Mexico is situated between the 14th and 21st degrees of north latitude, and between the 91st and 103rd degrees of west longitude; being nearly two thousand miles in length, and in some places six hundred miles in breadth.

The Toltecs are the most ancient Mexican nation of which we know anything. They were expelled from their own country, which is supposed to have been Tollan to the northward of Mexico, in the year 472, and for some time they led a wandering life. In whatever place they determined to reside for any considerable time, they erected houses and cultivated the ground. Thus their migrations were extremely slow, and it was not until a hundred and four years after they had set out that they reached a place about fifty miles to the eastward of the city of Mexico, where they settled for twenty years, giving to their new residence the name of Toltantzinco. From thence they proceeded about forty miles farther to the west, where they built a city called, from the name of their country, Tollan, or Tula.

After the final settlement of the Toltecs, the government was changed into a monarchy. Their first king began his reign in 667, and their monarchy lasted 384 years, during which time they reckon only eight princes. We are not, however, to imagine that each of their kings lived long enough to make up this period. It was a custom amongst them that the name of the king should be continued for fifty-two years, and no longer, from the time when he ascended the throne. If he died within that period, the government was carried on in his name by a regency; and if he survived, he was obliged to resign his authority. During the four centuries that the Toltec monarchy continued, they increased very considerably in number, and built many cities; but when in the height of prosperity, almost the whole nation was destroyed by a famine occasioned by drought, and a pestilence, probably the consequence of the famine. According to Torquemada, at a certain festival-hall given by the Toltecs, the sad-looking devil appeared to them of a gigantic size, with immense arms, and in the midst of the entertainment he embraced and suffocated them; then he appeared in the form of a child with a putrid head, and brought the plague; and, finally, at the persuasion of the same devil, they abandoned the country of Tula.

They were succeeded by the Chichimecans, a much more barbarous people, who came from an unknown country called Amaquemecan, where they had for a long time resided, but of it no traces of remembrance can be found amongst any of the American nations known to Europeans; so that Clavigero supposes it must have been situated far to the northward. The motive of the Chichimecans for leaving their own country is not known. They were eighteen months on their journey, and took possession of the desolate country of the Toltecs about an hundred years after the former had left it. They were much more uncivilized than the Toltecs; but they had a regular form of monarchical government, and in other respects were less disgusting in their manners than some of the neighbouring nations. The last king who reigned in Amaquemecan before the departure of the Chichimecans, had left his dominions between his two sons Auchcaulatl and Xolotl, and the latter conducted the new colony. Having proceeded from the ruins of Tula towards Chempoalla and Tepepolio, Xolotl sent his son to survey the country. The prince crossed the borders of the lakes and the mountains which surround the valley of Mexico; then ascending to the top of a very high one, he viewed the whole country, and took possession of it in the name of his father, by shooting four arrows to the four winds. Xolotl being informed by his son of the nature of the country, chose for the capital of his kingdom Tenayuca, about six miles to the northward of the city of Mexico, and distributed his people in the neighbouring territory; but as most of them went to the northward, that part obtained the name of the country of the Chichimecans, in contradistinction to the rest. Here a review of the people was taken, and their number, according to Torquemada, amounted to more than a million.

Xolotl finding himself peacefully settled in his new dominion, sent one of his officers to explore the sources of some of the rivers of the country. Whilst performing this task by the Toltecs, he came to the habitations of some Toltecs, who it seems had still kept together, and were likely once more to become a nation. As these people were not inclined to war, and greatly esteemed for their knowledge and skill in the arts, the Chichimecans entered into a strict alliance with them, and Prince Nopaltzin, who had first surveyed the country, married a Toltec princess. The consequence of this alliance was the introduction of the arts and knowledge of the Toltecs amongst the Chichimecans. Until now the latter had subsisted entirely by hunting, and such fruits and roots as the earth spontaneously produced. They were clad in the skins of wild beasts, and, like these beasts, they are said to have sucked the blood of the animals they caught; but after their connection with the Toltecs, they began to sow corn, to learn the art of digging and working metals, to cut stones, manufacture cotton, and, in every respect, to make great improvements.

When Xolotl had reigned about eight years in his new territories, an embassy of six persons arrived from a distant country not far from Amaquemecan, expressing a desire of coming with their people to reside in the country of the Chichimecans. The king gave them a very gracious reception, and assigned them a district; and, in a few years afterwards, three other princes, with a great army of Acolhuans, who were likewise neighbours of Amequemecan, made their appearance. The king was at that time at Tezcuco, to which place he had removed his court; and here he was accosted by the princes, who, in a submissive and flattering manner, requested him to allow them a place in his happy country, where the people enjoyed such an excellent government. Xolotl not only gave them a favourable reception, but offered them his two daughters in marriage; expressing his concern at having no more, that none might have been excluded from the royal alliance. Upon the third prince, however, he bestowed a noble virgin of Chalco, in whom the Toltec and Chichimecan blood were united. As the Acolhuans were the more civilized nation of the two, the name of Chichimecans began to be appropriated to the more rude and barbarous portion, who preferred hunting to agriculture, or chose a life of savage liberty in the mountains rather than submit to the restraints of social laws. These barbarians associated with the Otomies, another savage nation who lived to the northward, occupying a tract of more than three hundred miles in extent; and by their descendants the Spaniards were harassed for many years after the conquest of Mexico.

As soon as the nuptial rejoicings were over, Xolotl divided his territories into three parts, assigning one to each divided. of the princes. Acolhuatzin, who had married his eldest daughter, had Azozapalco, eighteen miles to the westward of Tezcuco; Chicomauhuitl, who had married the other, received a territory named Xaltocan; and Tzonteconatl, who married the lady of inferior rank, obtained one named Coatlichan.

The country continued for some time to flourish, population increased greatly, and with it the civilization of the people; but as these advanced, the vices of luxury and ambition increased in proportion. Xolotl found himself obliged to treat his subjects with more severity than formerly, and even to put some of them to death. This produced a conspiracy against him, which, however, he had the good fortune to escape; but whilst he meditated a severe revenge against the conspirators, he was seized with the distemper of which he died, in the fortieth year of his reign, and at a very advanced age.

Xolotl was succeeded by his son Nepaltzin, who at the time of his accession, is supposed to have been about sixty years of age. In his time the tranquillity of the kingdom, which had begun to suffer disturbance under his father, experienced much more violent shocks, and civil wars took place. Acolhuatzin, the only one of the three princes who remained alive, thinking the territory he possessed too narrow, made war upon the lord of a neighbouring province named Tapetzotlan, and deprived him of his territory. Huetzin, son to the late prince Tzonteconatl, lord of Coatlichan, fell in love with the grand-daughter of the queen, a celebrated beauty, but was rivalled by a neighbouring lord, who determined to support his pretensions by force of arms. Huetzin, however, defeated and killed his adversary, and then possessed himself of the lady and his estate. This was followed by a rebellion of the whole province of Tollantzinco, so that the king himself was obliged to take the field. As the rebels were very numerous, the royal army was at first defeated, but having at length received a strong reinforcement, the insurgents were overcome, and their ring-leaders severely punished. The king did not long survive the restoration of tranquillity to his dominions. He died in the thirty-second year of his reign, and ninety-second of his age, leaving the throne to his eldest son Tlotzin, who was an excellent prince, and reigned thirty-six years.

Quinatzin, the son and successor of Tlotzin, proved a vain and luxurious prince. His accession to the throne was celebrated with much greater pomp than any of his predecessors. Xolotl had removed his court from Tenayuca to Tezcuco; but being disgusted with this last place, on account of the conspiracy formed against him there, he had returned to Tenayuca, where the court continued till the reign of Quinatzin, who removed it back to Tezcuco. The reign of Quinatzin, though tranquil at first, was soon disturbed by dangerous revolts and rebellions. These first broke out in two states, named Maztillen and Totopec, situated amongst the northern mountains. The king, having collected a great army, marched without delay against the rebels, and challenged their leaders to come down and fight him upon the plain. This challenge being accepted, a furious engagement ensued, in which, though great numbers fell on both sides, no decisive advantage was gained by either. Frequent engagements took place for the space of forty days, until at last the rebels perceiving that their numbers were daily diminishing, without any possibility of their being recruited like the royal army, surrendered to the king, who punished the ringleaders with great severity. Tranquillity, however, was not yet restored; the rebellion spread to such a degree, that the king was obliged not only to take the field in person, but to employ six other armies, under the command of faithful and experienced generals, in order to reduce the rebels. These proved so successful in their enterprises, that in a short time the rebellious cities were reduced to obedience, and the kingdom enjoyed the blessings of peace during the long reign of Quinatzin, who is said to have sat upon the throne for no less than sixty years. He was succeeded by his son Techotlatla; but as the affairs of the Acolhuans had now begun to be connected with those of the Mexicans, it will be proper to give some account of that people.

The Mexicans, called also the Aztecas, dwelt till the year 1160 in a country called Aztlan, situated to the north of the Gulf of California, as appears by the route they pursued in their journey; but how far to the northward we are not certainly informed. Betancourt makes it no less than 2700 miles, and Boturini says it was a province of Asia. The following is stated to have been the cause of their migration. Amongst the Aztecas was a person of great authority named Huitzulotl, to whose opinion every one paid the utmost deference. He had conceived a design to persuade his countrymen to change their residence; and in order to effect this he fell upon a stratagem. Having heard, whilst meditating on his scheme, a little bird singing on the branches of a tree, the notes of which resembled the word tliliu, which in the Azteca language signified "let us go," he took that opportunity to work upon the superstitious credulity of the people. With this view, he took along with him a respectable person, and made him attend to the note of the bird. "What can it mean?" says he, "but that we must leave this country, and find ourselves another? Without doubt it is the warning of some secret divinity, who watches over our welfare; let us obey, therefore, his voice, and not draw his anger upon us by a refusal." Tecpaltzin, for that was the name of his friend, readily agreed to the interpretation; and both of them being persons of influence, their united persuasions soon gained over to their project the bulk of the nation, and they accordingly set out.

The Aztecas, when they left their original habitations, were divided into six tribes, but at Culiacan the Mexicans of the were left with their god (a wooden image), by five of them, viz., the Xochimilcas, Tepanecas, Chalcecs, Tlahuicas, and Tlascalas. The cause of this separation is not known, but it was probably occasioned by some disagreement amongst themselves; for the remaining tribe was divided into two violent factions, which persecuted one another; neither did they afterwards construct any more edifices. However, they always travelled together, in order to enjoy the company of their imaginary god. At every place where they stopped an altar was erected to him; and at their departure they left behind them all their sick, and probably also such as were not willing to endure the fatigue of further journeys. They stopped in Tula nine years, and eleven more in the neighbouring parts. At last, in 1216, they arrived at Zumpanco, a considerable city in the valley of Mexico, where they were received in a hospitable manner by the lord of the district. He not only assigned them proper habitations, but became much attached to them, and even demanded from amongst them a wife for his son Ilhuicatl. This request was complied with, and from this marriage all the Mexican kings descended.

The Mexicans continued to migrate from one place to another along the lake of Tezcuco. Xolotl, who was then on the throne of the Acolhuans or Chichimeccas, allowed them to settle in whatsoever places of his dominions they thought proper; but some of them finding themselves harassed by a neighbouring lord, were obliged, in the year 1245, to retire to Chapultepec, a mountain on the western borders of the lake, scarcely two miles distant from the site of Mexico. This took place in the reign of Nepaltzin, when disturbances began to take place in the Acolhuan dominions. The Mexicans, however, did not find themselves any more secure in their new place of residence than formerly. They were persecuted by the neighbouring lords, and obliged to take refuge in a number of small islands, named Acocolco, at the southern extremity of the lake of Mexico. Here for fifty-two years they lived in the most miserable manner, subsisting on fish, insects, roots, &c., and clothing themselves with the leaves of the amoxtili, which abounds in that lake. In this miserable plight the Mexicans continued till the year 1314, when they were reduced to a state of the most absolute slavery. This was effected by the king of a petty state named Colhuacan. After some years a war broke out between the Colhuans and Xochimilcas, in which the latter gained such advantages, that the former were obliged to employ their slaves to assist them. They accordingly ordered them to prepare for war, but without furnishing them with arms necessary for a military enterprise. The Mexicans were therefore obliged to content themselves with long staves, having their points hardened in the fire; and they also made knives of the stone itztil, and shields of reeds woven together. They agreed not to waste their time in making prisoners, but to content themselves with cutting off one ear of their enemies, and then leaving them without further injury. They adhered punctually to this resolution, and rushing furiously upon the Xochimilces, cut off an ear from as many as they could, killing those who resisted the performance of this auricular excision. In short, so well did the Mexicans acquit themselves in this engagement, that the Xochimilces fled, and took refuge amongst the mountains.

