a rivulet in the county of Stirling, celebrated for a battle fought on its banks in the earlier part of the fourteenth century. As no correct details of this battle have been given in the body of the work, it becomes necessary to supply that defect in this place.

The failure of the royal line of Scotland, by direct descent, in the grand-daughter of Alexander III, who died in the year 1290, excited a competition among several powerful nobles for the crown. But deciding their respective rights by the sword would have deluged the kingdom with blood; nor were the finances of any in that condition which could enable them to maintain an arduous and protracted contest. The claims of all were, therefore, by common consent, submitted to Edward I. of England, a warlike and politic prince, who, having heard them patiently, with due solemnity adjudged the throne to John Baliol. Edward, though without apparent partiality, had not lost sight of his own interest; but the truth was soon betrayed, that he wished to render Scotland an appanage of England, could it have been effected. The right of superiority was asserted, acknowledged, and then resisted; but Edward had power in his hands, and the abdication of Baliol followed a short and troubled reign. That monarch now openly avowed his design of subjugating Scotland, which he affected to consider only as a fief of his kingdom. Some patriots arose in the course of an interregnum: but their co-operation being generally disturbed by jealousies among themselves, they were quickly overwhelmed, and a large proportion of the peers and barons swore fealty to the English sovereign. By a barbarous sentence, the most distinguished defender of Scottish liberty, Sir William Wallace, was put to death at London, and Edward conceived that the terror of his punishment would restrain others from resistance. He was mistaken, however, for Robert Bruce, Earl of Carrick, grandson of one of the original competitors for the kingdom, reviving his claim, was crowned at Scone in the year 1306, and prepared to vindicate it by the sword. He was at first unsuccessful, and two of his brothers perished in the contest, while the English were repeatedly victorious, and obtained possession of all the strong-holds throughout the country. Meantime, after expressing irreconcilable hatred to Bruce, Edward died, and his son, who solemnly swore that he never would remain two nights in the same place until he reached Scotland, resolved to maintain his superiority. But the imbecility which he speedily displayed, his ignorance of the real dispositions of the people with whom he had to deal, and other circumstances, induced many who had pledged their fealty to his father now to desert himself; and the partizans of Bruce, who was generally acknowledged the real and legitimate sovereign, rapidly increased in number. The south and west were released from the power of the English; several places of strength were gained, either by force or stratagem; and, encouraged by success, he even ventured to penetrate the less protected parts of the neighbouring kingdom. Edward, however, sought to preserve the allegiance of those who still adhered to his interest, by conferring obligations upon them; and as there were many in Scotland disaffected to the government of Bruce, he never abandoned the original plan of subjugation. After various successes and discomfitures on either side, one of the strongest fortresses, Stirling Castle, then in possession of the English, was invested by Edward Bruce, a surviving brother of the king. The governor, Sir Philip Mowbray, pressed on all hands, offered to surrender if he should not be relieved by his countrymen on the 24th of June 1314, to which Bruce, commanding the besiegers, incautiously assented; and although he thus incurred the displeasure of his brother, the sanction of the latter was not withheld. It was these preliminary events, which we deem it necessary to explain, that were productive of the celebrated battle of Bannockburn.

Edward being made acquainted with the circumstances, quickly ascertained the importance of carrying succours to Stirling Castle, and resolved to levy a powerful force for the purpose of combating the Scottish king, who was posted so as to intercept his access to it. From the writ commanding the different counties to furnish their respective proportions of the military, it would appear either that the design of Robert to dislodge his enemies was long premeditated, or that he had remained a considerable time encamped at the place of rendezvous, the Torwood, a few miles east of Stirling. It specifies that "the Scots had endeavoured, as far as they were able, to collect a vast body of foot in a strong and rugged position, where it was difficult for cavalry to act, between him and his castle of Stirling." Probably the Torwood then extended farther west than we are accustomed to fix its limits at the present day; therefore we must seek for the Scottish camp nearer the object of contention. There were assembled about 30,000 men, besides an unarmed and undisciplined rabble of followers and retainers, amounting to a great number, not less than perhaps two-thirds of the regular force. The Scottish historians calculate the English army at 100,000 men.

