period, and some time afterwards, the denarius or argentus contained 60 asaria; whence it follows, that each denarius æreus had 10; and from this it probably had its name. The asaria are of the size of the argentii already mentioned; and show the copper to have retained nearly its old proportion of value to the silver, viz. 1 to 60.

A larger silver coin was introduced by Constantine I., who accommodated the new money to the pound of gold in such a manner, that 1000 of the silver coin in tale were equal to the latter in value; so that this new piece from thence obtained the name of the milliarensis or "thoufander." Its weight at a medium is 70 grains, or 70 to the pound of silver: but Mr Pinkerton is of opinion, that it might have contained 72 grains, of which two have now perished by the softness of the silver; that the pound contained 72; or that two of the number might be allowed for coinage; while the alloy alone would pay for coining gold. The code says, that 60 went to the pound; but the numbers of this are quite corrupt. The milliarensis was worth about a shilling sterling. The argentii or denarii, however, were still the most common currency; and having been originally rated at 100 to the pound of silver in tale, they from thence began to be called centenariales, or "hundreders." Those of Constantine I. and II. Constans, and Constantius, weigh from 50 grains down to 40; those of Julian and Jovian, from 40 to 30; and of the succeeding emperors from that time to Justinian, from 30 to 20. Under Heraclius they ceased entirely; and from Justinian to their total abolition, had been brought down from 15 to 10 grains. A like decrease of weight took place in the milliarensis; those of Constantine and Constans being above 70 grains in weight; those of Arcadius not above 60; and the milliarensis of Justinian not more than 30 grains; but, from the weight of those in Dr Hunter's cabinet, Mr Pinkerton deduces the medium to have been exactly 70\frac{1}{2} grains. These coins were also called majorinae.

The smaller silver coins of Rome were, 1. The quinarius, at first called victoriatus, from the image of Victory on its reverse; and which it continued to bear from first to last. Its original value was five ases, but it was afterwards raised to eight, when the value of the denarius increased to 16. According to Pliny, it was first coined in consequence of the lex Clodia, about the 52d year of Rome. Some are of opinion, that it was called negotiorum under the Constantinopolitan empire, because it was worth a negotiorum of gold, 144 of which went to the ounce: but this is denied by Mr Pinkerton, because, at the time that the word negotiorum first appears in history, the denarius did not weigh above 30 grains; and of consequence, as 25 must have gone to the gold solidus, of which there were fix in the ounce, 150 denarii must have gone to the ounce of gold. He is therefore of opinion, that the word negotiorum, was only another name for the denarius when much reduced in size; probably owing to the great scarcity of silver in Constantinople, though in the same city there was plenty of gold; and of consequence, the gold solidus was never diminished. "For Montefquieu (says our author) has well observed, that gold must be common where silver is rare. Hence gold was the common regulation of accounts in the Eastern empire." The negotiorum met with in ancient authors, according to Mr Pinkerton, was merely an improper name for the milliarensis; when, on account of the scarcity of silver, the denarius was reduced, and no milliarensis coined: so that the current milliarensis of former reigns happened to be double to the denarius or centenariales. The quinarius diminishes in size along with the other coins: those of Augustus weighing 30 grains, of Severus 25, of Constantine I. 20, of Justinian 12, and of Heraclius only 5. A new silver coinage seems to have taken place after the days of this emperor; as the little we then meet with, which in the best cabinets scarce exceeds a dozen of coins, consists entirely of large unhappily pieces of coarse metal.

2. The consular denarius had also four silver sesterctii till the as fell to half an ounce, when it was thought proper to coin the sesterctius in brafs, as it continued to be ever afterwards. "The very last silver sesterctius (says Mr Pinkerton) which appears, is one with a head of Mercury, and H. S.; on the reverse a caduceus P. SEPYLLIVS; who appears to be the P. SEPYLLIVS MACER of the denarii of Julius Caesar. If so, as is most probable, the sesterctius was coined in silver down to Augustus; and it is of course not to be expected that any of brafs can appear till Augustus, under whom they are actually quite common. I have indeed seen no coin which could be a consular brafs sesterctius; and though we have certainly brafs dupondii of Caesar, yet it is reasonable to infer, that the brafs sesterctius was first coined by Augustus. Not one silver sesterctius appears during the whole imperial period, yet we know that the sesterctius was the most common of all silver coins. The consular sesterctii of silver, marked H. S. are not uncommon, nor the quinarii; but the latter are very scarce of all the emperors, if we except one instance, the ASIA RECEPTA of Augustus.

"The Roman gold coinage was still later than that of silver. Pliny tells us, that 'gold was coined 62 years after silver;' and the scruple went for 60 sesterces. It was afterwards thought proper to coin 40* pieces out of the pound of gold. And our princes have by degrees diminished their weight to 45 in the pound." This account is confirmed by the pieces which still remain; for we have that very coin weighing a scruple, which went for 20 sesterces. On one side is the head of Mars, and on the other an eagle; and it is marked xx. We have another coin of the same kind, but double, marked xxxx; and its triple, marked \( \psi x \) or 60; the \( \psi \) being the old numeral character for 50. Mr Pinkerton, the discoverer of this, treats other medallists with great asperity. Savot and Hardouin are mentioned by name; the latter (he says) is "ignorant of common sense;" and neither he nor Savot could explain it but by reading backward; put the \( \psi \) for the Roman V, and thus making it xv. Other readings have been given by various medallists, but none have hit upon the true one excepting our author, though the coin itself led to it; being just three times the weight of that marked xx. We have likewise half the largest coin, which is marked xxx, and which weighs 26 grains; the smallest is only 17\( \frac{1}{2} \); the xxxx weighs 34; and the LXX or drachma 53. There is also the didrachm of this coinage, of 106 grains.

The aurei, or Roman gold coins, were at first 48 in number to 40, owing to an augmentation in the weight of each coin. In the time of Sylla, the aureus weighed no less than from 164 to 168 grains, and there were only 30 in the pound; but such confusion in the coinage was introduced by that conqueror, that no person could know exactly what he was worth. Till this time the aureus seems to have continued of the value of 30 silver denarii, about one pound sterling; for about that time it was enlarged a whole third, Ancient that it might still be equivalent to the full number of denarii. But after Sylla had taken Athens, and the arts and manners of Greece became objects of imitation to the Romans, the aureus fell to 40 in the pound, probably when Sylla had abdicated his dictatorship. Thus, being reduced near to the scale of the Greek ἀργυρός, it passed for 20 denarii, as the latter did for as many drachmas, being in currency 13s. 4d. sterling. "This (says Mr Pinkerton) is the more probable, because we know from Suetonius, that the great Caesar brought from Gaul so much gold, that it sold for nine times its weight of silver; but the Gallic gold was of a very base sort."

In the time of Claudius, the aureus was valued at 100 sestertii, or 25 silver denarii, at which it continued till the time of Heliogabalus, when it fell to about 92 grains at a medium, or rose in number to 55 in the pound. In the reign of Philip, during which the city completed its thousandth year, the aureus was coined of two or three sizes. These are impressed with a head of Rome on one side, and various figures on the other; but the workmanship is so rude, that they are supposed to have been struck in some of the more uncivilized provinces of the empire. The practice of having different gold coins, however, continued under Valerian, Gallienus, and his successors. In the time of Gallienus, they were of 30, 65, and from 86 to 93 grains; the double aurei being from 172 to 183½ grains; but the aureus properly so called was from 86 to 93; those of 30 and 32 being the trientes aurei of the Historie Auguflae Scriptores; while the larger, from 62 to 65, are to be accounted double trientes, and were perhaps called minuti aurei. The value of these different sizes of aurei is not known.

That Aurelian made some alteration in the coin is certain; but Mr Pinkerton supposes it to have been only in the gold; because under him and his successor Probus, the common aureus was of 100 grains, a size confined to those emperors: there are likewise halves of about 50 grains; and double aurei, commonly of very fine workmanship, of upwards of 200 grains. In the time of Gallienus, the precious metal was so common, that this emperor vied in magnificence with Nero and Heliogabalus. Aurelian, who plundered the rich city of Palmyra, and thus became master of the treasures of the east, obtained such a profusion of gold, that he looked upon it to be produced by nature in greater plenty than silver. It is remarkable that during this emperor's reign there was a rebellion among the money comers, which could not be quelled but by the destruction of several thousands; which Mr Pinkerton ascribes to his having ordered the gold to be restored to its former size, but to go for no more silver than it formerly did. "So very little silver (says he) occurs of this period, that it is plain no alteration in the silver produced the war with the moneyers; and in the brafs he made no change; or if he had, it were strange that such commotions should arise about so trifling a metal. But if, as appears from the coins, he ordered the aureus, which had fallen to 80 grains, to be raised to about 100, it is no wonder that the contractors should be in an uproar; for a whole quarter of their coinage, amounting as would seem, to all their profits, was lost. Aurelian judged, that when he found gold so common in the east, it was equally so in the west; and that the moneyers must have made a most exorbitant profit; but his ideas on this subject were partial and unjust; and after a short reign, which did not exceed five months after the alteration, the gold returned to its former course; though a few pieces occur of Aurelian's standard, struck, as would seem, in the commencement of the reign of Probus his successor.