After the battle the Colhuan soldiers presented themselves before their general with the prisoners they had taken, by the number of which alone they judged of their valour. The Mexicans had taken only four, and these they kept concealed for the purpose of sacrificing them. The Colhuans, therefore, seeing no trophies of their valour, began to reproach them with cowardice; but the Mexicans, producing their baskets of ears, desired them to judge from these how many prisoners they might have taken, had they not been unwilling to retard their victory by taking up time in binding them.

Notwithstanding the valour displayed by the Mexicans in this engagement, it does not appear that their haughty masters were in the least inclined to afford them easier terms than before. Having erected an altar to their god, they demanded of their lord something precious to offer in sacrifice to him; but he in disdain sent them a dirty cloth, enclosing the filthy carcass of a vile bird. This was carried by Colhuan priests, and without any ceremony laid upon the altar. The Mexicans, with apparent unconcern, removed this filthy offering, and put in its place a knife made of itztil, and an odoriferous herb. On the day of the consecration, the Colhuan prince attended with his nobility; not with a view to do honour to the festival, but to make a mockery of the Mexicans. Their derision, however, was soon changed into horror, when the Mexicans, after a solemn dance, brought forth the four Xochimilcan prisoners they had taken; and, after having made them dance a little, cut open their breasts with the knife which lay upon the altar, and plucking out their hearts, offered them, whilst yet palpitating with life, to their sanguinary idol. This had such an effect upon the spectators, that both the king and his subjects desired the Mexicans immediately to quit their territories and go where they pleased. This order was instantly obeyed. The whole nation took their route towards the north, until they came to a place named Acatzitzinlan, situated between two lakes, and afterwards named Mexicaltzinlan; but being discontented with this situation, they proceeded to Iztacalco, still nearer to the site of Mexico. Here they formed the image of a little mountain of paper, and danced round it a whole night, singing their victory over the Xochimilcas, and returning thanks to their god for having freed them from the yoke of the Colhuans. Clavigero is of opinion, that by this mountain they represented Colhuacan, as in their pictures it was always represented by a hunch-backed mountain; and this is the literal signification of the name.

The city of Mexico was founded in the year 1325, in the most incommodious situation we can imagine, namely, on a small island named Tenochtitlan, in the middle of a great lake, without ground to cultivate for subsistence, or even room sufficient to build habitations. The life of the people, therefore, was for some time as miserable here as it had been when they were on the islands at the end of the lake, and they were reduced to the same shifts to maintain themselves. To enlarge the boundaries of their island, they drove palisades into those parts of the water which were most shallow, terracing them with stones and turf, and uniting to their principal island several other smaller ones which lay in the neighbourhood. In order to procure for themselves stones, wood, and other materials for constructing their habitations, as well as clothing and other necessaries, they instituted a commerce with the people who dwelt upon the borders of the lake, supplying them with fish, waterfowl, and other articles; and in return for all this they received the necessaries above mentioned. The greatest effort of their industry, however, was the construction of floating gardens, by means of bushes and of the mud of the lake; and these they brought to so much perfection that they produced maize, pepper, chia, French beans, and gourds. For thirteen years that the Mexicans had to struggle with extreme difficulty, they remained at peace; but no sooner did they begin to prosper and live comfortably, than the inveterate enmity between the two factions broke out in all its fury. This produced a separation; and one of the parties took up their residence on a small island at a little distance to the northward, which, from a heap of sand found there, they at first named Xaltitloco, but afterwards Tlateolco, from a terrace constructed by themselves. This island was afterwards united to that of Tenochtitlan.

About this time the Mexicans divided their city into four Barbrity parts, each quarter having now its tutelar saint, as it had formerly had its tutelar god. In the midst of their city was the legea sanctuary of their great god Mexiltl, whom they constantly preferred to all the rest. To him they daily performed acts of adoration; but instead of making any progress in humanity, they seem to have daily improved in the most horrible barbarities, at least in their religion. The dreadful sacrifices made of their prisoners, could only be exceeded by that which we are about to relate. Being now on a more respectable footing than formerly, they sent an embassy to the petty king of Colhuacan, requesting him to send them one of his daughters, in order that she might be consecrated the mother of their protecting god. The unsuspecting prince readily complied with their desire, and the unfortunate princess was conducted in great triumph to Mexico; but no sooner had she arrived than she was sacrificed in a shocking manner; and, to add to the horror of the deed, the body was flayed, and one of the bravest young men of the nation dressed in her skin. Her father, ignorant of this dreadful transaction, was invited by the Mexicans to be present at the apotheosis of his daughter, and went to see the solemnity, and to worship the new divinity. He was led into the sanctuary, where the young man stood clothed in the bloody skin of his daughter; but the darkness of the place prevented him from seeing what was before him. They gave him a censer in his hand, and some copal to begin his worship; but having discovered by the flame of the copal the horrible spectacle, he ran out in a distracted manner, calling in vain upon his people to revenge the injury.

In the year 1352, the Mexican government was changed Acamapitzin from an aristocracy to a monarchy. At first the people were governed by twenty lords, of whom one had an authority superior to the rest. This naturally suggested the idea of monarchy; and to this change they were also induced by the contemptible state in which their nation still continued, thinking that the royal dignity would confer upon it a degree of splendour which otherwise it could not enjoy, and that by having one leader, they would be better able to oppose their enemies. Proceeding, therefore, to elect a king, the choice fell upon Acamapitzin, a man held in great estimation amongst them, and descended from Opochtli, a noble Aztecan, and a princess of the royal family of Colhuacan. As he was yet a bachelor, they attempted to negotiate a marriage, first with the daughter of the lord of Tlacuca, and then of the king of Azcapozalco; but these proposals being rejected with disdain, they applied to Acolmiztli lord of Coatlchan, and a descendant of one of the three Acolhua princes, who complied with their request, and the nuptials were celebrated with great rejoicings.

In the mean time, the Tlatelolcos, the natural rivals of the Mexicans, resolved not to be behind them in anything which had the least appearance of augmenting the glory of their state. They likewise, therefore, chose a king; but not thinking proper to choose him from amongst themselves, they applied to the king of the Tepanecos, who readily sent them his son; and he was crowned first king of Tlatelolco in 1353. In this the Tlatelolcos seem to have had a design of humbling their rivals, as well as of rendering themselves more respectable; and therefore it is very probable that they had represented the Mexicans as wanting in that respect due to the Tepanecan monarch, from having elected a king without his leave, though at the same time they were tributaries to him. The consequence of this was, that he resolved to double their tribute. Hitherto they had paid only a certain number of fish and water-fowl; but now they were ordered to bring in also several thousands of fir and willow plants to be set in the roads and gardens of Azcapozalco, and to transport to the court a great floating garden, which produced vegetables of every kind known in Anahuac. This being accomplished with great difficulty, the king commanded them next year to bring him another garden, with a duck and a swan in it both sitting upon eggs, but so, that on their arrival at Azcapozalco the brood might be ready to hatch. This was also done, and the prince had the opportunity of observing the young birds come out of the eggs. The third year they were ordered to bring a live stag along with a garden. This was more difficult than any of the former tasks, because they were obliged, in order to hunt the stag, to go to the mountains of the continent, where they were in danger of falling into the hands of their enemies; however, this also was accomplished, and the desire of the king gratified. In this manner the Mexicans were oppressed for no less than fifty years. They freed themselves, however, from all their difficulties by vigorous exertions, absurdly ascribing to the protection of that malevolent being whom they worshipped, all the glory of every deliverance.

Acamapitzin governed this city, which at that time comprehended the whole of his dominions, for thirty-seven years in peace. He is said also to have conquered four considerable cities; but Clavigero thinks he must in this have been only an auxiliary.

Huitzilihuitl the second king.

Acamapitzin died in the year 1389, lamented by the Mexicans, and his death was followed by an interregnum of four months. As the deceased monarch had formerly resigned his authority into the hands of his nobles, it was necessary that a new election should take place; and when this was done, the choice fell upon Huitzilihuitl, the son of Acamapitzin. As he was still unmarried, it was resolved, if possible, to procure for him an honourable and advantageous match. With this view, a deputation of nobility was sent to the king of Azcapozalco, requesting, in humble terms, an alliance with one of his daughters. The expressions made use of by these ambassadors are said to have been particularly elegant in the Mexican language. "We beseech you," said they, "with the most profound respect, to take compassion on our master and your servant Huitzilihuitl, confined amongst the thick rushes of the lake. He is without a wife, and we without a queen. Vouchsafe, sir, to part with one of your jewels or most precious feathers. Give us one of your daughters, who may come to reign over us in a country which belongs to you." This oration had such an effect upon the king, that he granted their request, and a Tepanecan princess was conducted in great triumph to Mexico, where the marriage was solemnized with the utmost joy. Though this princess brought him a son the first year of their marriage, the king, in order to strengthen himself by fresh alliances, married also the daughter of another prince, by whom he had Montezuma Ilhucaminas, the most celebrated of all the Mexican kings.

As the Mexicans advanced in wealth and power, so did their rivals the inhabitants of Tlatelolco. Their first king died in 1399, leaving his subjects greatly improved in civilization, and the city much enlarged and beautified. The rivalry which subsisted between the two cities had indeed greatly contributed to the aggrandizement of both. The Mexicans had formed so many alliances by marriage with the neighbouring nations, had so much improved their agriculture and floating gardens on the lake, and had built so many more vessels to supply their extended commerce and fishing, that they were enabled to celebrate their secular year, answering to the year 1402 of our era, with far greater magnificence than they had ever done since they left their original country of Atitlan.

During all this time Techtotlaha, the son of Quinatzin, continued to reign in Acolhuacan, and for thirty years enjoyed uninterrupted tranquillity; but being now far advanced in years, and finding his end approaching, he called to him his son Ixtlilxochitl, and recommended to him to beware of the ambitious disposition of the king of Azcapozalco, as he was apprehensive that he might attempt something against the peace of the empire. His suspicions were verified; for on the death of Techtotlaha, which happened in 1406, the king of Azcapozalco, without making the usual submissions to the new king, to whom he was a feudatory, set out for his own territories, with a view to excite other feudatory princes to rebellion. Having called to him the kings of Mexico and Tlatelolco, he told them, that Techtotlaha, who had long tyrannized over that country, being dead, he designed to procure freedom to the princes, so that each might rule his own territory entirely independent of the king of Acolhuacan; but for this purpose he required their assistance, and trusted to their well-known spirit to take part with him in the proposed enterprise. He likewise informed them that in order to ensure success, he would find means to unite other princes in the confederacy. In the mean time the new king of Acolhuacan was employed in settling the affairs of his kingdom, and endeavouring to gain the good will of his subjects. The combination against him was soon discovered; but though Ixtlilxochitl was desirous of heading his army in person, he was dissuaded from so doing by his courtiers; so that the conduct of the war was committed to his generals. To weaken the enemy, they ravaged the territories of six revolted states; but notwithstanding this, and the superior discipline of the royal army, the war was carried on by the rebels with great obstinacy, their armies being constantly recruited by fresh troops in proportion to their losses. At last, after a ruinous contest of three years, the king of Azcapozalco, finding that his resources would at last fail him, sued for peace; but with a design of accomplishing by treachery what he had not yet been able to effect by force. His adversary, equally reduced with himself, consented to a peace, although he knew that the Tepanecan prince intended to observe it no longer than suited his purpose.