But here we cannot sufficiently regret that it is principally from a poetical narrative and tradition we are enabled to deduce the interesting events of that era; therefore, as poets are in general but faithless historians, their writings must always be received with reserve. At the same time, Barbour, the poet who records the battle of Bannockburn in detail, seems to have had little in view, besides the glory of his country; and there are also some slight notices to be found elsewhere corroborative of the general train of the history.

On Saturday the 22d of June, Robert having received intelligence that the English had reached Edinburgh, withdrew his army from its encampment in the Torwood, to take up another position in the neighbourhood of Stirling Castle. There he extended his troops in three divisions, occupying a wood, it would appear, from the stream called Bannock, on the right towards the church of St Ninian, and on the left nearly, it is supposed, in the direction of the present road from Edinburgh to Stirling. In the night he directed a great number of small pits to be dug knee-deep, and covered with turf, concealing at the bottom a kind of projecting spikes called caltrops, or caltrops, designed for the destruction of cavalry. The position was besides protected by a morass in the vicinity, and peculiarly favourable, in many respects, against the attack of cavalry, which the Scottish king chiefly dreaded. On Sunday the 23d, an alarm spread of the approach of the enemy, and Bruce prepared to receive them, for he had now chosen the ground on which he awaited the attack; his whole army heard mass, and in answer to his proclaiming that those who were not confident of victory might retire, all unanimously declared their resolution to conquer or die. His troops were marshalled in three divisions, of which that on the right was commanded by his brother Edward, the left wing by Lord Douglas and the young Stewart of Scotland, and the centre by his nephew, Randolph, Earl of Murray, while he himself took the command of the reserve, posted on a rising ground in the rear, whence he could obtain a view of the passing incidents. But it is remarkable that this reserve consisted of the most savage part of the inhabitants of Scotland, the Western Islanders and men of Argyle, as also his own vassals of Carrick in Ayrshire. The followers of the camp were now sent to a valley at a little distance to the left of the position. In this manner Bruce designed to deceive his enemies.

Meantime a squadron of 800 horse was detached from the English army for the purpose of gaining Stirling Castle, by a circuitous route through the low ground to the north-east. The king, the first to perceive it, reproached the Earl of Murray, his nephew, with leaving the place exposed, and he, anxious to repair his fault, hastened with 500 spearmen to check the enemy, wherein he with difficulty succeeded. Soon after, the van of the English appeared in sight, while Robert was in front of the Scottish line. He was recognised by Henry de Bohun advancing a bow-shot before his comrades, from a crown surmounting his helmet, and the authoritative manner in which he disposed his troops. Being mounted on a sorry horse, the Englishman quickly advanced upon him, but his spear missing the king in his course, the latter, rising in his stirrups, cleft his helmet with a single blow of his battle-axe, and Bohun fell to the earth. This valiant deed encouraged his people; but to his friends, who warned him he had exposed himself too hardly to danger, he tacitly seemed conscious of temerity, and regretted that the shaft of his weapon had been broken by the violence of the blow. This closed the operations of the first day.

The armies reposed in the vicinity of each other; both were impatient for the succeeding dawn, the one anticipating undoubted victory, the other in anxious hopes of being liberated from the yoke of strangers. Bruce addressed his troops, recapitulating the conduct of the enemy, how the government of the country had been usurped, and those that had fallen into their hands most barbarously treated; that now they were to fight for all they held dear, their own personal liberty and the safety of their families. He showed them, that their position was such as would insure success; that they fought in a good cause, but the English only for conquest; that they would, when victorious, be enriched with the spoils of the vanquished, and he promised that the heirs of those who fell should enjoy privileges merited by the conduct of their predecessors. But he strenuously urged the necessity for order, to avoid pillaging the slain, and to preserve their line unbroken.