From this time to that of Constantine I. the aureus weighed between 70 and 80 grains; but in his reign it was changed for the solidus, of which fix went to the ounce of gold, which went for 14 milliarenses, and 25 denarii as before; the value of silver being now to gold as 14 to 1. This new coin continued of the same value to the final downfall of the Constantinopolitan empire; gold being always very plentiful in that city, though silver became more and more scarce. The solidus was worth 12s. sterling. Here again our author most severely criticises Mr Clarke and Mr Raper: the former (he says) with respect to the value of gold in the time of Constantine I. "has left all his senses behind him. In page 267, he absurdly asserts, that 20 denarii went to the solidus in the time of Theodosius I. and proceeds with this deplorable error to the end of his work. He then tells us, that only 14 denarii went to the solidus under Constantine I." &c. To Mr Raper, however, he is a little more merciful, as he owns, that "though he (Mr Raper) has strangely confounded the milliarens with the denarius, he has yet kept common sense for his guide." Mr Pinkerton, indeed, argues with great probability, "that had any change in the coinage taken place between the time of Constantine and Theodosius I. that is, in less than 50 years, the laws of that period, which are all in the Theodosian code, must have noticed it." To this and other arguments upon the subject, Mr Pinkerton adds the following observation upon the value of gold and silver: "As a state advances to its height, gold increases in value; and as a state declines, it decreases, providing the metals are kept on a par as to purity. Hence we may argue, that gold decreased in its relation to silver perhaps four or five centuries, furnished most European kingdoms with gold in coin, which otherwise would, from their want of arts and of intercourse with the east, then the grand seminary of that metal, have almost been ignorant of what gold was. These gold coins were called Bezants in Europe, because sent from Byzantium or Constantinople; and were solidi of the old scale, fix to the ounce. In Byzantine writers, the solidus is also called nomisma, or "the coin;" crysinos, because of gold; hyperperos, from its being refined with fire, or from its being of bright gold flaming like fire. The solidi also, as the aurei formerly, received names from the princes whose portraits they bore; as Michelati, Manuelati. Solidus is a term used also for the aureus by Apuleius, who lived in the time of Antoninus the Philosopher; nay, as early as the pretorian edicts of the time of Trajan. It was then a distinction from the semifiss or half. In the time of Valerian, when aurei of different sizes had been introduced, it became necessary to distinguish the particular aurei meant. Hence in the Imperial Rescripts, published by the Historiae Auguflae Scriptores, Valerian uses the term Philippes nosfri vultui, for the common aurei. Aurelian uses the same term aurei Philippei, for the aurei which he had restored to their size in some degree. Gallienus uses aurei Valeriani for his father's coins. Aurei Antoniniani are likewise put by Valerian for coins of the early Antonini, of superior flandard to any then used.

In the first gold coinage at Rome the aureus was divided into four parts: the semifills of 60 sesterii; the tremissis or third, of 40; the fourth, the name of which is not mentioned, of 30; and the scrupulum of 20. But in a short time all of these fell into disuse, except the semifills or half, which is extremely scarce; so that it is probable that few have been struck. It is an erroneous opinion (according to Mr Pinkerton), that the semifills was called a denarius aureus. The aureus itself indeed had this name; but the name of quinarius is applied to the semifills with greater propriety than the former. Trientes, or tremisses of gold, are found of Valerian and his son Gallienus, and weigh about 30 grains. Those of Salonina the wife of Gallienus weigh 33 grains. Under the Constantinopolitan empire, tremisses again made their appearance; and from the time of Valentinian downwards, the thirds are the most common coins of gold, being worth about 4s. sterling. The semifills is likewise mentioned, but none occur earlier than the time of Basiliscus. The gold tremissis was the pattern of the French and Spanish gold coins; as the silver denarius, in its diminished state, was of the Gothic and Saxon penny.

We shall close this account of the Roman money with some remarks concerning the mint, and method of coinage. This at first seems to have been under the direction of the quaestor. About the time that silver was first coined in Rome, viz. about 266 B. C. the triumviri monetales were created. They were at first of senatorial rank, but were by Augustus chosen from among the equestrian; and the title of triumviri was continued till after the time of Caracalla; but under Aurelian there was probably but one master of the mint, called rationalis; and Mr Pinkerton is of opinion that the change took place under Gallienus. He seems also to have permitted the provincial cities to coin gold and silver, as well as to have altered the form of the mints in the capital, and to have ordered them all to strike money with Latin legends, and of the same forms; as in his time we first meet with coins with mint marks of cities and offices. The violent insurrection which took place in his reign has already been mentioned, as well as its probable cause; and Mr Gibbon has shown, that the concealed enemies of Aurelian took such advantage of this insurrection, that it cost 7000 of his best troops before it could be quelled. About this time the procurator monetae seems to have succeeded the rationalis as director of the mint. In the colonies, the direction of the mint seems to have been given to the decemviri, whose names frequently occur on colonial coins; "which (says Mr Pinkerton), though generally of rude invention, and ruder execution, are yet often interesting and important."

The engraving of the ancient dies used in coinage was a work of much genius and labour; and at Rome Greek artists were generally employed in it; but it has been thought a matter of great surprize, that scarcely any two ancient coins are to be found exactly the same. Hence some antiquaries have imagined that only a single coin was thrown off from each die. M.

Beauvais informs us, that the only two Roman imperial coins of the first times which he had seen perfectly alike were those of the emperor Galba. It is, however, the opinion of the best judges, that a perfect similarity betwixt two medals is a very great reason for supposing one of them to be forged. "It must also be observed (says Mr Pinkerton), that the differences in coins, apparently from the same die, are often so minute as to escape an eye not used to microscopic observations of this sort. But it would be surprising if any two ancient coins were now found struck with the same die; for out of each million issued, not above one has reached us. Dies soon give way by the violence of the work, and the ancients had no punchers nor matrices, but were forced to engrave many dies for the same coin. Even in our mint, upon finding for a shilling's worth of new halfpence, it will appear that three or four dies have been used. Sometimes the obverse of the die gives way, sometimes the reverse; but among us it is renewed by punchers, though with variations in the lettering or other minute strokes; while the ancients were forced to recur to another die differently engraved. The engravers of the die were called caelatores; other officers employed in the mint were the spectatores, expectatores, or nummularii. The melters were styled fufarii, flatturii, and flatturarii; those who adjusted the weight were called equatores monetarum; those who put the pieces into the die fuppitores, and those who struck them malleatores. At the head of each office was an officer named primicerius, and the foreman was named optio et exactor."

In order to affix the high relief on the coins, the metal, after being melted and refined, was cast into bullets, as appears from the ancient coins not being cut or filed on the edges, but often cracked, and always rough and unequal. These bullets were then put into the die, and received the impression by repeated strokes of the hammer, though sometimes a machine appears to have been used for this purpose: for Boiterue informs us, that there was a picture of the Roman mintage in a grotto near Baize, where a machine was represented holding up a large stone as if to let it fall suddenly, and strike the coin at once. None of the ancient money was cast in moulds, excepting the most ancient and very large Roman brafs, commonly called weights, and other Italian pieces of that sort; all the rest being mere forgeries of ancient and modern times. Some Roman moulds which have been found are a proof of this; and from these some medallists have erroneously imagined that the ancients first cast their money in moulds, and then stamped it, in order to make the impression more clear and sharp.

The ancients had some knowledge of the method of crenating the edges of their coins, which they did by cutting out regular notches upon them; and of this kind we find some of the Syrian and ancient consular coins, with a few others. The former were cast in this shape, and then struck; but the latter were created by incision, to prevent forgery, by showing the infide of the metal: however, the ancient forgers also found out a method of imitating this; for Mr Pinkerton informs us, that he had a Roman consular coin, of which the incisions, like the rest, were plated with silver over the copper. Sect. VI. Of the Preservation of Medals.

We now come to consider what it is that distinguishes one medal from another, and why some are so highly prized more than others. This, in general, besides its genuineness, consists in the high degree of preservation in which it is. This, by Mr Pinkerton, is called the conservation of medals, and is by him regarded as good and as perfect. In this, he says that a true judge is so nice, that he will reject even the rarest coins if in the least defaced either in the figures or legend. Some, however, are obliged to content themselves with those which are a little rubbed, while those of superior taste and abilities have in their cabinets only such as are in the very state in which they came from the mint; and, such, he says, are the cabinets of Sir Robert Austin, and Mr Walpole, of Roman silver, at Strawberryhill. It is absolutely necessary, however, that a coin be in what is called good preservation; which in the Greek or Roman emperors, and the colonial coins, is supposed to be when the legends can be read with some difficulty; but when the conservation is perfect, and the coin just as it came from the mint, even the most common coins are valuable.