In the year 1409 died Huitzilihuitl king of Mexico, who left the right of electing a successor to the nobility. They made choice of his brother Chimalpopoca; and hence it became an established law to choose one of the brothers of the deceased king, or, if he had no brothers, to elect one of his grandsons. Whilst the new prince was endeavouring to secure himself on the throne, the treacherous Tezozomoc employed all the means in his power to strengthen the party he had formed against the king of Acolhuacan. this he had such success, that the unfortunate prince found himself reduced to the necessity of wandering amongst the neighbouring mountains; at the head of a small army, accompanied by the lords of Huexotla and Coatlichan, who remained faithful to him. The Tepanecans by intercepting his provisions, distressed him to such a degree, that he was forced to beg them of his enemies. One of his grandsons was sent to Otompan, a rebel state, to request them to supply their king with the provisions which he stood in need of, and to exhort them to abandon the cause of the rebels, which they had espoused. No task could be more dangerous; yet such was the magnanimity of the young prince's disposition, that he readily set out on the journey, nor was he deterred by the information he received that there were in the place certain Tepanecans who had come on purpose to publish a proclamation from Tezozomoc. He went boldly to the most public place of the town, and in presence of those who published the proclamation made known his request. But this heroism did not meet with the success it deserved. His propositions were derided; yet the people did not offer any further insult, until one of the meaner sort threw a stone at him, exciting others of the same stamp to put him to death. The Tepanecans, who had hitherto remained silent, now perceiving their opportunity, joined in the general cry to kill the prince, and began also to throw stones. The prince attempted first to defend himself, and afterwards to escape by flight; but, both being equally impossible, he fell under a shower of stones. The Tepanecans, exulted in this act of treachery, and soon afterwards cut off Ixtlilxochitl himself, after having treacherously persuaded him to hold a conference with two of their captains. This perfidious act was committed in sight of the royal army, who were too weak to revenge it. The royal corpse was saved with difficulty; and Nezahualcoyotl, the heir-apparent to the crown, was obliged to shelter himself amongst the bushes from the fury of his enemies.

Tezozomoc having now in a great measure gained his point, proceeded to pour down his troops upon those cities and districts which had remained faithful to the late unfortunate monarch. The people made a desperate defence, and killed great numbers of their enemies; but at last being reduced by the calamities of war, and in danger of total extermination, they were obliged to quit their habitations and flee to other countries. The tyrant, finding himself superior to all his adversaries, then gave Tezcucu to Chimalpopoca king of Mexico, and Huetzotla to Tlacacolotl king of Tlatelolco; at the same time placing faithful governors in other places, and appointing Azcapozalco, the capital of his own territory, the royal residence and capital of Acolhuacan. Prince Nezahualcoyotl was present in disguise at this disposal of his dominions, along with several other persons of distinction, who were enemies of the tyrant; and so much was he transported with passion, that with difficulty could he be restrained from killing Tezozomoc on the spot, though this would certainly have been done at the expense of his own life. All the rest of the Acolhuacan empire submitted; and Nezahualcoyotl saw himself for the present deprived of all hopes of obtaining the crown. Tezozomoc had now attained the summit of his ambition. But instead of conciliating the minds of his new subjects, he oppressed them with fresh taxes; and being conscious of the precarious situation in which he stood, and tormented with remorse on account of his crimes, he fell into melancholy, and was constantly haunted with frightful dreams. At length he expired in the year 1422, leaving the crown to his son Tajatzin.

Tezozomoc was no sooner dead than Maxtlaton, without surging by paying the least regard to his father's will, began to exercise the functions of sovereign. Although it was the right of Tajatzin to invite to his father's funeral whomsoever he pleased, Maxtlaton took that upon himself. Nezahualcoyotl, though not invited, came amongst the rest; but though Teuctzinli, brother to Maxtlaton, insisted upon his being put to death, the latter opposed it, since it could not then be done privately, and he hoped to find another opportunity. But no sooner were the funeral ceremonies terminated, than Maxtlaton behaved in such a manner to his brother Tajatzin, that the prince thought proper to retire to Chimalpopoca king of Mexico, to whom he had been particularly recommended by his father, in order to obtain his advice. This monarch, agreeably to the character of that age and people, advised him to invite his brother to an entertainment, and then to murder him. Unluckily for both, this discourse was overheard by a servant, who, in expectation of a reward, informed the tyrant of what he had heard; but Maxtlaton, pretending to disbelieve his story, drove the informer from his presence with ignominy. Notwithstanding this pretence, however, the tyrant had not the least doubt of the truth of what was told him, and therefore determined to rid himself of his brother without delay. This he soon accomplished in the very same way that had been projected against himself. Tajatzin, along with the kings of Mexico, Tlatelolco, and several other feudatory princes, were invited by Maxtlaton to an entertainment. The king of Mexico prudently excused himself, but the unsuspecting Tajatzin fell into the snare. He came to the place of entertainment, and was instantly put to death. The company were greatly alarmed; but Maxtlaton, having explained to them his reasons for so doing, they not only excused him, but proclaimed him king, being in this no doubt much more influenced by fear than by affection.

Although the king of Mexico escaped a sudden death by fate of his absence at this time, yet it was only to perish in a manner king of more slow and ignominious. The vengeance of Maxtlaton first appeared by sending him a woman's dress in return for the present the king sent him as a feudatory; which being a reflection on his courage, was, therefore, the highest affront that could be offered him. This insult, however, was quickly followed by one of a more aggravated description. Having heard that one of the Mexican prince's wives was of extraordinary beauty, he enjoined some Tepanecan ladies who were accustomed to visit that princess, to invite her to spend some days with them at Azcapozalco. This being complied with, the tyrant easily obtained an opportunity of ravishing her, and then sent her back to her husband. Chimalpopoca was so much affected by this misfortune, that he resolved to offer himself up as a sacrifice to his god. Maxtlaton, however, had resolved that he should not have even that satisfaction. Hence at the time of the ceremony, he sent a body of troops, who entering Mexico without resistance, carried off the king alive, to the astonishment of the multitude, who confounded by this unexpected adventure, did not attempt to offer any resistance. Chimalpopoca having been carried prisoner to Azcapozalco, was confined in a strong wooden cage, the common prison for criminals. But Maxtlaton was still unsatisfied. He wished to get into his hands Nezahualcoyotl, and with this view sent a message to him, pretending that he was willing to come to an agreement respecting the kingdom of Acolhuacan. Although the prince was well assured of the tyrant's treacherous intention, he went boldly to his palace, presented himself before him, and told him that he had heard of the imprisonment of the king of Mexico; he had also heard that he wished to take away his own life; and he desired him to do so, and thus gratify his malice. Maxtlaton was so struck with this speech, that he assured the prince he had not formed any design against his life, and that he neither had put to death the king of Mexico, nor would attempt to do so. He then gave orders for his being properly entertained, and even allowed him to pay a visit to the king of Mexico in prison. The unfortunate Chimalpopoca, after reciting his misfortunes, requested the prince not to return to court, where they would certainly fall upon some project for taking away his life; and having pathetically recommended to him the care of his subjects, made him a present of a gold pendant and some other jewels which he wore.

In the mean time, the Mexicans raised to the throne Itzcoatl, the son of Acanapitzin by a slave, and who was accounted the justest, bravest, and most prudent of all the Mexican nation. His election was no less pleasing to Nezahualcoyotl and his party, than it was offensive to Maxtlaton. An alliance was quickly concluded between the exiled prince and the king of Mexico; and this was soon followed by the commencement of hostilities on the part of the former. His first enterprise was directed against the city of Tezcoco, which he determined to take by assault, but this was prevented by the submission of the inhabitants. He however put to death all the officers established by the tyrant, and all the Tepanecans he found there. The same day another large city named Acolman was furiously attacked by a detachment of his army, and great numbers put to the sword, amongst which were the governor, who was brother to Maxtlaton.

The Mexican monarch, hearing of the successes of his ally, sent an embassy to congratulate him thereupon. His ambassador was a son of king Huitzilhuitl, named Montezuma, who for his invincible courage and great qualities was surmained the "man of great heart and the archer of heaven." The journey was extremely dangerous; but Montezuma undertook it without any fear, accompanied by another nobleman. They got in safety to the place where the prince was, but had the misfortune to be taken prisoners, and carried to Chalco, the lord of which city, named Totetzin, was a most inveterate enemy of the Mexicans. By him he was immediately put in close confinement, under the care of one Quatecuzin, who was inviolably attached to the Mexican interest. Orders were also given to the latter to provide no sustenance for the prisoners but what was prescribed by his lord, until the mode of death which they were to suffer should be determined on. Totetzin then sent his prisoners to them, that they might be sacrificed there if they thought proper. These people, however, rejected the proposal with disdain; upon which Totetzin, thinking to regain the favour of Maxtlaton, informed him of the prisoners he had in his possession. But Maxtlaton called him a double-minded traitor, and commanded him instantly to set the prisoners at liberty. Before this answer arrived, however, Quatecuzin had instructed the prisoners how to make their escape, and directed them also not to return by land lest they should again be intercepted, but to embark at a certain place, and proceed by water to Mexico. They followed his advice exactly; and having reached the place to which they were directed, arrived safely at their city, to the great surprise and joy of the inhabitants.

Totetzin, being enraged at the loss of his prisoners, put Quatecuzin to death, and destroyed all his family excepting one son and a daughter; the latter of whom fled to Mexico. Maxtlaton, too, notwithstanding his generosity to the prisoners, prepared to wage war with the Mexicans who had agreed to unite their troops with those of the prince. The Mexican populace, terrified at engaging so powerful an enemy, demanded that their king should submit and sue for a peace. The king was obliged to consent; and it required the utmost exertions of Montezuma's eloquence to persuade the people to agree to a commencement of hostilities. This being settled, the king next called together the chief nobility, and asked which of them would have the courage to carry an embassy to the king of the Tepanecans. The adventure appeared so hazardous, that all of them maintained a profound silence, until Montezuma declared himself willing to undertake the arduous enterprise. He was ordered to propose peace to Maxtlaton, but to accept of no dishonourable conditions; and to this he punctually adhered. Maxtlaton refused any immediate answer, but promised to give one next day, after he had consulted his nobility. Montezuma, dreading some treachery if he staid all night, promised to return next day, which he did, and was told that Maxtlaton had determined upon war. Montezuma then performed the ceremony of challenging him by presenting him, with certain defensive weapons, anointing his head, and fixing feathers upon it, as was customary in such cases. Lastly, he protested, in the name of his master, that as Maxtlaton would not accept of the offered peace, he and all the Tepanecans would infallibly be ruined. Maxtlaton evinced not the least sign of displeasure, but in like manner gave Montezuma arms to present to the king of Mexico, and directed him, for his own personal security, to return in disguise through a small outlet from the palace. Montezuma followed his advice, but as soon as he found himself out of danger, he began to insult the Tepanecan guards; and although they rushed violently upon him, he not only escaped from their attack, but killed one or two of them. Upon his return to Mexico, the populace were again thrown into the utmost consternation by the news that war was inevitable; and they now requested the king to allow them to retire from their city, of which they supposed the ruin to be certain. The king encouraged them with the hopes of victory. "But if we are conquered," replied they, "what will become of us?" "If that happens," answered the king, "we are that moment bound to deliver ourselves into your hands, to be made sacrifices at your pleasure."