At break of day, the Scots, drawn out in battle array, beheld the English already prepared; but, notwithstanding their own inferiority of number, they were animated by the justice of their cause, and with confidence in their leader. To propitiate the Deity, Maurice, Abbot of Inchaffray, celebrated mass, and passed in front of the army, bearing a crucifix in his hand, and exhorting the soldiers. The troops then partook of some refreshment, and Bruce, in conformity with the customs of his era, created some of his most distinguished followers knights.

The English army was commanded by Edward in person, attended by a body guard of 500 cavalry well armed; and among his troops were 52,000 archers. But the same unanimity did not subsist as among his foes; although he, on his part, was confident of victory; and the Scottish host having knelt with one accord to utter a pious ejaculation, and receive benediction, he exclaimed to those around him, "Behold, they kneel to ask mercy!" He was quickly undeceived.

A signal was now given; the armies approached, and a sanguinary contest ensued, unexampled in the annals of British history. The van of the English, composed of cavalry, galloped on to charge the right wing of the Scots, commanded by Edward Bruce, which received them with intrepidity. While this wing was engaged, Randolph advanced with a division to meet the main body of the enemy; and the left wing also hastened to participate in the conflict. Repeated charges of cavalry attempted, but in vain, to break the Scottish line; it proved impenetrable; they were everywhere resisted and repulsed. At this time, the battle seems to have been general, but the Scots were drawn up in a small and compact form, while the unwieldy mass of the English army could only be partially brought into action. Nevertheless, the former were grievously annoyed by the archers; but they fought desperately with their spears, swords, and knives, and also iron clubs or maces; besides, they were protected by light armour, which did not restrain their agility. Edward, the king's brother, was hard pressed by the English cavalry, and the Earl of Murray, making a movement to his support, was almost overwhelmed by the multitude of the enemy, while a terrible shower of arrows saluted the third division advancing to their relief, which galled them severely. The English still presented a vast and extensive front, but the king directed one of his chosen leaders, Sir Robert Keith, to take the archers in flank with 500 horse, and their impetuosity proved irresistible. They were suddenly overthrown, and fled with precipitation. The king, satisfied with this important advantage, brought up the reserve, encouraging his people to press onward, as they were now sure of victory; and he spoke with greater confidence, as the Earl of Gloucester, in endeavouring to rally the fugitives, was unhorsed and slain. The reserve about this period fell into the line, which had been weakened in no inconsiderable degree by the previous operations: the Scottish archers, in their turn, did uncommon execution among the enemy; they inspired each other to the attack, and their comrades bore every thing down before them. The numbers of the English proved their own destruction: for those who recoiled, threw the rest into disorder, and those who fell were immediately trampled to death and destroyed. Notwithstanding, the battle continued to rage furiously, and victory was long and keenly contested. But, at length, at this critical period, the retainers of the Scottish camp, who had previously been sent to a valley in the rear, suddenly appeared on the neighbouring height in view of the English army. Intimidated by the approach of what was believed a strong reinforcement, they soon began to waver, and as Robert urged his troops forward, they gradually receded, and at last took to flight. Edward, with 500 horse, prepared to seek shelter in Stirling Castle, but the governor found means to dissuade him from it; and he then consulted the speediest means of escape. The rout of his army became complete, their hands were totally broken, and they fled with precipitation on every side. Some sought refuge among the rocks of the castle; many hurried to the river Forth, where they were drowned; but the most terrific scene of carnage was in the valley where the rivulet Bannock flows; for the ascent towards the east being steep and difficult, and then probably impeded by wood, they were exposed to inevitable destruction. Scarce any who took that direction escaped; the course of the stream was interrupted, and a bridge was formed of the bodies of the slain. The peasantry, witnessing the defeat of the English soldiers, inhumanly slaughtered them, gratifying their revenge, and glutting themselves in blood. Nevertheless, prodigies of valour were performed; and, at the earlier part of the rout, Sir Giles Argentine telling Edward it was not his custom to retreat, rushed amidst his enemies and was slain. But Edward, hotly pursued, continued his flight, followed by 60 horse under command of Douglas, until both, as if by mutual consent, halted at Winchburgh, 20 miles from the field of battle. Again mounting, the pursuit was continued 40 miles farther to Dunbar, where the castle gates being opened to Edward, a vessel conveyed him to England.