The fine rust, like varnish, which covers the surface of brafs and copper coins, is found to be the best preserver of them; and is brought on by lying in a certain kind of soil. Gold cannot be contaminated but by iron mold, which happens when the coin lies in a foil impregnated with iron; but silver is susceptible of various kinds of rust, principally green and red; both of which yield to vinegar. In gold and silver coins the rust must be removed, as being prejudicial; but in brafs and copper it is preservative and ornamental; a circumstance taken notice of by the ancients. "This fine rust (says Mr Pinkerton), which is indeed a natural varnish not imitable by the art of man, is sometimes a delicate blue, like that of a turquoise; sometimes of a bronze brown, equal to that observable in ancient statues of bronze, and so highly prized; and sometimes of an exquisite green, a little on the azure hue, which last is the most beautiful of all. It is also found of a fine purple, of olive, and of a cream colour or pale yellow: which last is exquisite, and shows the impression to as much advantage as paper of cream colour, used in all great foreign presses, does copperplates and printing." The Neapolitan patina (the rust in question) is of a light green; and when free from excrecence or blemish is very beautiful. Sometimes the purple patina gleams through an upper coat of another colour, with as fine effect as a variegated silk or gem. In a few instances a rust of a deeper green is found; and it is sometimes spotted with the red or bronze shade, which gives it quite the appearance of the East Indian stone called the blood-stone. "These rusts are all, when the real product of time, as hard as the metal itself, and preserve it much better than any artificial varnish could have done; concealing at the same time not the most minute particle of the impression of the coin."

The value of medals is lowered when any of the letters of the legend are misplaced; as a suspicion of forgery is thus induced. Such is the case with many of those of Claudius Gothicus. The fame, or even greater, diminution in value takes place in such coins as have not been well fixed in the die, which has occasioned their slipping under the strokes of the hammer, and thus made a double or triple image. Many coins of this kind are found in which the one side is perfectly well formed, but the other blundered in the manner just mentioned. Another blemish, but of smaller moment, and which to some may be rather a recommendation, is where the workmen through inattention have put another coin into the die without taking out the former. Thus the coin is convex on one side, and concave on the other, having the same figure upon both its sides.

The medals said by the judges in this science to be countermarked are very rare, and highly valued. They marked have a small stamp impressed upon them, in some a head, in others a few letters, such as Aug : n. probus, &c. which marks are supposed to imply an alteration in the value of the coin; as was the case with the countermarked coins of Henry VIII. and Queen Mary of Scotland. Some have a small hole through them; sometimes with a little ring fastened in it, having been used as ornaments; but this makes no alteration in their value. Neither is it any diminution in the value of a coin that it is split at the edges; for coins of undoubted antiquity have often been found in this state, the cause of which has been already explained. On the contrary, this cracking is generally considered as a great merit; but Mr Pinkerton suspects that one of these cracked coins has given rise to an error with respect to the wife of Carausius who reigned for some time in Britain. The inscription is read oriuna Aug: and there is a crack in the medal just before the O of oriuna. Without this crack Mr Pinkerton supposes that it would have been read Fortuna Aug.

Some particular foils have the property of giving silver and silver a yellow colour as if it had been gilt. It naturally acquires a black colour through time, which any tarnished sulphureous vapour will bring on in a few minutes. From its being so susceptible of injuries, it was always mixed by the ancients with much alloy, in order to harden it. Hence the impressions of the ancient silver coins remain perfect to this day, while those of modern coins are obliterated in a few years. On this account Mr Pinkerton expresses a wish that modern states would allow a much greater proportion of alloy in their silver coin than they usually do. As gold admits of no rust except that from iron above-mentioned, the coins of this metal are generally in perfect conservation, and fresh as from the mint.

To cleanse gold coins from this rust, it is best to steep them in aquafortis, which, though a very powerful solvent of other metals, has no effect upon gold, them. Silver may be cleansed by steeping for a day or two in vinegar, but more effectually by boiling in water with three parts of tartar and one of sea salt; on both these metals, however, the rust is always in spots, and never forms an entire incrustation as on brafs or copper. The coins of these two metals must never be cleansed, as they would thus be rendered full of small holes eaten by the rust. Sometimes, however, they are found so totally obscured with rust, that nothing can be discovered upon them; in which case it is best to clear them with a graver; but it may also be done by boiling them for 24 hours in water with three How to distinguish true from counterfeits.

The high state of preservation in which ancient coins are usually found, is thus accounted for by Mr Hancarville. He observes, that the chief reason is the custom of the ancients always to bury one or more coins with their dead, in order to pay for their passage over the river Styx. "From Phidion of Argos (says he) to Constantine I. are 36 generations: and from Magna Graecia to the Euphrates, from Cyrene to the Euxine sea, Grecian arts prevailed, and the inhabitants amounted to about 30,000,000. There died, therefore, in that time and region, not less than ten thousand millions of people, all of whom had coins of one sort or other buried with them. The tombs were sacred and untouched; and afterwards neglected, till modern curiosity or chance began to disclose them. The urn of Flavia Valentina, in Mr Towley's capital collection, contained seven brafs coins of Antoninus Pius and Helioabalus. Such are generally black, from being burnt with the dead. The best and freshest coins were used on these occasions from respect to the dead; and hence their fine conservation. At Syracuse a skeleton was found in a tomb, with a beautiful gold coin in its mouth; and innumerable other instances might be given, for hardly is a funeral urn found without coins. Other incidents also conspire to furnish us with numbers of ancient coins, though the above-recited circumstance be the chief cause of perfect conservation. In Sicily, the silver coins with the head of Persephone were found in such numbers as to weigh 600 French livres or pounds. In the 16th century, 60,000 Roman coins were found at Modena, thought to be a military chest hid after the battle of Bedriacum, when Otho was defeated by Vitellius. Near Brefi, in the year 1760, between 20 and 30,000 Roman coins were found. A treasure of gold coins of Lyfinachus was found at Deva on the Marus; and Strabo, lib. vii. and Pausan. in Attic. tell that he was defeated by the Gete; at which time this treasure seems to have fallen into their hands."

Thus Mr Pinkerton, from the authority of Mr Hancarville and others: but considering these vast numbers of coins found in various places, it seems surprising how so few should now remain in the cabinets of the curious, as the same author informs us that the whole of the different ancient coins known to us amount only to about 80,000, though he owns that the calculation cannot be esteemed accurate.

Sect. VII. How to distinguish true Medals from counterfeits.

The most difficult and the most important thing in the whole science of medals is the method of distinguishing the true from the counterfeit. The value put upon ancient coins made the forgery of them almost coeval with the science itself; and as no laws inflict a punishment upon such forgers, men of great genius and abilities have undertaken the trade: but whether to the real detriment of the science or not, is a matter of some doubt; for if only exact copies of genuine medals are sold for the originals, the imposture may be deemed trifling: but the case must be accounted very different, if people take it upon them to forge medals which never existed. At first the forgeries were extremely gross; and medals were forged of Priam, of Aristotle, Artemisia, Hannibal, and most of the other illustrious personages of antiquity. Most of these were done in such a manner, that the fraud could easily be discovered; but others have imposed even upon very learned men. Mr Pinkerton mentions a remarkable medal of the emperor Heraclius, representing him in a chariot on the reverse, with Greek and Latin inscriptions, which Joseph Scaliger and Lipsius imagined to have been struck in his own time, but which was certainly issued in Italy in the 17th century. "Other learned men (says our author) have been strangely misled, when speaking of coins; for to be learned in one subject excludes not gross ignorance in others." Budaeus, de Affe, quotes a denarius of Cicero, m. Tull. Erasmus, in one of his Epistles, tells us with great gravity, that the gold coin of Brutus struck in Thrace, κοςων, bears the patriarch Noah coming out of the ark with his two sons, and takes the Roman eagle for the dove with the olive branch. Winkelmann, in his letters informs us, that the small brafs piece with Virgil's head, reverse efo, is undoubtedly ancient Roman; and adds, that no knowledge of coins can be had out of Rome: but Winkelmann, fo convervant in statues, knew nothing of coins. It is from other artists and other productions that any danger of deceit arises. And there is no wonder that even the skilful are misled by such artists as have used this trade; for among them appear the names of Victor Gambello, Giovani del Cavino, called the Paduan, and his son Aleffandro Baffiano, likewife of Padua, Benvenuto Cellini, Aleffandro Greco, Leo Arctino, Jacobo da Frezzo, Federigo Bonzagna, and Giovani Jacopo, his brother; Schaltano Plumb, Valerio de Vizenza, Gorleus, a German, Carteron of Holland, and others, all or most of them of the 16th century; and Cavino the Paduan, who is the most famous, lived in the middle of that century. The forgeries of Cavino are held in no little esteem, being of wonderful execution. His and those of Carteron are the most numerous, many of the other artists here mentioned not having forged above two or three coins. Later forgers were Dervieu of Florence who confined himself to medallions, and Cogornier who gave coins of the 30 tyrants in small brafs. The chief part of the forgeries of Greek medals which have come to my knowledge are of the first mentioned, and a very gross kind, representing persons who could never appear upon coin, such as Priam, Aeneas, Plato, Alcibiades, Artemisia, and others. The real Greek coins were very little known or valued till the works of Goltzius appeared, which were happily posterior to the era of the grand forgers. Why later forgers have seldom thought of counterfeiting them cannot be easily accounted for, if it is not owing to the masterly workmanship of the originals, which sets all imitation at defiance. Forgeries, however, of most ancient coins may be met with, and of the Greek among the rest.