Matters being thus settled, intelligence was sent to prince Nezahualcoyotl to repair with his army to Mexico, which he feasted and did without delay; and the day after his arrival a furious engagement took place. The Tepanecan army was commanded by a general named Mazatl, Maxtlaton himself not judging it proper to quit his capital. The soldiers on both sides fought with the utmost bravery; but towards night the Mexicans, being disheartened by seeing the army of their enemies continually increasing in number, began once more to lose their courage and talk of surrendering. The king, greatly concerned, asked Montezuma what should be done to dissipate the fears of the people? That brave prince replied, that they must fight till death; that if they died with arms in their hands, it would be honourable; but that to survive their defeat, would be eternal ignominy. Nothing could be more salutary than this advice at so critical a juncture. The Mexicans had already begun to implore the mercy of their enemies, and to promise to sacrifice their chiefs, whose ambition had brought the whole nation into such a dilemma. On hearing this, the whole body of nobility, with the king and Montezuma at their head, assaulted the enemy so furiously, that they repulsed them from a ditch of which they had taken possession; after which, Montezuma, happening to encounter Mazatl the Tepanecan general, struck him such a blow on the head that he fell down lifeless. Thus the Mexicans were inspired with fresh courage, and their enemies proportionally dispirited; yet they retired that night to the city, in some hopes of being able to retrieve their fortune next day. Maxtlaton encouraged them by every method in his power; but fortune proved still more unfavourable to his cause than the day before. The Tepanecans were now entirely defeated, and the city of Accapozalco taken. Maxtlaton, who seems not to have had the courage to fight, had not now the presence of mind to flee. He attempted indeed to hide himself; but being quickly discovered, he was beaten to death with sticks and stones. The city was plundered, the inhabitants were butchered, and the houses destroyed by the victors. This victory proved decisive in favour of the confederates. Every other place of strength in the country was quickly reduced, until the Tepanecans, finding themselves upon the verge of destruction, sent an humble embassy to the king of Mexico, requesting to be taken under his protection, and to become tributaries. to him. Itzcoatl received them graciously, but threatened them with total extirpation if they violated the fidelity they had sworn to him.

After this extraordinary success, Itzcoatl took good care to have the above-mentioned contract ratified between the nobility and common people, by which the latter were bound to perpetual services. Those who had discouraged the soldiers in time of battle were banished forever from the state of Mexico; whilst Montezuma and others who had distinguished themselves by their bravery, were rewarded with lands, as was usual with other conquerors. Itzcoatl, now finding himself firmly seated on the throne of Mexico, set about performing his engagements to the Acolhuacan prince, by seating him upon the throne of his ancestors. Having again effected a junction of their armies, they marched against Huaxtla, a city which refused to submit, even though terms of pardon were offered to them. Instead of this, they rashly ventured a battle, in which they were entirely defeated; and they were then glad to send a deputation to move the enemy to compassion. At last all obstacles being removed, Nezahualcoyotl was seated upon the throne of Acolhuacan; the auxiliary troops were dismissed; and Itzcoatl was left at liberty to pursue his conquests, in which he was still assisted by the king of Acolhuacan. The first expedition was against Cojohuacan, and other two Tepanecan cities, who had not only themselves refused submission, but had excited others to shake off the yoke. The war against them proved bloody. Three battles were fought, in which Itzcoatl gained no other advantage than making the enemy retreat a little; but in the fourth, whilst the two armies were hotly engaged, Montezuma, with a body of chosen troops, which he had placed in ambush, attacked the rear-guard of the rebels with such vigour, that they were soon disordered, and obliged to flee to the city. The conquerors pursued them thither; and Montezuma perceiving that they intended to fortify themselves in the great temple, frustrated their design by getting possession of it and burning the turret. By this disaster they were so terrified, that they fled to the mountains south of Cojohuacan; but even there the royal army overtook and pursued them more than thirty miles, till they came to another mountain, where, exhausted with fatigue, and seeing no means of escape, they were obliged to surrender at discretion.

Having thus accomplished the conquest of Cojohuacan and of the other rebellious cities, the two kings returned to Mexico. Itzcoatl gave great part of the Tepanecan country, with the title of king of Tacuba, to Totopilhuatzin, a grandson of Tezozomoc, but who does not appear to have been in any way concerned in his projects against the Mexicans. An alliance was then formed amongst the three kings. The king of Tacuba held his crown on condition of serving the king of Mexico with all his troops, at any time when required; and for this he was to have a fifth of the spoils taken from the enemy. The king of Acolhuacan was likewise to assist the king of Mexico in war; and for this he was to have one third part of the plunder, after deducting the share of the king of Tacuba, whilst the remainder was to belong to the king of Mexico. The kings of Tacuba and Acolhuacan were both declared honorary electors of the kings of Mexico, the real electors, being four nobles; and the king of Mexico was likewise bound to assist in the wars of his allies whenever it was demanded. After having thus settled matters amongst themselves, and rewarded their soldiers, Itzcoatl set out along with Nezahualcoyotl for Tezcuco, where the Acolhuacan king was crowned with all possible ceremony. Here the new king took every method which prudence could suggest to establish his authority on a permanent basis; but whilst he was thus employed, the Xochimilcas, fearing lest the Mexicans might conquer their country as they had done that of the Tepanecans, held a council as to what should be done to prevent such a disgrace. In this council it was determined to commence hostilities against that rising state, before it should become more formidable by new conquests. Itzcoatl was no sooner informed of this determination, than he sent Montezuma with a great army against them. The Xochimilcas met him with one still more numerous; but being worse disciplined they were quickly defeated, and their city taken a short time afterwards. This conquest was followed by the reduction of Cuauhtlahuac, situated on a small island in the lake of Chalco. Their insular situation gave them sufficient confidence to attack the Mexicans. The king was so sensible of the difficulty of this enterprise, that he proposed to attack them with the whole force of the alliance. Montezuma, however, with only a small number of men of his own training, whom he had furnished with proper vessels, reduced them in seven days.

Itzcoatl died in the year 1436, at a very advanced age, Montezuma I, the greatest monarch that ever sat on the Mexican throne. Before his coronation, that he might comply with the barbarous rites of his religion, he made war upon the Chalceos, in order to procure the prisoners who were to be sacrificed at his coronation; and scarcely was this ceremony over, when a new war commenced, which terminated in the destruction of that city. This quarrel happened between the Chalceos and the Tezcucans. Two of the royal princes of Tezcuco having gone a-hunting on the mountains which overlook the mountains of Chalco, whilst employed in the chase, and separated from their retinue, with only three Mexican lords, fell in with a troop of Chalceo soldiers, who, to gratify the cruelty of their master, carried them all prisoners to Chalco. The cruel and inconsiderate tyrant who commanded there instantly put them to death; after which he caused their bodies to be salted, dried, and placed in an hall of his palace, where they served as supporters to the pine torches burned there for lights every evening. The king of Tezcuco, being overwhelmed with grief, and to the last degree exasperated at such an inhuman act, called for the assistance of the allied kings. The city was attacked at once by land and water; and the inhabitants, knowing that they had no mercy to expect, fought with the fury of despair. Even the old tyrant who commanded them, though unable to walk, caused himself to be carried in a litter amongst the combatants; notwithstanding which they were totally defeated, and the most unsparing vengeance executed upon them.

Montezuma, on his return, found himself obliged to counter an enemy more formidable on account of his vicinage, than enemies more powerful at a distance. This was Moquihuix, the king of Tlatelolco, who had formerly conspired against Itzcoatl, and finding himself disappointed in this attempt, had tried to reduce his power by entering into a confederacy with some of the neighbouring lords. At that time his designs proved abortive, but he resumed them in the time of Montezuma; the consequence of which was, that he was defeated and killed. One Moquihuix was chosen in his stead; and in the election of that chief it is probable that Montezuma had a considerable share. This was followed by conquests of a much more important nature. The province of Cuitlicaxas, situated to the southward, was added to his dominions, comprehending a tract of country more than an hundred and fifty miles in breadth; then, turning to the westward, he conquered another province named Tzompahuaucan. This success, however, was for a short time interrupted by a war with Atonaltzin, lord of a territory in the country of the Mixtecas. This prince, being elated on account of the great wealth he possessed, took it into his head that he would allow no Mexican to travel through his country. Montezuma sent ambassadors to know the reason of such strange conduct; but Atonaltzin gave them no other answer than shewing them some part of his wealth, making a present to the king, and desiring them to observe how much the subjects of Atonaltzin loved him; adding that he willingly accepted of war, which was to determine whether he should pay tribute to the Mexicans or the Mexicans to him. Montezuma having informed his allies of this insolent answer, sent a considerable army against Atonaltzin, but had the mortification to be informed of its defeat. Montezuma, chagrined at this first check, determined to command his next army in person; but before he could call together another, Atonaltzin had drawn into a confederacy with him the Huexotzincaans and Tlascalans, who were glad of the opportunity, as they supposed, of reducing the power of the Mexicans. Their numbers, however, availed them but little; as Montezuma in the first engagement totally defeated the confederate army. The allies of Atonaltzin were particularly unfortunate; for such of them as were not killed in the field of battle, were destroyed by their own party out of revenge for the unfortunate event of the battle.

By this victory the Mexican monarch became master not only of the dominions of Atonaltzin, but of those of many other neighbouring princes, against whom he made war on account of their having put to death some Mexican merchants or couriers without any just cause. The conquest of Cuetlachitan or Cotasta, however, which he attempted in 1457, proved a much more difficult task. This province is situated on the coast of the Mexican Gulf, and had formerly been inhabited by the Olmecans, whom the Tlascalans had driven out. The inhabitants were very numerous, but dreading the power of Montezuma, called in those of Tlascala, together with the Huexotzincaans, to their assistance. Along with these the allies also induced the Cholulans to join the confederacy, so that this seems to have been the most formidable combination which had yet been formed against the Mexican power. Montezuma collected an excellently equipped army, which, however, he did not on this occasion command in person. It contained a great number of persons of high rank, amongst whom were three princes of royal blood, and Moquihuix, king of Tlatelolco, already mentioned. The combination of the three republics against Mexico was not known at court when the army set out; but Montezuma, being informed of it soon afterwards, sent an order to his generals to return. This accorded so ill with the romantic notions of valour entertained by the Mexicans, that a consultation was held whether they should obey it or not. At last it was determined that the king's order should be obeyed; but no sooner had this been agreed to, than Moquihuix accused them all of cowardice, and threatened, with his own troops, unassisted, to go and conquer the enemy. His speech had such an effect upon them all, that they went to meet the confederates. The Cotastecs fought with great valour, but were unable to resist the royal forces; and their allies were almost totally destroyed. Six thousand two hundred of them were taken prisoners, and soon afterwards sacrificed to the Mexican god of war in the barbarous manner already described.

During the reign of this great monarch a violent inundation happened in Mexico. The lake, swelled by the excessive rains which fell in the year 1446, poured its waters into the city with such violence, that many houses were destroyed, and the streets inundated to such a degree that boats were everywhere made use of. The inundation was soon followed by a famine. This was occasioned by the stinting of the crop of maize in 1448, the ears whilst young and tender having been destroyed by frost. In 1450 the crop was totally lost for want of water; and in 1451, besides the unfavourable seasons, there was a scarcity of seed. Hence, in 1452, the necessities of the people became so great, that they were actually obliged to sell themselves as slaves, in order to procure subsistence. Montezuma permitted them to go to other countries for support; but being informed that many sold themselves for a few days' provisions, he ordered, by proclamation, that no woman should sell herself for less than four hundred ears of wheat, nor any man for less than five hundred. He opened also the public granaries for the relief of the lower classes; but nothing could arrest the progress of the famine.

Montezuma was succeeded by Axayacatl, who like his Axayacatl predecessor instantly commenced a war, for no other reason succeeds than that he might obtain prisoners to sacrifice at his coronation. He pursued Montezuma's plan of conquest, in which, however, he was not very successful; many of the provinces reduced by that monarch having revolted after his death, so that it was necessary to reconquer them. On his returning victorious from one of these expeditions, he built a new temple, to which he gave the name of Coatlan; but the Tlatelolcos, whose ancient rivalry seems to have revived on the death of Montezuma, built another in opposition, which they called Coxolotl. Thus the former hatred between the two nations was renewed, and an enmity arose which ended in the ruin of the Tlatelolcos.