Meantime, the scattered fugitives were either falling under the sword of their enemies, or seeking safety in the speed of their flight. A body of Welshmen appeared nearly naked, having been induced to throw aside their upper garments, in order to fight with the greater freedom; and now were the easiest victims. Some continued to conceal themselves in the woody parts of the neighbourhood in hopes of mercy; and Sir Marmaduke Twenge, after lurking through the night in a bush, surrendered himself to Robert, personally, by whom he was courteously treated.

There are two things which it is equally difficult to ascertain, the numbers who fell, and the duration of the engagement. The victors are always prone to magnify their conquest; the vanquished to diminish their defeat, and to exaggerate its difficulty. If it be true that Edward fled on the same day to Dunbar, the conflict, though from dawn, could not be very long; yet, it is not easy to conceive how the unwieldy mass of the English army could be brought into action unless by slow operations. The loss on both sides was certainly very great. Barbour asserts that of the English to have been 80,000 men, and that 200 knights were killed. But the truth of this calculation is disputable, especially as it is said elsewhere, that only 42 knights were slain, and 60 made prisoners. Barbour also affirms, that only two Scotsmen of note fell on the occasion, Sir William Vipont and Sir Walter Ross. The king bitterly regretted the Earl of Gloucester, for he was his own near relative, and historians maintain, that had the Scots known him he would not have fallen that day. He caused his body to be carried to St Ninian's church, and watched all night, and then sent with that of Lord Clifford to England. The more distinguished slain received interment in consecrated ground, the others were thrown into pits. The booty taken in the battle was immense; so great, indeed, as to disseminate riches throughout the kingdom, which may well be believed, as the English anticipated nothing less than discomfiture. "O day of vengeance and fatality," one of their historians exclaims, "hateful accursed day, to be blotted from the circle of the year; a day which tarnished the glory of England, despoiled our nation, and enriched its enemies to the amount of L.200,000. How many valiant youths and illustrious nobles, how many excellent horses and beautiful arms, how many precious vestments and golden vessels, were lost in that single unfortunate day!" The privy-seal of Edward was also among the spoils, but restored by Robert, who used his victory with such clemency and moderation, as to gain the applauses even of the hostile nation. Among the prisoners was Baston, a Carmelite friar, said to have been brought by Edward to celebrate his expected conquest; he now obtained his freedom on condition of paying a similar ransom, but in favour of his enemies. His poem probably merits more attention and confidence than ought to be bestowed on any other narrative of the battle, because he alone was contemporary with it, and most probably was a spectator of many of the incidents which happened twenty years before Barbour was born. But we must again regret that it fell to the share of poets only to perpetuate the remembrance of events so important and interesting.

The immediate consequences of this great victory were the surrender of all the fortresses of Scotland to their lawful owners, the liberation of the inhabitants from a foreign yoke, and the firm establishment of the sovereign on the throne. Many inconsiderable engagements have been magnified into battles, but this may probably vie with those most celebrated in history, though fought at a period when the nation was, without all doubt, almost in a savage state. Some memorials of it still remain on the spot; armour and weapons have been frequently dug up from the neighbourhood; and at an interval of 500 years, the inhabitants of the vicinity met on the 24th of June 1814, to celebrate the triumph of their ancestors, the memory of which has been sedulously preserved among them.