"The forgeries are more conspicuous among the Roman for- mulae than any other kind of coins; but we are not to look upon all these as the work of modern artists. On the contrary, we are assured that many of them were fabricated in the times of the Romans themselves, some of them being even held in more estimation than the genuine coins themselves, on account How to distinguish true from counterfeits.

of their being plated, and otherwise executed in a manner to which modern forgers could never attain. Even the ancients held some of these counterfeits in such estimation, that Pliny informs us there were frequently many true denarii given for one false one."—Caracalla is said to have coined honey of copper and lead plated with silver; and plated coins, the work of ancient forgers, occur of many Greek cities and princes; nay, there are even forgeries of barbaric coins. "Some Roman coins (says Mr Pinkerton), are found of iron or lead plated with brafs, perhaps trials of the skill of the forger. Iron is the most common; but one decurio of Nero is known of lead plated with copper. Neumann justly observes, that no historic faith can be put in plated coins, and that most faulty reverses, &c. arise from plated coins not being noticed as such. Even to the Roman consular coins not very many have ever been forged. The celebrated silver denarius of Brutus, with the cap of liberty and two daggers, is the chief instance of a confular coin of which a counterfeit is known. But it is easily rejected by this mark: in the true coin the cap of liberty is below the guard or hilt of the daggers; in the false, the top of it rises above that hilt."

The imperial series of medals is the grand object of modern medallic forgeries; and the deception was at first extended to the most eminent writers upon the subject. The counterfeits are by Mr Pinkerton divided into fix classes.

I. Such as are known to be imitations, but valued on account of the artists by whom they are executed. In this class the medals of the Paduan rank highest; the others being so numerous, that a complete series of imperial medals of almost every kind, nay almost of every medallion, may be formed from among them. In France, particularly, by far the greater part of the cabinets are filled with counterfeits of this kind. They are distinguished from such as are genuine by the following marks: 1. The counterfeits are almost universally thinner. 2. They are never worn or damaged. 3. The letters are modern. 4. They are either deficient of varnish entirely, or have a false one, which is easily known by its being black, fliming, and greasy, and very easily hurt with the touch of a needle, while the varnish of ancient medals is as hard as the metal itself. Instead of the greasy black varnish above mentioned, indeed, they have sometimes a light green one, spotted with a kind of iron marks, and is composed of sulphur, verdigris, and vinegar. It may frequently be distinguished by the hairstrokes of the pencil with which it was laid on being visible upon it. 5. The sides are either filed or too much smoothed by art, or bear the marks of a small hammer. 6. The counterfeits are always exactly circular, which is not the case with ancient medals, especially after the time of Trajan.

The Paduan forgeries may be distinguished from those of inferior artists by the following marks: 1. The former are seldom thinner than the ancient. 2. They very seldom appear as worn or damaged, but the others very frequently, especially in the reverse, and legend of the reverse, which sometimes, as in forged Othos, appear as half consumed by time. 3. The letters in moulds taken from the antique coins have the rudeness of antiquity. 4. False varnish is commonly light green or black, and shines too much or too little. 5. The How to distinguish true from counterfeits. fides of forged coins are frequently quite smooth, and indistinguishable from the ancient, though to accomplish this requires but little art. 6. Counterfeit medals are frequently as irregular in their form as the genuine; but the Paduan are generally circular, though false coins have often little pieces cut off, in perfect imitation of the genuine. 7. In cast coins the letters do not go sharp down into the medal, and have no fixed outline; their minute angles, as well as those of the drapery, are commonly filled up, and have not the sharpness of the genuine kind. Where the letters or figures are faint, the coin is greatly to be suspected.

The letters form the great criterion of medals, the letters the ancient being very rude, but the modern otherwise; principal reason of which, according to Cellini, is, that the ancients engraved all their matrices with the graver or burin, while the modern forgers strike theirs with a punch.

According to Vico, the false patina is green, black, Vico's accufet, brown, gray, and iron colour. The green is count of made from verdigris, the black is the smoke of fulphur, the gray is made of chalk steeped in urine, the coin being left for some days in the mixture. The rufset is next to the natural, by reason of its being a kind of froth which the fire forces from ancient coins; but when false, it shines too much. To make it they frequently took the large brafs coins of the Ptolemies, which were often corroded, and made them red hot in the fire; put the coins upon them, and a fine patina adhered. Our author does not say in what manner the iron-coloured patina was made. "Sometimes (adds he) they take an old defaced coin, covered with real patina, and stamp it anew; but the patina is then too bright in the cavities, and too dull in the protuberances. The trial of brafs coins with the tongue is not to be defided; for if modern the patina tastes bitter or pungent, while if ancient it is quite tasteless."

Mr Pinkerton informs us, that all medallions from Julius Caesar to Adrian are much to be suspected of forgery; the true medals of the first 14 emperors being exceedingly valuable, and to be found only in the cabinets of princes.

II. The second class of counterfeit medals contains Medals cast those cast from moulds taken from the Paduan forgeries, and others done by eminent masters. These are Paduan forgeries sometimes more difficult to be discovered than the former, because in casting them they can give any degree of thickness they please; and, filling the small sand-holes with mastic, they retouch the letters with a graver, and cover the whole with varnish. The instructions already given for the former class, however, are also useful for those of the second, with this addition, that medals of this class are generally lighter than the genuine, because fire rarefies the metal in some degree, while that which is struck is rather condensed by the strokes. In gold and silver medals there cannot be any deception of this kind; because these metals admit not of patina, and consequently the varnish betrays the imposition. The marks of the file on the margin of those of the second class are a certain sign of forgery; though these do not always indicate the forgery to be of modern date, because the Romans often filed the edges of coins to accommodate them to the purposes of ornament, as quarter guineas are sometimes How to distinguish true from counterfeits.

Medals cast from an antique.

III. Medals cast in moulds from an antique.—In this mode some forgers, as Beauvais informs us, have been so very careful, that they would melt a common medal of the emperor whom they meant to counterfeit, lest the quality of the metal should betray them. "This (says Mr Pinkerton), has been done in the silver Septimius Severus, with the reverse of a triumphal arch, for which a common coin of the same prince has been melted; and in other instances." Putting metals in the fire or upon hot iron to cleanse them, gives them an appearance of being cast; for some spots of the metal being softer than the rest will run, which makes this one of the worst methods of cleaning medals.—The directions given for discovering the two former deceptions hold good also in this.

IV. Ancient medals retouched and altered.—This is a class of counterfeits more difficult to be discovered than any other. "The art (says Mr Pinkerton) exerted in this class is astonishing; and a connoisseur is the least apt to suspect it, because the coins themselves are in fact ancient. The acute minds of the Italian artists exerted themselves in this way, when the other forgeries became common and known. With graving tools they alter the portraits, the reverses, and the inscriptions themselves, in a surprising manner. Of a Claudius struck at Antioch they make an Otho; of a Faustina, a Titiana; of a Julia Severa, a Didia Clara; of a Macrinus, a Pecennius, &c. Give them a Marcus Aurelius, he starts up a Pertinax, by thickening the beard a little, and enlarging the nose. In short, wherever there is the least resemblance in persons, reverses, or legends, an artist may from a trivial medal generate a most scarce and valuable one. This fraud is distinguishable by the false varnish which sometimes marks it; but, above all, by the letters of the legend, which are always altered. Though this be sometimes done with an artifice almost miraculous, yet most commonly the characters strangle, are disunited, and not in a line."

In counterfeits of this kind sometimes the obverse is not touched, but the reverse made hollow, and filled with mastic coloured like the coin, and engraved with such device and legend as was most likely to bring a great price; others are only retouched in some minute parts, by which, however, the value of the coin is much diminished. "Against all these arts (says Mr Pinkerton), severe scrutiny must be made by the purchaser upon the medal itself; and the investigation and opinion of eminent antiquaries had upon its being altered, or genuine as it is issued from the mint."

V. Medals impressed with new devices, or foldered.—In the first article of this class the reverses have been totally filed off, and new ones impressed with a die and hammer. This is done by putting the face or obverse, whichever is not touched, upon different folds of pasteboard, afterwards applying the die and striking it with a hammer. The forgery in this class is very easily discovered, as the devices and inscriptions on the counterfeits are known not to exist on true medals: as the Pons Aelius on the reverse of Adrian: How to distinguish true from counterfeits.