The Mexicans sustained an irreparable loss in 1469 and Death of 1470 by the death of their allies the kings of Tacuba and the kings of Acolhuacan. The king of Tacuba was succeeded by his son can and Nezahualpilli, and the Acolhuacan monarch by his son Tacuba. A short time after the accession of the latter, the war broke out between the Tlateolcos and Mexicans, which ended in the destruction of the former. Moquihuix had been married by Montezuma to a sister of Axayacatl, now on the throne of Mexico; but it appears that this princess was never the object of his affection. On the contrary, he took all methods of expressing his dislike, either out of enmity to herself, or from envy of the superior greatness of her brother. Not content with this, he entered into an alliance with a great number of the neighbouring states, in order to reduce the Mexican greatness. His wife, however, being informed of this scheme, communicated the particulars to her brother; and soon afterwards, being impatient of the ill usage she received, came to Mexico with her four sons to claim the protection of her brother. This uncommon accident so greatly exasperated the Mexicans and Tlateolcos against each other, that wherever they met, they fought, abused, and murdered each other. The king of Tlatelolco prepared for war with many horrid ceremonies, of which the drinking of human blood was one. A day was appointed for attacking Mexico. Xilonan, lord of Colcucan, was to begin the attack, and then to pretend flight, in order to induce the Mexicans to follow him; after which the Tlateolcos were to fall upon their rear. For some reasons, however, which are unexplained, the Tlateolcos commenced the attack without waiting for Xilonan; the consequence of which was, that he retired in disgust, leaving them to finish the battle in the best way they could. The engagement lasted until night, when the Tlateolcos were obliged to retire. During the night Axayacatl disposed of his troops in all the roads which led to Tlateolco, appointing them to meet in the market-place. The Tlateolcos, finding themselves attacked upon all sides, retired gradually before the Mexicans, until at last they were forced into the marketplace, where they found themselves worse than ever on account of its narrowness, which did not allow them room to act. The king stood on the top of the great temple, encouraging his men to exert themselves against the enemy. His words, however, had now lost their usual influence. He not only was not obeyed, but reproached with cowardice because he did not come down and fight amongst the rest. At last the Mexicans arrived at the temple, and ascended to the balcony where the king had taken his station. He made a desperate defence, but by a violent push in the breast he was thrown backwards upon the steps of the temple, and stunned or perhaps killed by the fall. The Tlateolcos being thus reduced, Axaya- catl next set out on an expedition against the Matlazincas, a tribe in the valley of Toluca, who still refused to submit to the Mexican yoke. Having proved successful in this expedition, he undertook to subdue also the northern part of the valley, afterwards called Valle d'Ixtlahucan, particularly Xiquipilco, a considerable city and state of the Otomies, whose chief was much renowned for strength and bravery. Axayacatl, who likewise valued himself upon these qualities, encountered him in single combat. In this, however, he was overmatched, and received a violent wound in the thigh, after which he would have been taken prisoner, had not some young Mexicans made a desperate effort for his rescue. Notwithstanding this disaster, Axayacatl's army gained a complete victory, carrying off more than eleven thousand prisoners amongst whom was the chief of the Otomies himself, and two of his officers who had attacked the king. These chiefs were put to death at an entertainment of the allied kings, the sight of their agonies not interrupting in the least the mirth of the feast.

Axayacatl was succeeded by his elder brother called Tizoc. He intended to have built a larger temple than any which had yet been seen in Mexico, although that originally built had been greatly enlarged by some of his predecessors. For this purpose he collected a great quantity of materials; but before he could bring his projects to bear, he was taken off by a conspiracy of his subjects. During the reign of Tizoc, the Acolhuancans made war upon the Huezotzinacs, ruined their city, and conquered their territory. Nezahualpilli, also, the Acolhuancan monarch, although he had already several wives, had not made any of them queen, having wished to confer that honour upon one of the royal family of Mexico. Tizoc readily gave him one of his grand-daughters, who had a sister of singular beauty named Xocotzin. The friendship between these two ladies was such, that the one could not think of being separated from the other; and for this reason the new queen sought and obtained permission to take her sister along with her to Tezcuco. Xocotzin had not been long there before the king fell in love with her, and married her with the title of queen. Soon after this second marriage, the first queen brought forth a son named Cacamatzin, who succeeded him in the throne, and was afterwards taken prisoner by the Spaniards.

Ahuitzotl, the brother of Tizoc, succeeded him in the kingdom of Mexico. His first object was to finish the great temple begun by his predecessor; and so great was the number of workmen employed, that it was completed in four years. During the time it was building, the king employed himself in making war with different nations, reserving all the prisoners he took for victims at the dedication of the temple. The number of prisoners sacrificed at this dedication is said by Torquemada to have been 72,324, and by other historians is estimated at 64,060. The miserable victims were ranged in two files, each a mile and a half in length, terminating at the temple. The same year another temple was built by a feudatory lord, in imitation of the great one built by the king; and at the dedication of it a vast number of prisoners were also sacrificed. These temples were dedicated in 1486. In 1487 there happened a violent earthquake; and Chimalpopoca king of Acolhuacan having died was succeeded by Totoguiahuitzin II. Ahuitzotl died in the year 1502, of a disorder produced by a contusion in the head. At the time of his death, the Mexican empire was brought to its utmost extent.

His successor, Montezuma Xocojotzin or Montezuma Junior, was a person of great bravery, besides which he was likewise a priest, and held in great estimation on account of his gravity and the dignity of his deportment. His election was unanimous; and the nobles congratulated themselves on the happiness the country was to enjoy under him, little thinking how short the duration of their happiness or of their empire was to be. The first care of the new monarch was, as usual, to procure victims for the barbarous sacrifices to be made at his coronation. The people of Atlisco, who had again shaken off the Mexican yoke, were the sufferers on this occasion, being once more reduced, though not without great loss on the part of the Mexicans, some of whose bravest officers perished in the war. The ceremony of coronation was performed with such pomp as had never been seen before in Mexico; but no sooner was this ceremony terminated than Montezuma began to discover a pride which nobody had before suspected. All his predecessors had been accustomed to confer offices upon persons of merit, and those who appeared the most able to discharge them, without any partiality as to birth or wealth. Montezuma, however, disapproved of the conduct of his predecessors, on the pretence that the plebeians should be employed according to their rank; and he deprived all the commoners of the offices they held about the court, declaring them incapable of holding any for the future. All the royal servants were now people of rank. Besides those who lived in the palace, six hundred feudatory lords and nobles came to pay court to him. They passed the day in the antichamber, where none of their servants were permitted to enter, conversing in a low voice, and waiting the orders of their sovereign. The servants of these lords were so numerous that they occupied three small courts of the palace, whilst many waited in the streets.

In every respect Montezuma kept up, as far as was possible, an extravagant appearance of dignity. His kitchen utensils were of the finest earthen ware, and his tablecloths played in napkins of the finest cotton; but none of these ever served the emperor oftener than once, being immediately presented to some nobleman. The vessels in which his chocolate and other drinks from cocoa were prepared, were all of gold, or some beautiful sea-shell, or naturally-formed vessels, curiously varnished. He had also gold plate, but it was used only upon particular occasions in the temple. The number and variety of his dishes astonished the Spaniards. He took great delight in the cleanliness of his person, and of every thing about him. He bathed regularly every day, and had baths in all his palaces. Every day he wore four dresses, never using again those which he had put off, but reserving them as largesses for the nobility, or those who had distinguished themselves in war. The expense of all this rendered him very disagreeable to a great number of his subjects; though others were pleased with the readiness he shewed to relieve the necessities of individuals, and his generosity in rewarding his generals and ministers.

The reign of Montezuma, even before the arrival of the Unsuccessful Spaniards, was far from being so glorious as those of his predecessors had been. He reduced indeed one rebellious province, and conquered another which had never before been subjugated; but in his war with Tlascala he was by no means successful. This was a small republic at no great distance from the capital, and the inhabitants were remarkable for their bravery and independent spirit. The neighbouring states, however, who had been reduced by the Mexicans, envious of their liberty and prosperity, exasperated the Mexicans against them, by representing that the Tlascalans were desirous of making themselves masters of the maritime provinces on the Mexican Gulf, and that by their commerce with these provinces they were increasing their wealth and power, and gaining the hearts of the people with whom they were to traffic. In consequence of this representation, strong garrisons were placed on the frontiers of Tlascala, to obstruct the commerce of the inhabitants, and thus to deprive them of the means of obtaining some of the necessaries of life. The Tlascalans complained, but received no other answer than that the king of Mexico was lord of all the world, and that the Tlascalans must submit and pay tribute to him. The Tlascalans returned a spirited answer to this insolent speech, and began to fortify their frontier. They had already enclosed all the lands of the republic with intrenchments, to which they now added a wall of six miles in length on the west side, where an invasion was most to be apprehended; and so well did they defend themselves, that though they were frequently attacked by the neighbouring states in alliance with Mexico, or subject to it, not one of them was able to wrest a foot of ground from them.

During the remainder of Montezuma's reign the empire was disturbed by various rebellions, of which the accounts are not sufficiently interesting to merit particular detail; but in the year 1508, Montezuma began to entertain apprehensions of that fatal event which at length overtook him.

An expedition having been undertaken against a very distant region named Amatla, the army in marching over a lofty mountain were attacked by a furious north wind, accompanied with snow, which made great havoc amongst the troops, many of them perishing with cold, and others being killed by the trees rooted up by the wind. The remains of the army continued their march to Amatla, where they were almost all killed in battle. By this and other calamities, together with the appearance of a comet, the Mexicans were thrown into the utmost consternation. Montezuma was so terrified by these omens, that having in vain consulted his astrologers, he applied to the king of Alcolhuacan, who was reported to be very skilful in divination. Nezahualpilli having conferred with him upon the subject, told Montezuma that the comet presaged some calamity which was about to befall their kingdoms by the arrival of a new people; but this being unsatisfactory to the emperor, the king of Alcolhuacan challenged him to a game at foot-ball, staking the truth of his prediction on the issue of the game. Montezuma lost the game, but did not yet acquiesce in the truth of his prediction. He therefore applied to a celebrated astrologer, whom it seems he had not yet consulted, and who confirmed the interpretation of Nezahualpilli; and the emperor was so displeased that he caused his house to be pulled down, and himself to be buried in the ruins.

Mexico itself was originally discovered, though imperfectly, by a Spaniard named Nunez de Bilboa; but in 1518 the conquest of it was undertaken by a celebrated adventurer named Fernando Cortez. On the 10th of February 1519, he set sail from the Havannah in Cuba, and soon landed on the island of Cozumel, on the coast of Yucatan, discovered the preceding year. Here he joined one of his officers named Pedro d'Alvaredo, who had arrived several days before, and collected some booty and taken a few prisoners. But the general severely censured his conduct; and the prisoners were dismissed, after they had been informed by an Indian interpreter named Melchior, that such injuries were entirely disagreeable to the intentions and wishes of Cortez. Here he mustered his army, and found that it amounted to five hundred and eight soldiers, sixteen horsemen, and one hundred and nine mechanics, pilots, and mariners. Having encouraged his men by a proper speech, and released, by means of some Indian ambassadors, a Spaniard named Jeron de Aguilar, who had been detained a prisoner for eight years, he proceeded to the river Tabasco, where he hoped to be received in a friendly manner, as one Grimalva had been a short time before; but, from some unknown cause, he was violently attacked. The superiority of the Spanish arms, however, soon decided the victory in their favour, and the inhabitants were obliged to own the king of Castille as their sovereign. The Spaniards then continued their course westwards, to the harbour of St. Juan de Ulloa, where they were met by two Mexican canoes, which carried two ambassadors from the emperor of that country, and showed the greatest signs of peace and amity. Their language was unknown to Aguilar; but one of the female prisoners above mentioned understood it, and translated it into the Yucatan tongue; after which Aguilar interpreted the meaning in Spanish. This slave was afterwards named Donna Marina, and proved very useful in their conferences with the natives.

At this time the Mexican empire, according to Robertson, State of the had arrived at a pitch of grandeur to which no society had ever attained in so short a period. Though it had subsisted this time, only for a hundred and thirty years, its dominion extended from the north to the south sea, over territories stretching about 500 leagues from east to west, and more than 200 from north to south; comprehending provinces not inferior in fertility, population, and opulence, to any in the torrid zone. Though by nature Montezuma possessed a good deal of courage and resolution, yet from the first moment that the Spaniards appeared upon his coast, he discovered symptoms of timidity and embarrassment, and all his subjects were embarrassed as well as himself. The general dismay which prevailed upon this occasion was partly owing to the strange figure the Spaniards made, and the prodigious power of their arms; but partly also attributable to another circumstance. An opinion prevailed almost universally amongst the Americans, that some dreadful calamity impended over their heads, from a race of formidable invaders who should come from regions towards the rising sun, to overrun and desolate their country.