The foldered medals consist of two halves belonging to different medals, sawed through the middle and then joined with folder. This mode of counterfeiting is common in silver and brass coins. "They will take an Antoninus, for example, and saw off the reverse, then folder to the obverse which they have treated in the same manner. This makes a medal, which, from an unknowing purchaser, will bring a hundred times the price of the two coins which compose it. When the deceit is used in brass coins, they take care that the metals be of one hue; though indeed some pretenders in this way sometimes folder copper and brass together, which at once reveals the deceit. Medals which have a portrait on each side, and which are generally valuable, are the most liable to a suspicion of this fraud. To a very nice eye the minute ring of folder is always visible; and upon inserting a graver, the fabrication falls into halves."

In the same manner reverses are sometimes foldered to faces not originally belonging to them; as one mentioned by Pere Jobert, of Domitian with an amphitheatre, a reverse of Titus joined to it. Another art is sometimes made use of in this kind of counterfeits, of which there is an instance of the temple of Janus upon Nero's medals; where the middle brass is taken off, and inserted in a cavity made in the middle of a large coin of that prince. In the coins of the lower empire, however, the reverses of medals are sometimes so connected with their obverses, that a suspicion of forgery sometimes occurs without any foundation. They are met with most commonly after the time of Gallienus, when such a number of usurpers arose, that it was difficult to obtain an exact portrait of their features; the coiners had not time, therefore, to strike a medal for these as they could have done for other emperors who reigned longer. Hence, on the reverse of a medal of Marius, who reigned only three days, there is PACATOR ORBIS, which shows that at that time they had reverses ready fabricated, to be applied as occasion might require.

VI. Plated medals, or those which have clefts.—It has been already remarked, that many true medals are dented, cracked in the edges; owing to the repeated strokes of the hammer, and the little degree of ductility which the metal possesses. This the forgers attempt to imitate by a file; but it is easy to distinguish betwixt the natural and artificial cleft by means of a small needle. The natural cleft is wide at the extremity, and appears to have a kind of almost imperceptible filaments; the edges of the crack corresponding with each other in a manner which no art can imitate.

The plated medals which have been forged in ancient times were long supposed to be capable of resisting every effort of modern imitation; but of late years, "some ingenious rogues (says Mr Pinkerton), thought of piercing false medals of silver with a red-hot needle, which gave a blackness to the inside of the coin, and made it appear plated to an injudicious eye. This fraud is easily distinguished by scraping the inside of the metal." It is, however, very difficult to How to distinguish the forgeries of rude money when not cast; and our author gives no other direction than to consult a skilful medallist. Indeed, notwithstanding all the directions already given, this seems to be a resource which cannot by any means with safety be neglected.

A real and practical knowledge of coins "is only to be acquired (says he) by seeing a great number, and comparing the forged with the genuine. It cannot therefore be too much recommended to the young connoisseur, who wishes to acquire some knowledge in this way, to visit all the sales and cabinets he can, and to look upon all ancient medals with a very microscopic eye. By these means only is to be acquired that ready knowledge which enables at first glance to pronounce upon a forgery, however ingenious. Nor let the science of medals be from this concluded to be uncertain; for no knowledge is more certain and immediate, when it is properly studied by examination of the real objects. A man who buys coins, trifling merely to his theoretic perusal of medallic books, will find himself woefully mistaken. He ought to study coins first, where only they can be studied, in themselves. Nor can it be matter of wonder or implication of caprice, that a medallist of skill should at one perception pronounce upon the veracity or falsehood of a medal; for the powers of the human eye, employed in certain lines of science, are amazing. Hence a student can distinguish a book among a thousand similar, and quite alike to every other eye: hence a shepherd can discern, &c.; hence the medallist can say in an infant, 'this is a true coin, and this is a false,' though to other people no distinction be perceptible."

Forgeries of modern coins and medals, Mr Pinkerton obserbes, are almost as numerous as of the ancient. The satiric coin of Louis XII. PERDAM BABYLONIS NOMEN, is a remarkable instance: the false coin is larger than the true, and bears date 1512. The rude coins of the middle ages are very easily forged, and forgeries have accordingly become common. Forged coins of Alfred and other early princes of England have appeared, some of which have been done with great art. "The two noted English pennies of Rich I. says our author, are of this stamp; and yet have imposted upon Messrs Folkes and Snelling, who have published them as genuine in the two best books upon English coins. But they were fabricated by a Mr White of Newgate-direct, a noted collector, who contaminated an otherwise fair character by such practices. Such forgeries, though easy, require a skill in the history and coinage of the times, which luckily can hardly fall to the lot of a common Jew or mechanic forger. But the practice is detestable, were no gain proposed: and they who stoop to it must suppose, that to embarrass the path of any science with forgery and futility, implies no infamy. In forgeries of ancient coin, the fiction is perhaps sufficiently atoned for by the vast skill required; and the artist may plausibly allege, that his intention was not to deceive, but to excite his utmost powers, by an attempt to rival the ancient masters. But no possible apology can be made for forging the rude money of more modern times. The crime is certainly greater than that which leads the common coiner to the gallows; inasmuch as it is committed with more ease, and the profit is incomparably larger."

SECT. VIII. Of the Value of Medals.

All ancient coins and medals, though equally genuine, are not equally valuable. In medals as well as in every thing else, the scarcity of a coin stamps a value upon it which cannot otherwise be derived from its intrinsic worth. There are four or five degrees of rarity reckoned up; the highest of which is called unique. The cause is generally ascribed to the fewness of number thrown off originally, or to their having been called in, and recoined in another form. To the former cause Mr Pinkerton ascribes the scarcity of the copper of Otho and the gold of Pefcennius Niger; to the latter that of the coinage of Caligula; "though this last (says he) is not of singular rarity; which shows that even the power of the Roman senate could not annihilate an established money; and that the first cause of rarity, arising from the small quantity originally struck, ought to be regarded as the principal."

In the ancient cities Mr Pinkerton ascribes the scarcity of coin to the poverty or finalness of the state; the scarcity but the scarcity of ancient regal and imperial coins of medals arises principally from the shortness of the reign; and sometimes from the superabundance of money before, which rendered it almost unnecessary to coin any money during the reign of the prince. An example of this we have in the scarcity of the shillings of George III. which shows that shortness of reign does not always occasion a scarcity of coin: and thus the coins of Harold II. who did not reign a year, are very numerous, while those of Richard I. who reigned ten, are almost unique.

Sometimes the rarest coins lose their value, and become common. This our author ascribes to the high price given for them, which tempts the possessors to bring them to market; but chiefly to the discovering of hoards of them. The former cause took place with Queen Anne's farthings, some of which formerly sold at five guineas; nay, if we could believe the newspapers, one of them was some years ago sold for 960l.: the latter with the coins of Canute, the Danish king of England; which were very rare till a hoard of them was discovered in the Orkneys. As discoveries of this kind, however, produce a temporary plenty, so when they are dispersed the former scarcity returns; while, on the other hand, some of the common coins become rare through the mere circumstance of neglect.

As double the number of copper coins of Greek Silver coins cities are to be met with that there are of silver, the latter are of consequence much more esteemed: but the reverse is the case with those of the Greek princes. All the Greek civic coins of silver are very rare, excepting those of Athens, Corinth, Melfana, Dyrrachium, Maffilia, Syracuse, and some others. Of the Greek monarchical coins, the most rare are the tetradrachms of the kings of Syria, the Ptolemies, the sovereigns of Macedon and Bithynia, excepting those of Alexander the Great and Lyrmachus. Those of the kings of Cappadocia are of a small size, and scarce to be met with. Of those of Numidia and Mauritania, the coins of Juba, the father, are common; but those of the son, and nephew Ptolemy, scarce. Coins of the kings of Sicily, Parthia, and Judea, are rare; the last very much so. We meet with no coins of the kings of Arabia and Comagene except in brats; those of the kings of Bosphorus are in electrum, and a few in brats, but all of them rare; as are likewise those of Philetetris king of Pergamus, and of the kings of Pontus. In the year 1777, a coin of Mithridates sold for 26l. 5s. Didrachms of all kings and cities are scarce, excepting those of Corinth and her colonies; but the gold coins of Philip of Macedon, Alexander the Great, and Lysimachus, as has already been observed, are common. The silver tetradrachms of all kings bear a very high price. The didrachm of Alexander the Great is one of the rarest of the smaller Greek silver coins; some of the other princes are not uncommon.

In most cases the copper money of the Greek monarchs is scarce; but that of Hiero I. of Syracuse is uncommonly plenty, as well as that of several of the Ptolemies.

The most rare of the confular Roman coins are those restored by Trajan: of the others the gold confular coins are the most rare, and the silver the most common; excepting the coin of Brutus with the cap of liberty, already mentioned, with some others. Some of the Roman imperial coins are very scarce, particularly those of Otho in brats; nor indeed does he occur at all on any coin struck at Rome: but the reason of this may with great probability be supposed to have been the shortness of his reign. His portrait upon the brats coins of Egypt and Antioch is very bad; as well as almost all the other imperial coins of Greek cities. The best likenesses is on his gold and silver coins; the latter of which are very common. The Greek and Egyptian coins are all of small or middling sizes, and have reverses of various kinds: those of Antioch have Latin legends, as well as most of the other imperial coins of Antioch. They have no other reverse but the SC in a wreath; excepting in one instance or two of the large and middle brats, where the inscriptions are in Greek. Latin coins of Otho in brats, with figures on the reverse, are certainly false; though in the cabinet of D'Ennery at Paris there was an Otho in middle brats restored by Titus, which was esteemed genuine by connoisseurs.

The leaden coins of Rome are very scarce: Most of them are pieces struck or cast on occasion of the Saturnalia; others are tickets for festivals and exhibitions, both private and public. The common tickets for theatres were made of lead, as were the contorniati; perpetual tickets, like the English silver tickets for the opera. Leaden medallions are also found below the foundations of pillars and other public buildings, in order to perpetuate the memory of the founders. From the time of Augustus also we find that leaden seals were used. The work of Ticiorini upon this subject, entitled Piombi Antichi, is much recommended by Mr Pinkerton.

The Roman coins, which have been blundered in the manner formerly mentioned, are very rare, and undeservedly valued by the connoisseurs. The blunders in the legends of these coins, which in all probability are the mere effects of accident, have been so far mistaken by some medallists, that they have given rise to imaginary emperors who never existed. A coin of Puchale, Faustina, which has on the reverse SOSTI, s. c. puzzled all the German antiquaries, till at last Klotz gave it the following facetious interpretation: Sine omni utilitate felicemint tantas ineptias.

The heptarchic coins of England are generally rare, except those called fiscas, which are very common, as well as those of Burgred king of Mercia. The coins of Alfred which bear his bust are scarce, and his other money much more so. Those of Hardiknut are so rare, that it was even denied that they had an existence; but Mr Pinkerton informs us, that there are three in the British museum, upon all of which the name HARTHACANUT is quite legible. No English coins of King John are to be met with, though there are some Irish ones; and only French coins of Richard I. "Leake (says Mr Pinkerton) made a strange blunder, in ascribing coins of different kings with two faces, and otherwise spoiled in the stamping, to this prince; in which, as usual, he has been followed by a misled number."

Coins of Alexander II. of Scotland are rather scarce, Scottish but those of Alexander III. are more plentiful. Those coins of John Baliol are rare, and none of Edward Baliol are to be found.

Sect. IX. Of the Purchase of Medals.

Medals are to be had at the shops of goldsmiths and silversmiths, with those who deal in curiosities, &c. but in great cities there are professed dealers in them. The best method of purchasing medals, however, is that of buying whole cabinets, which are every year exposed to auction in London. In these the rare medals are sold by themselves: but the common ones are put up in large lots, so that the dealers commonly purchase them. Mr Pinkerton thinks it would be better that medals were sold one by one; because a lot is often valued and purchased for the sake of a single coin; while the others separately would sell for perhaps four times the price of the whole lot. "If any man of common sense and honesty (says Mr Pinkerton), were to take up the trade of selling coins in London, he would make a fortune in a short time. This profitable business is now in the hands of one or two dealers, who ruin their own interest by making an elegant study a trade of knavery and imposture. If they buy 300 coins for 10s. they will ask 3s. for one of the worst of them! nay, fell forged coins as true to the ignorant. The simpletons complain of want of business. A knave is always a fool."

The gold coins of Carthage, Cyrene, and Syracuse, of Carthage, &c. are worth about twice their intrinsic value as metal; gold coins but the other gold civic coins from 5l. to 3cl. each. The only gold coins of Athens certainly known to exist are two lately procured by the king. One of these remains in possession of his majesty, but the other was given by the queen to Dr Hunter. There was another in the British museum, but suspected not to be genuine. Dr Hunter's coin, then, if sold, would bear the highest price that could be expected for a coin.

The silver coins of Syracuse, Dyrrhachium, Massi-Of silver lia, Athens, and a few other states, are common; the coins drachmas and coins of lesser size are worth about five Purchase. five shillings; the didrachms, tetradrachms, &c. from five to ten, according to their size and beauty; the largest, as might naturally be expected, being more valuable than the small ones. The tetradrachms, when of cities whose coins are common, are worth from 7s. 6d. to 1l. 1s.; but it is impossible to put a value upon the rare civic coins; ten guineas have been given for a single one.

The Greek copper coins are common, and are almost all of that kind called small brafs; the middle size being scarce, and the largest in the ages prior to the Roman emperors extremely so. The common Greek coins of brafs bring from 3d. to 18d. according to their preservation; but when of cities, whose coins are rare, much higher prices are given. "The want of a few cities, however (says Mr Pinkerton), is not thought to injure a collection; as indeed new names are discovered every dozen of years, so that no affrontment can be perfect. To this it is owing that the rarity of the Grecian civic coins is not much attended to."

The gold coins of Philip and Alexander the Great being very common, bear but from five to ten shillings above their intrinsic value; but those of the other princes, being rare, fell from 3l. to 30l. each, or even more.

The tetradrachms are the dearest of the silver monarchic money, falling from five to ten shillings; and if very rare, from 3l. to 30l. Half these prices may be obtained for the drachmas, and the other denominations in proportion.

The Greek copper coins are for the most part scarcer than the silver, except the Syro-Grecian, which are common, and almost all of the size called small brafs. "They ought (says Mr Pinkerton), to bear a high price; but the metal and similarity to the copper civic coins, which are common, keep their actual purchase moderate, if the seller is not well instructed, and the buyer able and willing to pay the price of rarity."

The name of weights given to the ancient Roman ases is, according to our author, exceedingly improper; as that people had weights of lead and brafs sides, without the least appearance of a portrait upon them. These denote the weight by a certain number of knobs; and have likewise small fleurettes engraved upon them. According to Mr Pinkerton, whenever we meet with a piece of metal stamped on both sides with busts and figures, we may lay it down as a certain rule that it is a coin; but when slightly ornamented and marked upon one side only, we may with equal certainty conclude it-to be a weight.

The ancient Roman ases are worth from 2s. to 2l. according to the singularity of their devices. Confular gold coins are worth from 1l. to 5l. Pompey with his sons 21l. and the two Brutii 25l. The silver coins are universally worth from a shilling to half a crown, excepting that of the cap of liberty and a few others, which, if genuine, will bring from 10s. to 5l. The confular copper bears an equal price with the silver, but is more rare; the confular silver coins restored by Trajan are worth 20s. each.

With regard to the Roman imperial coins, it is to be observed, that some of those which belong to princes whose coins are numerous, may yet be rendered extremely valuable by uncommon reverses. Mr Pinkerton particularly points out that of Augustus, with the legend C. MARIVS TROGVS, which is worth three guineas, though the silver coins of that prince in general are not worth above a shilling. In like manner, the common gold coins of Trajan are not worth above twenty shillings; while those with Belfica Ulpia, Forum Traiani, Divi Nerva et Trajanus, Pater, Divi Nerva et Plativa Aug. Profectio Aug. Regna Affignata, Rex Parthiar, and some others, bear from three to fix pounds. The ticket medals belong to the Roman fenate, and are worth from three to ten shillings. The forged coins and medallions of the Paduan fall from one to three shillings each.

Of the coins of other nations, those of Hildeeric Barbaric king of the Vandals are in silver, and worth 10s.; coins the small brafs of Athanaric, 5s.; the gold of Theodoric 2l.; the second brafs of Theodahat 5s.; the second brafs of Badueta rare, and worth 10s.; the third brafs, 3s. The British coins are very rare, and worth from ten shillings to two guineas each, sometimes much more. Medals with unknown characters are always scarce and dear. Saxon pennies of the heptarchy are rare, and worth from ten shillings to ten pounds, according to their scarcity and preservation. The coins of the English kings are common; those of Edward the Confessor, in particular; others are rare, and worth from ten shillings to two guineas, while two of Hardynute are worth no less than ten guineas. The gold medals of Henry, in 1545, and the coronation of Edward, are worth 20l. each: the Mary of Trezzo, 3l.; Simon's head of Thurloe in gold is worth 12l.; his oval medal in gold upon Blake's naval victory at sea is worth 30l.; and his trial piece, if brought to a sale, would, in Mr Pinkerton's opinion, bring a still higher price. The medals of Queen Anne, which are intrinsically worth about two guineas and a half, fell for about 3l. each; the silver, of the size of a crown piece, fell for 10s. and the copper from five to ten shillings. Daffier's copper pieces fell from two to five shillings, and a few bear a higher price.