By means of his two interpreters, Donna Marina and Proceed Aguilar, Cortez learned that the chiefs of the Mexican embassy were deputies from Pilpatoe and Tectile; the one Cortez governor of a province under the emperor, and the other the commander of all his forces in that province. The purpose of their embassy was to inquire what his intentions were in visiting their coasts, and to offer him what assistance he might need in order to continue his voyage. Cortez, in his turn, also professed the greatest friendship; and informed the ambassadors, that he came to propose matters of the utmost consequence to the welfare of the prince and his kingdom; which he would more fully unfold in person to the governor and the general. Next morning, without waiting for any answer, he landed his troops, horses, and artillery, and began to erect huts for his men, and to fortify his camp. The day following the ambassadors had a formal audience, at which Cortez acquainted them, that he came from Don Carlos of Austria, king of Castille, the greatest monarch of the east, and was intrusted with propositions of such moment that he would impart them to none but the emperor himself, and therefore required to be conducted immediately to the capital. This demand produced the greatest uneasiness; and the ambassadors did all in their power to dissuade Cortez from his design, endeavouring to conciliate his good will by the presents sent him by Montezuma. These which were introduced with great parade, consisted of fine cotton cloths, of plumes of various colours, and of ornaments of gold and silver to a considerable value, the workmanship of which appeared to be as curious as the materials were rich. But these presents served only to excite the avidity of the Spaniards, and to increase their desire for becoming masters of a country which abounded with so many precious commodities. Cortez indeed, could scarcely restrain himself so far as to hear the arguments made use of by the ambassadors to dissuade him from going to the capital; and, in a haughty, determined tone, insisted on his former demand of being admitted to a personal interview with their sovereign. During this conversation, some painters in the retinue of the Mexican chiefs had been diligently employed in delineating, upon white cotton cloths, figures of the ships, horses, artillery, soldiers, and whatever else attracted their eyes as singular.

Whilst picture-writers were exerting their utmost efforts Montezuma representing all these wonderful things, messengers were immediately despatched to Montezuma with the paintings designs containing an account of every thing that had passed since the arrival of the Spaniards, together with some European des- curiosities, which Cortez believed would be acceptable to Montezuma on account of their novelty. The Mexican monarchs had couriers posted at proper stations along the principal roads; and as these were trained to agility by a regular education, they conveyed intelligence with surprising rapidity. Though the city in which Montezuma resided was above 180 miles distant from St. Juan de Ulloa, Cortez's presents were carried thither, and an answer returned to his demands in a few days. As the answer was unfavourable, Montezuma had endeavoured to mollify the Spanish general by the richness of his presents. These consisted of the manufactures of the country; cotton stuffs so fine, and of such delicate texture, as to resemble silk; and pictures of animals, trees, and other natural objects, formed with feathers of different colours, disposed and mingled with such skill and elegance as to rival the works of the pencil in truth and beauty of imitation. But what chiefly attracted their attention, were two large plates of a circular form; one of massive gold representing the sun, and the other of silver representing the moon. These were accompanied with bracelets, collars, rings, and other trinkets of gold; and that nothing might be wanting which could give the Spaniards a complete idea of what the country afforded, some boxes filled with pearls, precious stones, and grains of gold unwrought, as they had been found in the mines or rivers, were sent along with the rest. Cortez received all with an appearance of the most profound respect for Montezuma; but when the Mexicans, presuming upon this, informed him, that their master, though he desired him to accept of what he had sent as a token of his regard for the prince whom he represented, would not give his consent that foreign troops should approach nearer to his capital, or even allow them to continue longer in his dominions, Cortez declared in a manner more resolute and peremptory than formerly, that he must insist on his first demand, as he could not, without dishonour, return to his own sovereign until he was admitted into the presence of the prince whom he was appointed to visit in his name.

The pusillanimity of the Indian monarch afforded time to the Spaniards to take measures which would have been out of their power had they been vigorously attacked on their first refusal to obey his orders. Cortez used every method of securing the affections of the soldiers, which indeed was the more necessary, as many of them had begun to exclaim against the rashness of his attempt in leading them against the whole force of the Mexican empire. In a short time Tentele arrived with another present from Montezuma, and together with it delivered the ultimate orders of that monarch to depart instantly out of his dominions; and when Cortez, instead of complying with his demands, renewed his request of audience, the Mexican immediately left the camp with strong marks of surprise and resentment. Next morning, none of the natives appeared; all friendly correspondence seemed to be at an end, and hostilities were expected to commence every moment. A sudden consternation ensued amongst the Spaniards, and a party was formed against Cortez by the adherents of Velasquez, who, taking advantage of the occasion, deputed one of their number, a principal officer, to remonstrate, as if in the name of the whole army, against his rashness, and to urge the necessity of his returning to Cuba. Cortez received the message without any appearance of emotion; and as he well knew the temper and wishes of his soldiery, he pretended to comply with the request made him, and issued orders that the army should be in readiness next day to embark for Cuba. Upon hearing this, the troops, as Cortez had expected, were quite outrageous; they positively refused to comply with these orders, and threatened immediately to choose another general if Cortez continued to insist on their departure. Pleased with the disposition which now appeared amongst his troops, but dissembling his sentiments, he declared, that his orders for embarking had proceeded from a persuasion that it was agreeable to his fellow-soldiers, to whose opinion he had sacrificed his own; but now he acknowledged his error, and was ready to resume his original plan of operation. This speech was highly applauded; and Cortez, without allowing his men time to cool, immediately set about carrying his designs into execution. In order to give a beginning to a colony, he assembled the principal persons in his army, and by their suffrages elected a council and magistrates, in whom the government was to be vested. The persons chosen were most firmly attached to Cortez; and the new settlement received the name of Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz, that is, the rich town of the true cross.

Before this court of his own making, Cortez did not hesitate at resigning all his authority, and was immediately confirmed of re-elected chief-justice of the colony, and captain-general of his army, with an ample commission, in the king's name, to continue in force till the royal pleasure should be further known. The soldiers eagerly ratified their choice by loud acclamations; and Cortez, now considering himself as no longer accountable to any subject, began to assume a much greater degree of dignity, and to exercise more extensive powers than he had hitherto done. Cortez having thus strengthened himself as well as he could, resolved to advance into the country; and to this he was encouraged by the behaviour of the cacique or petty prince of Zempoalla, a considerable town at no great distance. Here he was received in the most friendly manner imaginable, and had a respect paid towards him almost equivalent to adoration. The cacique informed him of many particulars relating to the character of Montezuma. He told him that he was a tyrant, haughty, cruel, and suspicious, who treated his own subjects with arrogance, ruined the conquered provinces by his extortions, and often tore their sons and daughters from them by violence; the former to be offered as victims to his gods, the latter to be reserved as concubines for himself and favourites. Cortez, in reply, artfully insinuated, that one great object of the Spaniards in visiting a country so remote from their own was, to redress grievances, and to relieve the oppressed; and having encouraged him to hope for this interposition in due time, continued his march to Quiahislán, the territory of another cacique, where, by the friendly aid of the Indians, a Spanish colony was soon formed.

During the residence of Cortez in these parts, he so far policy of wrought on the minds of the caciques of Zempoalla and Quiahsilán, that they ventured to insult the Mexican power, at the very name of which they had formerly been accustomed to tremble. Some of Montezuma's officers having appeared to levy the usual tribute, and to demand a certain number of human victims, as an expiation of their guilt in presuming to hold intercourse with those strangers whom the emperor had commanded to leave his dominions; instead of obeying his orders, they made them prisoners, treated them with great indignity, and, as their superstition was no less barbarous than Montezuma's, they threatened to sacrifice them to their gods. Though Cortez had now taken such measures as in a manner ensured his success, yet as he had thrown off all dependence on the governor of Cuba, who was his lawful superior, and apprehended his interest at court, he thought proper, before he set out on his intended expedition, to take the most effectual measures against the impending danger. With this view, he persuaded the magistrates of his colony to address a letter to the king, containing a pompous account of their own services, of the country they had discovered, and of the motives which had induced them to throw off their allegiance to the governor of Cuba, and to settle a colony dependent on the crown alone, in which the supreme power, civil as well as military, had been vested in Cortez; humbly requesting their sovereign to ratify what had been done by his royal authority.

Some soldiers and sailors, secretly disaffected to Cortez, conspiracy formed a design of seizing one of the brigantines, and making their escape to Cuba, in order to give such intelligence to the governor as might enable him to intercept the vessel which was to carry the treasure and despatches to Spain. This conspiracy was conducted with profound secrecy; but at the moment when every thing was ready for execution, the secret was discovered by one of the associates. The latent spirit of disaffection which Cortez now became convinced had not been extinguished amongst his troops, gave him great uneasiness. The only method he could think of to prevent such conspiracies for the future, was to destroy his fleet, and thus deprive his soldiers of every resource except that of conquest; and with this proposal he persuaded his men to comply. The ships were therefore drawn ashore, and, after being stripped of their sails, rigging, iron work, and whatever else might be of use, they were broken in pieces. Cortez having thus rendered it necessary for his troops to follow wherever he chose to lead, began his march to Zempoala with five hundred infantry, fifteen horse, and six field pieces. The rest of his troops being less fit for active service, he left them as a garrison in Villa Rica, under the command of Escalante, an officer of merit, and warmly attached to his interest. The cacique of Zempoala supplied him with provisions, and with two hundred of those Indians called Tamaques, whose office, in a country where tame animals were unknown, was to carry burdens, and perform all manner of servile labour. He offered likewise a considerable body of troops; but Cortez was satisfied with four hundred, taking care, however, to choose persons of such note, that they might serve as hostages for the fidelity of their master.

Nothing memorable happened till the Spaniards arrived on the confines of the republic of Tlascala. The inhabitants of that province were warlike, fierce, and revengeful, and had made considerable progress in agriculture and some other arts. They were implacable enemies of Montezuma, and therefore Cortez hoped that it would be an easy matter for him to procure their friendship. With this view, four Zempoalans of high rank were sent as ambassadors to Tlascala, dressed with all the badges of that office usual amongst the Indians. The senate were divided in their opinions with regard to the proposals of Cortez; but at last Magiscatzin, one of the oldest senators, and a person of great authority, mentioned the tradition of their ancestors, and the revelations of their priests, that a race of invincible men, of divine origin, who had power over the elements, should come from the east to subdue their country. He compared the resemblance which the strangers bore to the persons figured in the traditions of Mexico, their dominion over the elements of fire, air, and water; he reminded the senate of their prodigies, omens, and signals, which had lately terrified the Mexicans, and indicated some very important event; and he then declared his opinion that it would be rashness to oppose a force apparently assisted by heaven, and men who had already proved, to the sad experience of those who opposed them, that they were invincible. This orator was opposed by Xicotencal, who endeavoured to prove that the Spaniards were at best but powerful magicians; that they had rendered themselves obnoxious to the gods by pulling down their images and altars, and that they might easily be overcome, as the gods would not fail to resent such an outrage. He therefore voted for war, and advised the crushing of these invaders at one blow.

The advice of Xicotencal prevailed, and the ambassadors that people were detained, which gave Cortez great alarm, and induced him to approach the city of Tlascala. The inhabitants suffered him with his army drawn up in good order, to pass a strong wall between two mountains, which might have been very advantageously defended against him. But he had not advanced far beyond this pass, when a party of Tlascalans with plumes were discovered, which denoted that an army was in the field. These he drove before him by a detachment of six horse; obliged them to join another party; and then reinforcing the advanced detachment, charged the enemy with such vigour that they began to retire. Five thousand Tlascalans then rushed out of their hiding places, just as the infantry came up in order to assist their slender body of cavalry. The enemy attacked with the utmost fury, but were so much disconcerted by the first discharge of the fire-arms, that they retreated in confusion, furnishing the Spaniards with an opportunity of pursuing them with great slaughter. Cortez, however, supposing that this could not be their whole force, advanced with the utmost caution, in order of battle, to an eminence, whence he had a view of the main body of the Tlascalan army, commanded by Xicotencal, consisting of not fewer than 40,000 men. By these the small army of Cortez was entirely surrounded; which Xicotencal no sooner perceived, than he contracted the circle with incredible diligence, whilst the Spaniards were almost overwhelmed with showers of arrows, darts, and stones. It is impossible but in this case many of the Spaniards would have perished, had it not been for the insufficiency of the Indian weapons. This circumstance gave the Spaniards a prodigious advantage over them; and therefore the Tlascalans, notwithstanding their valour and superiority in number, could accomplish no more in the present instance than killing one horse and slightly wounding nine soldiers. The Tlascalans, taught by this, and some subsequent encounters, how much they were inferior to the Spaniards, began to conceive them to be really what Magiscatzin had said, a superior order of beings, against whom human power could not prevail. In this extremity they had recourse to their priests, requiring them to reveal the causes of such extraordinary events, and to declare what means they should take to repel such formidable invaders. The priests, after many sacrifices and incantations, delivered their response, that these strangers were the offspring of the sun, procreated by his animating energy in the regions of the east; that by day, whilst cherished with the influence of his parental beams, they were invincible; but that by night, when his reviving heat was withdrawn, their vigour declined, and faded like herbs in the field, and they dwindled down into mortal men. In consequence of this, the Tlascalans acted in contradiction to one of their most established maxims in war, and ventured to attack the enemy in the night time, hoping to destroy them when enfeebled and surprised. But the Spanish sentinels having observed some extraordinary movements amongst the Tlascalans, gave the alarm. Immediately the troops were under arms, and sallying out, defeated their antagonists with great slaughter, without allowing them to approach the camp. By this disaster the Tlascalans were heartily disposed to peace; but they were at a loss to form an adequate idea of the enemies whom they had to deal withal. They could not ascertain the nature of these surprising beings, or whether they were really of a benevolent or malignant disposition. There were circumstances in their behaviour which seemed to favour either opinion. On the one hand, as the Spaniards constantly dismissed the prisoners whom they took, not only without injury, but often with presents of European toys, and renewed their offers of peace after every victory; this lenity amazed people accustomed to the exterminating system of war known in America, and disposed them to entertain sentiments favourable to their humanity. But, on the other hand, as Cortez had seized fifty of their countrymen who brought provisions to their camp, and cut off their heads; this bloody spectacle, added to the terror occasioned by the fire-arms and horses, filled them with dreadful ideas of the ferocity of the invaders. Peace, however, was soon concluded, to the great satisfaction of both parties. The Tlascalans yielded themselves as vassals to the crown of Castille, and engaged to assist Cortez in all his operations; whilst he took the republic under his pro- Cortez left no method untried to gain the favour and confidence of the Tlascalans; which, however, he had almost entirely lost, by his untimely zeal in destroying their idols, as he had done those of Zempoaln. But he was deterred from this rash action by his chaplain father Bartolomeo de Olmedo, and left the Tlascalans in the undisturbed exercise of their superstition, requiring only that they should desist from their horrid practice of offering human victims.

As soon as his troops were fit for service, he resolved to continue his march towards Mexico, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the Tlascalans, who looked upon his destruction as inevitable if he put himself into the power of such a faithless prince as Montezuma. But the emperor, probably intimidated by the fame of his exploits, had resolved to admit his visit, and informed Cortez that he had given orders for his friendly reception at Cholula, the next place of any consequence on the road to Mexico. Cortez was received with much seeming cordiality; but six thousand Tlascalan troops who accompanied him were obliged to remain without the town, as the Cholulans refused to admit their ancient enemies within their precincts. Yet two of these, by disguising themselves, got into the city, and acquainted Cortez that they had observed the women and children belonging to the principal citizens retiring every night in a great hurry; and that six children had been sacrificed in the great temple, a sign that some warlike enterprise was in contemplation. At the same time Donna Marina, the interpreter, received information from an Indian woman of distinction, whose confidence she had gained, that the destruction of the Spaniards was concerted; that a body of Mexican troops lay concealed near the town; that some of the streets were barricaded, whilst in others deep pits or trenches were dug, and slightly covered over, as traps into which the horse might fall; that stones and missile weapons were collected upon the tops of the temples, with which to overwhelm the infantry; and that the fatal hour was already at hand, and their ruin inevitable. Cortez, alarmed at this news, secretly arrested three of the chief priests, from whom he extracted a confession, which confirmed the intelligence he had already received. As not a moment was to be lost, he instantly resolved to anticipate his enemies, and to inflict upon them such dreadful vengeance as might strike Montezuma and his subjects with terror. On a signal given, the troops rushed out, and fell upon the multitude, who, destitute of leaders, were so much astonished, that the weapons dropped from their hands, and they stood motionless, and incapable of defence. Whilst the Spaniards attacked them in front, the Tlascalans did the same in the rear; the streets were filled with slaughter, and the temples, which afforded a retreat to the priests and some leading men, were set on fire, in consequence of which they perished in the flames. At length the carnage ceased, after the slaughter of six thousand Cholulans, without the loss of a single Spaniard. Cortez then released the magistrates, and, reproaching them bitterly for their intended treachery, declared, that as justice was now appeased, he forgave the offence; but required them to recall the inhabitants who had fled, and to re-establish order in the town.

From Cholula, Cortez advanced directly towards Mexico; and throughout the whole of his journey was entertained with accounts of the oppressions and cruelty of Montezuma. This gave him the greatest hope of accomplishing his design, as he now perceived that the empire was entirely divided, and that no sort of unanimity prevailed amongst them. No enemy appeared to check his progress. Montezuma was quite irresolute; and Cortez had almost arrived at the gates of the capital before the emperor had determined whether to receive him as a friend or to oppose him as an enemy. But as no sign of open hostility appeared, the Spaniards, without regarding the fluctuations of Montezuma's sentiments, continued their march to Mexico, with great circumspection and the strictest discipline, though without seeming to suspect the prince whom they were about to visit.

When they drew near to the city, about one thousand persons of distinction came forth to meet them, adorned with Cortez and plumes, and clad in mantles of fine cotton. Each of these, Montero, in his order, passed by Cortez, and saluted him according to the mode of their country. They announced the approach of Montezuma himself, and soon after his harbingers came in sight. There appeared first two hundred persons in an uniform dress, with large plumes of feathers, alike in fashion, marching two and two, in profound silence, barefooted, with their eyes fixed on the ground. These were followed by a company of higher rank, in their most showy apparel; in the midst of whom was Montezuma, in a chair or litter richly ornamented with gold and feathers of various colours. Four of his principal favourites carried him on their shoulders, and others supported a canopy of curious workmanship over his head. Before him marched three officers with rods of gold in their hands, which they lifted up on high at certain intervals; and at that signal all the people bowed their heads, and hid their faces, as unworthy to look upon so great a monarch. When he drew near, Cortez dismounting, advanced towards him in a very respectful manner. At the same time Montezuma alighted from his chair, and leaning on the arms of two of his near relations, approached with a slow and stately pace; his attendants covering the streets with cotton cloths, that he might not touch the ground. Cortez accosted him with profound reverence, after the European fashion. He returned the salutation, according to the mode of his country, by touching the earth with his hand, and then kissing it. Nothing material passed at this first interview. Montezuma conducted Cortez to the quarters which had been prepared for his reception, and immediately took leave of him with a politeness not unworthy of a more refined court. "You are now," said he, "with your brothers, in your own house; refresh yourselves after your fatigue, and be happy until I return." The first care of Cortez was to take precautions for his security, by planting the artillery so as to command the different avenues which led to it; by appointing a large division of his troops to be always on guard; and by posting sentinels at proper stations, with injunctions to observe the same vigilant discipline as if they were actually within sight of an enemy's camp. In the evening Montezuma returned to visit his guests with the same pomp as in their first interview, and brought presents of such value, not only to Cortez and to his officers, but even to the private men, as proved the liberality of the monarch to be suitable to the opulence of his kingdom. A long conference ensued, in which Cortez learned the opinion of Montezuma respecting the Spaniards. Next morning, Cortez and some of his principal attendants were admitted to a public audience of the emperor. The three subsequent days were employed in viewing the city, the appearance of which, so far superior in the order of its buildings and the number of its inhabitants to any place the Spaniards had beheld in America, and yet so little resembling the structure of an European city, filled them with surprise and admiration.

Mexico is situated in a large plain, environed by mountains of such height, that although within the torrid zone, the temperature of its climate is mild and healthful. All the moisture which descends from the high grounds is collected in several lakes, the two largest of which, about ninety miles in circumference, communicate with each other. The waters of the one are fresh, those of the other are brackish. On the banks of the latter, and on some small islands adjoining to them, the capital of Montezuma's empire was built. The access to the city was by artificial causeways or streets, formed of stones and earth, about thirty feet in breadth. As the waters of the lake, during the rainy season, overflowed the level country, these causeways were of consider- able length; that of Tacuba, on the west, being a mile and a half; that of Tezcuco on the north-west, three miles; and that of Cuoyacan towards the south, six miles. On the east there was no causeway, and the city could be approached only by canoes. In each of the causeways there were openings at proper intervals, through which the waters flowed; and over these beams of timber were laid, which being covered with earth, the causeway or street had everywhere an uniform appearance. As the approaches to the city were singular, its construction was remarkable. Not only the temples of their gods, but the houses belonging to the monarch, and to persons of distinction, were of such dimensions, that in comparison with any other buildings which had been discovered in America, they might even be termed magnificent. The habitations of the common people were mean, resembling the huts of other Indians; but they were all placed in a regular manner, on the banks of the canals which passed through the city, in some of its districts, or on the sides of the streets which intersected it in other quarters. In several places there were large openings or squares, one of which, allotted for the great market, is said to have been so spacious that forty or fifty thousand persons carried on traffic there.

In this city, the pride of the New World, and the noblest monument of the industry and the art of man, whilst unacquainted with the use of iron, the Spaniards, who are most moderate in their computations, reckon that there were at least sixty thousand inhabitants.

But how much soever the novelty of those objects might amuse or astonish the Spaniards, they felt the utmost solicitude with respect to their own situation. From a concurrence of circumstances, no less unexpected than favourable to their progress, they had been allowed to penetrate into the heart of a powerful kingdom, and were now lodged in its capital, without having once met with open opposition from its monarch. The Tlascalans, however, had earnestly dissuaded them from placing such confidence in Montezuma as to enter a city so peculiarly situated as Mexico, where that prince would have them at mercy, shut up as it were in a snare, from which it was impossible to escape. They assured them that the Mexican priests had, in the name of their gods, counselled their sovereign to admit the strangers into the capital, that he might cut them off there at one blow with perfect security. The Spaniards now perceived, too plainly, that the apprehensions of their allies were not destitute of foundation; that, by breaking the bridges placed at certain intervals on the causeways, or by destroying part of the causeways themselves, their retreat would be rendered impracticable; and that they would remain cooped up in the centre of a hostile city, surrounded by multitudes sufficient to overwhelm them, without a possibility of receiving aid from their allies.

Before he set out from Cholula, Cortez had received advice from Villa Rica, that Quilpopoca, one of the Mexican generals on the frontiers, having assembled an army in order to attack some of the people whom the Spaniards had encouraged to throw off the Mexican yoke, Escalante had marched out with part of the garrison to support his allies; that an engagement had ensued, in which, though the Spaniards were victorious, Escalante, with seven of his men, had been mortally wounded, his horse killed, and one Spaniard had been surrounded by the enemy and taken alive; and that the head of this unfortunate captive, after being carried in triumph to different cities, in order to convince the people that their invaders were not immortal, had been sent to Mexico. Cortez, though alarmed with this intelligence, as an indication of Montezuma's hostile intentions, had continued his march. But as soon as he entered Mexico he became sensible that, from an excess of confidence in the superior valour and discipline of his troops, as well as from the disadvantage of having nothing to guide him in an unknown country, but the defective intelligence which he received from people with whom his mode of communication was very imperfect, he had pushed forward into a situation where it was difficult to continue, and from which it was dangerous to retire. Disgrace, and perhaps ruin, were the certain consequences of attempting a retreat. The success of his enterprise depended upon supporting the high opinion which the people of New Spain had formed with respect to the irresistible power of his arms. Upon the first symptom of timidity on his part, their veneration would cease, and Montezuma, whom fear alone had restrained, would let loose upon him the whole force of his empire. At the same time, he knew that the countenance of his own sovereign was to be obtained only by a series of victories, and that nothing but the merit of extraordinary success could screen his conduct from the censure of irregularity. From all these considerations, it was necessary to maintain his position, and to extricate himself out of the difficulties in which one bold step had involved him, by venturing upon another still bolder.