The Scottish gold coins fell higher than the Eng- Gold coins lish, but the others are on a par. The shilling of Mary of Scotland, with the bust is rare, and sells for no less than 30l.; the half 3l.; and the royal 5l. 5s. The French testoon of Francis and Mary brings 10l. 10s. and the Scottish one of Mary and Henry would bring 50l. as would also the medal of James IV. The coronation medal of Francis and Mary is worth 20l. Briot's coronation medal fold in 1755 only for two guineas at Dr Mead's sale; but would now bring 20l. if sold according to rarity.

The English coins struck in Ireland are of much the English fame price with those of the native country; but the coins struck St Patrick's halfpence and farthings are rather scarce, in Ireland, and the rare crown of white metal is worth 4l. The gun-money of James II. and all other Irish coins are very common.

SECT. X. Arrangement of Medals, with the Instruction to be derived from them.

HAVING thus given a full account of every thing in general relative to medals, we must now come to some particulars respecting their arrangement, and the entertain- tainment which a medallist may expect from the trouble and expence he is at in making a collection.

It has already been observed, that one of the principal uses of medals is the elucidation of ancient history. Hence the arrangement of his medals is the first thing that must occur in the formation of a cabinet. The most ancient medals with which we are acquainted are those of Alexander I. of Macedon, who began to reign about 501 years before Christ. The series ought of consequence to begin with him, and to be succeeded by the medals of Sicily, Caria, Cyprus, Heraclia, and Pontus. Then follow Egypt, Syria, the Cimmerian Bosphorus, Thrace, Bithynia, Parthia, Armenia, Damascus, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Pergamus, Galatia, Cilicia, Sparta, Peonia, Epirus, Illyricum, Gaul, and the Alps, including the space of time from Alexander the Great to the birth of Christ, and which is to be accounted the third medallic series of ancient monarchs. The last series goes down to the fourth century, including some of the monarchs of Thrace, Bosphorus, and Parthia, with those of Comagene, Edessa or Orhene, Mauritania, and Judæa. A most distinct series is formed by the Roman emperors, from Julius Caesar to the destruction of Rome by the Goths; nay, for a much longer period, were it not that towards the latter part of it the coins become so barbarous as to destroy the beauty of the collection. Many series may be formed of modern potentates.

By means of medals we can with great certainty determine the various ornaments worn by ancient princes as badges of distinction. The Grecian kings have generally the diadem, without any other ornament; and though in general the side of the face is presented to view, yet in some very ancient Greek and Roman consular coins, full faces of excellent workmanship are met with. On several coins also two or three faces are to be seen, and these are always accounted very valuable.

The diadem, which was no more than a ribbon tied round the head with a floating knot behind, adorns all the Grecian princes from first to last, and is almost an infallible mark of sovereign power. In the Roman consular coins it is seen in conjunction with Numa and Ancus, but never afterwards till the time of Licinius, the colleague of Constantine. Diocletian, indeed, according to Mr Gibbon, first wore the diadem, but his portrait upon coins is never adorned with it. So great an aversion had the Romans to kingly power, that they rather allowed their emperors to assume the radiated crown, the symbol of divinity, than to wear a diadem; but, after the time of Constantine, it becomes common. The radiated crown appears first on the posthumous coins of Augustus as a mark of deification, but in somewhat more than a century became common.

The laurel crown, at first a badge of conquest, was afterwards permitted by the senate to be worn by Julius Caesar, in order to hide the baldness of his head. From him all the emperors appear with it on their medals, even to our own times. In the lower empire the crown is sometimes held by a hand above the head, as a mark of piety. Besides these, the naval, mural, and civic crowns appear on the medals both of emperors and other eminent men, to denote their great acquirements. The laurel crown is also sometimes worn by the Greek princes. The Arlacidae of Parthia wear a kind of falh round the head, with their hair in rows of curls like a wig. The Armenian kings have the tiara, a kind of cap which was esteemed the badge of imperial power in the east. Conical caps are seen on the medals of Xerxes, a petty prince of Armenia, and Juba the father, the former having a diadem around it.

The impious vanity of Alexander and his successors in affuming divine honours is manifest on their medals, where various symbols of divinity are met with. Some of them have an horn behind their ear, either to denote their strength, or that they were the successors of celsors. Alexander, to whom this badge might be applied as the son of Jupiter Ammon. This, however, Mr Pinkerton observes, is the only one of these symbols which certainly denotes an earthly sovereign, it being doubted whether the rest are not all figures of gods.—According to Eckhert, even the horn and diadem belong to Bacchus, who invented the latter to cure his headaches; and, according to the fame author, the only monarch who appears on coins with the horn is Lytimachus. We are informed, however, by Plutarch, that Pyrrhus had a crest of goats horns to his helmet; and the goat, we know, was a symbol of Macedon. Perhaps the successors of Alexander wore this badge of the horn in consequence. The helmet likewise frequently appears on the heads of sovereigns, and Constantine I. has helmets of various forms curiously ornamented.

The diadem is worn by most of the Greek queens, by Orodalitis, daughter of Lycomedes, king of Bithynia; and though the Roman empresses never appear with it, yet this is more than compensated by the variety of their headdresses. Sometimes the bust of an empress is supported by a cresent, to imply that she was the moon, as her husband was the sun of the state. The toga, or vail drawn over the face, at first implied that the person was invested with the pontifical office; and accordingly we find it on the busts of Julius Caesar, while pontifex maximus. It likewise implies the auriurhip, the augurs having a particular kind of gown called lana, with which they covered their heads when observing an omen. In later times this implies only consecration, and is common in coins of empresses. It is first met with on the coins of Claudius Gothicus as the mark of consecration of an empceror. The nimbus, or glory, now appropriated to saints, has been already mentioned. It is as ancient as Augustus, but is not to be met with on many of the imperial medals, even after it began to be appropriated to them. There is a curious coin, which has upon the reverse of the common piece, with the head of Rome, Urbis Roma, in large brafs, Constantine I. fitting amid Victories and genii, with a triple crown upon his head for Europe, Asia, and Africa, with the legend SECURITAS ROMÆ.

In general only the bust is given upon medals, though sometimes half the body or more; in which upon occasion the hands often appear with ensigns of majesty in them; such as the globe, said to have been introduced by Augustus as a symbol of universal dominion; the sceptre, sometimes confounded with the consular staff; a roll of parchment, the symbol of legislative M E D A L S.

Arrangement, &c.

The reverse of ancient Greek and Roman coins afford an infinite variety of instruction and amusement. They contain figures of deities at full length, with their attributes and symbols, public symbols and diversions, plants, animals, &c. &c. and in short almost every object of nature or art. Some have the portrait of the queen, son, or daughter of the prince whose image appears on the face obverse; and these are esteemed highly by antiquaries, not only because every coin stamped with portraits on both sides is accounted valuable, but because they render it certain that the person represented on the reverse was the wife, son, or daughter of him who appears on the obverse; by which means they assist greatly in the adjusting of a series. Some, however, with two portraits are common, as Augustus, the reverse of Caligula; and Marcus Aurelius, reverse of Antoninus Pius.

We find more art and design in the reverses of the Roman medals than of the Greek; but on the other hand, the latter have more exquisite relief and workmanship. The very ancient coins have no reverses, excepting a rude mark struck into the metal, resembling that of an instrument with four blunt points on which the coin was struck; and was owing to its having been fixed by such an instrument on that side to receive the impression upon the other. To this succeeds the image of a dolphin, or some small animal, in one of the departments of the rude mark, or in an hollow square: and this again is succeeded by a more perfect image, without any mark of the hollow square. Some of the Greek coins are hollow in the reverse, as those of Caulonia, Crotona, Mctapontum, and some other ancient cities of Magna Graecia. About 500 B. C. perfect reverses appear on the Greek coins, of exquisite relief and workmanship. "The very muscles of men and animals (says Mr Pinkerton), are seen, and will bear inspection with the largest magnifier as ancient gems. The ancients certainly had not eyes different from ours; and it is clear that they must have magnified objects. A drop of water forms a microscope; and it is probable this was the only one of the ancients. To Greek artists we are indebted for the beauty of the Roman imperial coins; and these are so highly finished, that on some reverses, as that of Nero's decurion, the adventus and progressio of various emperors, the fundator pacis of Severus, the features of the emperor, riding or walking, are as exact as on the obverse. But though the best Greek artists were called to Rome, yet the Greek coins under the Roman emperors are sometimes well executed, arrangement, &c. or Etruscan coins have been found of the globular form, or indented on the reverse like the early Greek. The first Greek are small pieces of silver, while the Roman are large masses of copper. The former are struck; the latter cast in moulds. The reverses of the Roman coins are very uniform, the prow of a ship, a car, or the like, till about the year 100 B. C. when various reverses appear on their consular coins in all metals. The variety and beauty of the Roman imperial reverses are well known. The medallist much values those which have a number of figures; as the Puellae Faustiniæ, of Faustina, a gold coin no larger than a fixpence, which has 12 figures; that of Trajan, regna afferentia, has four; the congiarium of Nerva five; the allocation of Trajan seven; of Hadrian 10; of Probus 12. Some Roman medals have small figures on both sides, as the Apollini sancto of Julian II. Such have not received any peculiar name among the medallists. Others have only a reverse, as the noted Spintriae, which have numerals I. II. &c. on the obverse."

The names of the deities represented on the reverses of Greek coins are never expressed; perhaps, as Mr Pinkerton supposes, out of piety, a symbolic representation of their attributes being all that they thought proper to delineate; but the Roman coins always express the name, frequently with an adjunct, as Veneri Victrici, &c. In others, the name of the emperor or empress is added; as Pudicitiae Augustae, round an image of modesty; Virtus Augusti, a legend for an image of virtue.

The principal symbols of the divine attributes to be met with on the Greek medals are as follow:

1. Jupiter is known on the coins of Alexander the Great by his eagle and thunderbolts; but when the figure occurs only on the obverses of coins, he is distinguished by a laurel crown, and placid bearded countenance. Jupiter Ammon is known by the ram's horn twirling round his ear; a symbol of power and strength, assumed by some of the successors of Alexander the Great, particularly by Lycurgus.

2. Neptune is known by his trident, dolphin, or being drawn by sea horses; but he is seldom met with on the Grecian coins.

3. Apollo is distinguished by an harp, branch of laurel, or tripod; and sometimes by a bow and arrows. In the character of the sun, his head is surrounded with rays; but when the bust only occurs, he has a fair young face, and is crowned with laurel. He is frequent on the coins of the Syrian princes.

4. Mars is distinguished by his armour, and sometimes by a trophy on his shoulders. His head is armed with a helmet, and has a ferocious countenance.

5. Mercury is represented as a youth, with a small cap on his head, wings behind his ears and on his feet. He is known by the cap, which resembles a small hat, and the wings. He appears also with the caduceus, or wand twined with serpents, and the marsupium, or purse, which he holds in his hand.

6. Aesculapius is known by his bushy beard, and his leaning on a club with a serpent twisted round it. He sometimes occurs with his wife Hygeia or Health, with their son Telephorus or Convalescence between them.

7. Bacchus is known by his crown of ivy or vine, his diadem and horn, with a tyger and satyrs around him.

8. The figure of Hercules is common on the coins of Alexander the Great, and has frequently been mistaken for that of the prince himself. He appears sometimes as a youth and sometimes with a beard. He is known by the club, lion's skin, and remarkable apparent strength; sometimes he has a cup in his hand; and a poplar tree, as a symbol of vigour, is sometimes added to the portrait.

9. The Egyptian Serapis is known by his bushy beard, and a measure upon his head.

10. Apis is delineated in the form of a bull, with a flower of the lotos, the water lily of the Nile, supposed by Macrobius to be a symbol of creation; and Jamblichus tells us, that Osiris was thought to have his throne in it.

11. Harpocrates, the god of Silence, appears with his finger on his mouth; sometimes with the sistrum in his left hand; a symbol common to most of the Egyptian deities.

12. Canopus, another Egyptian deity, appears in the shape of a human head placed on a kind of pitcher. "This deified pitcher (says Mr Pinkerton), seems to refer to an anecdote of ancient superstition, which, I believe, is recorded by Plutarch. It seems some Persian and Egyptian priests had a contest which of their deities had the superiority. The Egyptians said, that a single vase, sacred to Serapis, would extinguish the whole power of the Persian deity of fire. The experiment was tried; and the wily Egyptian, boring holes in the vase and stopping them with wax, afterwards filled the vase with water; which, gushing through the holes as the wax melted, extinguished the Persian deity. Hence the vase was deified."

13. The Holy Senate and Holy People, appear frequently on the Greek imperial coins, sometimes represented as old men with beards, at others as youths.

The goddesses represented on medals are,

1. Juno, represented by a beautiful young woman, sometimes with a diadem, sometimes without any badge, which is reckoned a sufficient distinction, as the other goddesses all wear badges. Sometimes she appears as the goddess of marriage; and is then veiled to the middle, and sometimes to the toes. She is known by the peacock, a bird sacred to her from the fable of Argus.

2. Minerva is very common on the coins of Alexander the Great; and her bust has been mistaken by the celebrated painter Le Brun for the hero himself. She is very easily distinguished by the helmet. Her symbols are, her armour; the spear in her right hand, and the aegis, with a Medusa's head, in her left; an owl commonly flapping by her.

3. Diana of Ephesus is commonly represented on the Greek imperial coins; and appears with a great number of breasts, supposed to denote universal Nature. She is supported by two deer, and carries a pannier of fruit upon her head. The bust of this goddess is known by the crescent on her brow, and sometimes by the bow and quiver at her side.

4. Venus is known by an apple, the prize of beauty, in her hand. Sometimes she is distinguished only by her total want of dress; but is always to be known by her extraordinary beauty, and is sometimes adorned with pearls about the neck.

5. Cupid is sometimes met with on the Syrian coins, and is known by his infancy and wings.

6. Cybele is known by a turreted crown and lion; or is seen in a chariot drawn by lions.

7. Ceres is known by her garland of wheat, and is common on the Sicilian coins; that island being remarkable for its fertility. Sometimes she has two serpents by her, and is sometimes drawn in a chariot by them. She carries in her hands the torches with which she is fabled to have gone in search of her daughter Proserpine.

8. Proserpine herself is sometimes met with on coins, with the name of κορη, or the girl.

9. The Egyptian Isis has a bud or flower on her head; a symbol of the perpetual bloom of the inhabitants of heaven. She carries also a sistrum in her hand.

10. The Sidonian Astarte appears on a globe supported on a chariot with two wheels, and drawn by two horses.

These are the deities most commonly represented on the Greek coins. The more uncommon are, Saturn with his scythe, or with a hook on the Heraclian coins; Vulcan with his tongs on the reverse of a coin of Thyatira, represented at work in the presence of Minerva. Adranus, a Sicilian god, is sometimes represented on coins with a dog. Anubis, an Egyptian deity, has a dog's head. Atis is known by his Phrygian bonnet; Caflor and Pollux by a star on the head of each; Dis, by his old face, difhevelled hair and beard, and a hook; Flora by her crown of flowers; Nemesis by her wheel; and Pan by his horns and ears belonging to some kind of beast.

There are likewise to be found on medals many different symbols by themselves; of the most remarkable of which we shall give the following table, with their signification:

<table> <tr> <th>Symbols.</th> <th>Significations.</th> </tr> <tr> <td>1. Vases with sprigs,</td> <td>Solemn games.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>2. Small chest or hamper, with a serpent leaping out,</td> <td>Mythic rites of Bacchus.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>3. Anchor-on Seleucian medals,</td> <td>Coin struck at Antioch, where an anchor was dug up.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>4. Apollo on Syrian coins, on an inverted hamper,</td> <td>Covered tripod.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>5. Bee,</td> <td>Arifeus the son of Apollo.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>6. Laurel,</td> <td>Apollo.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>7. Reed,</td> <td>A river.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>8. Ivy and grapes,</td> <td>Bacchus.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>9. Poppy,</td> <td>Ceres and Proserpine.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>10. Corn,</td> <td>Ceres.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>11. Owl and olive,</td> <td>Minerva.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>12. Dove,</td> <td>Venus.</td> </tr> </table> Symbols.

13. Torch

14. Mudnis, or conic stone,

Symbols of Countries, &c.

15. Pomegranate flowers, 16. Owl, 17. Pegafus, 18. Wolf's head, 19. Bull's head, 20. Minotaur's head and labyrinth, 21. Horse's head, 22. Lion, 23. Tortoise, 24. Sphinx, 25. Three legs joined, as in the Isle of Man money, 26. Horse, 27. The crescent, 28. Bull, 29. Ensign, with the letters Col. 30. Bull, 31. Cadeuceus, 32. Cornucopiea, 33. Pontifical hat, 34. Parazonium, 35. Globe on an altar with three flars, 36. Fort and gate, 37. Tribuli, a kind of chevaux de frize, 38. Altar or tripod, 39. Dolphin, 40. Lechifternia, 41. Litus, or twisted wand, 42. Apex, or cap with strings, 43. Thenfa, or chariot employed to carry images, 44. Peacock, 45. Eagle,

Significations.

{ Diana, Ceres, or Proserpine. { The sun, Belus, or Venus. Rhodes. Athens. Corinth. Argos. Beozia. Crete. Pharalia. Marfeilles. Peloponnesus. Scio. Sicily. Thefaly. Byzantium (A) Supposed to be a river. A colony drawn from one legion. Apis, strength or security. Peace and cord. Abundance. Priesthood. Batoon of command. The world preserved by the gods for the three sons of Conflant. I. Security. Unknown. Piety. Apollo. Festivals. Augusth. Pontificate. Consecration of an empress. Ditto. Consecration of an emperor.