The situation was trying, but his mind was equal to the Cortez emergency; and after revolving the matter with deep attention to his plan, he fixed upon a plan no less extraordinary than daring. He determined to seize Montezuma in his palace, and to carry him as a prisoner to the Spanish quarters. From the superstitious veneration of the Mexicans for the person of their monarch, as well as their implicit submission to his will, he hoped, by having Montezuma in his power, to acquire the supreme direction of their affairs; or at least, with such a sacred pledge in his hands, he made no doubt of being secure from any effort of their violence. This he immediately proposed to his officers. The timid startled at a measure so audacious, and raised objections. The more intelligent and resolute, conscious that it was the only resource in which there appeared any prospect of safety, warmly approved of it, and brought over their companions so entirely to the same opinion, that it was agreed instantly to make the attempt. At his usual hour of visiting Montezuma, Cortez went to the palace, accompanied by Alvarado, Sandoval, Lugo, Velasquez de Leon, and Davila, five of his principal officers, and with as many trusty soldiers. Thirty chosen men followed, not in regular order, but sauntering at some distance, as if they had no object but curiosity; small parties were posted at proper intervals, in all the streets leading from the Spanish quarters to the court; and the remainder of his troops, with the Tlascalan allies, were under arms, ready to sally out upon the first alarm. Cortez and his attendants were admitted without suspicion; the Mexicans retiring, as usual, out of respect. He addressed the monarch in a tone very different from that which he had employed in former conferences, reproaching him bitterly as the author of the violent assault made upon the Spaniards by one of his officers, and demanding public reparation for the loss which he had sustained by the death of some of his companions, as well as for the insult which had been offered to the great prince whom they served. Montezuma, confounded at this unexpected accusation, and changing colour, either from the consciousness of guilt, or from feeling the indignity with which he was treated, asserted his own innocence with great earnestness; and, as a proof of it, gave orders instantly to bring Quilpopoca and his accomplices prisoners to Mexico. Cortez replied, with seeming complaisance, that a declaration so respectable left no doubt remaining in his own mind; but that something more was requisite to satisfy his followers, who would never be convinced that Montezuma did not harbour hostile intentions against them, unless, as an evidence of his confidence and attachment, he removed from his own palace and took up his residence in the Spanish quarters, where he should be served and honoured as became a great monarch. The first mention of so strange a proposal bereaved Montezuma of speech, and almost of motion. At length he haughtily answered, that persons of his rank were not accustomed to give themselves up voluntarily as prisoners; and that were he mean enough to do so, his subjects would not permit such an affront to be offered to their sovereign. Cortez, unwilling to employ force, endeavoured alternately to soothe and to intimidate him. The altercation became warm, and having continued above three hours, Velasquez de Leon, an impetuous and gallant young man, exclaimed with impatience, "Why waste more time in vain? Let us either seize him instantly, or stab him to the heart." The threatening voice and fierce gestures with which these words were uttered, struck Montezuma. The Spaniards, he was sensible, had now proceeded so far, as left him no hope that they would recede. His own danger was imminent, and the necessity unavoidable. He saw both; and abandoning himself to his fate, complied with their request. His officers were called. He communicated to them his resolution. Though astonished and afflicted, they presumed not to question the will of their master, but carried him in silent pomp, all bathed in tears, to the Spanish quarters.

The Spaniards at first pretended to treat Montezuma with great respect, but soon took care to let him know that he was entirely in their power. Cortez wished that shedding the blood of a Spaniard should appear the most heinous crime that could be committed; and therefore he not only took a most exemplary vengeance on those who had been concerned in the affair of Villa Rica, but even put the emperor himself in chains until the execution of the Mexican general had taken place. By these, and other insults, he at last gained entirely the ascendant over this unhappy monarch; and he took care to improve his opportunity to the utmost. He sent his emissaries into different parts of the kingdom, accompanied with Mexicans of distinction, who might serve them both as guides and protectors. They visited most of the provinces, examined their soil and productions, surveyed with particular care the districts which yielded gold or silver, pitched upon several places as proper for future colonies, and endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people for submitting to the Spanish yoke; and whilst they were thus employed, Cortez, in the name and by the authority of Montezuma, degraded some of the principal officers in the empire, whose abilities or independent spirit had excited his jealousy, and substituted in their stead persons who he imagined would be more obsequious. One thing, however, was still wanting to complete his security. He wished to have such a command of the lake as might ensure a retreat, if, either from levity or disgust, the Mexicans should take arms against him, and break down the bridges or the causeways. In order to obtain this without giving disgust to the emperor or his court, Cortez artfully inflamed the curiosity of the Indians with accounts of the Spanish shipping, and those floating palaces which moved with such velocity on the water, without the assistance of oars; and when he found that the monarch himself was extremely desirous of seeing such a novelty, he gave him to understand, that nothing was wanting to his gratification excepting a few necessaries from Vera Cruz, as he had workmen in his army capable of building such vessels. The bait took with Montezuma; and he gave immediate orders that all his people should assist Cortez in whatever he should direct concerning the shipping. By this means, in a few days, two briggantines were got ready, full rigged and equipped; and Montezuma was invited to go on board and make the first trial of their sailing, of which he could form no idea. Accordingly he embarked for this purpose, and gave orders for a great hunting upon the water, in order that all his people might be diverted with the novelty presented by the Spaniards. On the day appointed, the royal equipage was ready early in the morning; and the lake was covered with a multitude of boats and canoes loaded with people. The Mexicans had augmented the number of their rowers on board the royal barges, with an intention to throw discredit upon the Spanish vessels, which they regarded as clumsy, unwieldy, and heavy. But they were soon undeceived. A fresh gale started up; and the brigantines hoisted sail, to the utter astonishment of all the spectators, and soon left the canoes behind; whilst the monarch exulted in the victory of the Spaniards, without once considering that now he had effectually riveted his own chains.

Cortez having obtained this important point, resolved to Montezuma put the condescension of the emperor to a trial still more severe. He urged Montezuma to acknowledge himself a vassal of the crown of Castile; to hold his crown of him as superior; and to subject his dominions to the payment of Spain. With this requisition, humiliating as it was, Montezuma complied. He called together the principal men of his empire; and, in a solemn harangue, reminded them of the traditions and prophecies which led them to expect the arrival of a people sprung from the same stock with themselves, in order to take possession of the supreme power; he declared his belief that the Spaniards were this promised race, and that, therefore, recognising the right of their monarch to govern the Mexican empire, he would lay his crown at his feet, and obey him as a tributary. Whilst uttering these words, Montezuma discovered how deeply he was affected in making such a sacrifice. Tears and groans frequently interrupted his discourse. The first mention of such a resolution struck the assembly dumb with astonishment; and this was followed by a sullen murmur of sorrow mingled with indignation, which indicated some violent explosion. Cortez foresaw the coming storm and seasonably interposed to prevent it, by declaring that his master had no intention to deprive Montezuma of the royal dignity, or to make any innovation upon the constitution and laws of the Mexican empire. This assurance, added to the dread of the Spanish arms, and the authority of their monarch's example, extorted the consent of the assembly; and the act of submission and homage was executed with all the formalities which the Spaniards pleased to prescribe.

Montezuma, at the request of Cortez, accompanied this profession of fealty and homage with a magnificent present divided to his new sovereign; and, after his example, his subjects brought in very liberal contributions. The Spaniards then collected all the treasure which had been either voluntarily bestowed upon them at different times by Montezuma, or which had been extorted from his people under various pretences; and having melted the gold and silver, the value of both amounted to 600,000 pesos. The soldiers were impatient to have it divided; and Cortez complied with their desire. A fifth part of the whole was set aside as the tax due to the king, and another fifth was allowed to Cortez as commander. The sums advanced by the governor of Cuba, who had originally fitted out the expedition, were next deducted. The remainder was then divided amongst the army, including the garrison of Vera Cruz, in proportion to their different ranks; and after so many deductions, the share of a private man did not exceed one hundred pesos. This sum fell so far below their sanguine expectations, that it required all the address, and no small exertions of liberality on the part of Cortez; to prevent an open mutiny. However, he at last restored tranquillity; but no sooner had he escaped this danger, than by his imprudent zeal for religion, he involved himself in one much more dangerous.

Montezuma, although often importuned, had obstinately refused to change his religion, or abolish the superstitious tempts to rites which had been for such a long time practised throughout his dominions. This at last transported the Spaniards with such rage, that, in an ebullition of zeal, Cortez led out his soldiers in order to throw down by force the idols in the great temple. But the priests taking arms in defence of their altars, and the people crowding with great ardour to support them, the prudence of Cortez overruled his zeal, and induced him to desist from his rash attempt, after dislodging the idols from one of the shrines, and placing in their stead an image of the Virgin Mary. From this moment the Mexicans began to meditate the expulsion, if not the destruction, of the Spaniards. For this purpose the priests and leading men held frequent meetings with Montezuma. But as any violent attempt might have proved fatal to the captive monarch, it was thought proper first to try more gentle means. Having called Cortez into his presence, he observed, that now, as all the purposes of his embassy were fully accomplished, the gods had declared their will, and the people signified their desire, that he and his followers should instantly take their departure. With this he required them to comply, or unavoidable destruction would fall upon their heads. So unexpected a requisition, no less than the manner in which it was delivered, alarmed Cortez. However, he supposed that more might be gained by a feigned compliance than by open resistance, and therefore replied with great composure that he had already begun to prepare for his return; but as he had destroyed the vessels in which he arrived, some time was requisite for building other ships. This appeared reasonable; and a number of Mexicans were sent to Vera Cruz to cut down timber, and some Spanish carpenters were appointed to superintend the work.

Cortez flattered himself, that during this interval, he might either find means to avert the threatened danger, or receive such reinforcements as would enable him to defend himself. Nine months had now elapsed since Portocarrero and Montejo had sailed with his despatches to Spain; and he daily expected a return, with a confirmation of his authority from the king, without which all that he had done would serve only to mark him out as an object of punishment. Whilst he remained in great anxiety on this account, news were brought that some ships had appeared on the coast. These were imagined by Cortez to be a reinforcement sent him from Spain; but his joy was of short continuance, for a courier very soon arrived from Vera Cruz, with certain information that the armament was fitted out by Velasquez, the governor of Cuba, and that instead of bringing succours, it threatened him with immediate destruction. Velasquez had been excited to this hostile measure chiefly through the indiscretion, or rather treachery, of the messengers of Cortez, who, contrary to his express injunctions, had landed on the island of Cuba, and given intelligence of all that had passed; and the governor, transported with rage at hearing the proceedings of Cortez, had now sent against him this armament, consisting of eighteen ships, which carried eighty horsemen, eight hundred infantry, of whom eighty were musketeers, and one hundred and twenty cross-bowmen, commanded by a brave officer named Pamphilo de Narvaez, whose instructions were, to seize Cortez and his principal officers, to send them prisoners to Velasquez, and then to complete the discovery and conquest of the country in his name. This proved a most afflicting piece of news to Cortez.

Having now no resource but in war, he left one hundred and fifty men under the command of Pedro de Alvarado, an officer of great bravery, and much respected by the Mexicans, to guard the capital and the captive emperor; whilst he himself marched with the remainder, to meet his formidable opponent, who had taken possession of Tepoztlan. Even after being reinforced by Sandoval his governor of Vera Cruz, the force of Cortez did not exceed two hundred and fifty men. He hoped for success chiefly from the rapidity of his movements and the possibility of surprising his enemies; and as he chiefly dreaded their cavalry, he armed his soldiers with long spears, accustomed them to that deep, compact, and solid order which the use of this formidable weapon enabled them to assume. As he advanced, however, he repeated his proposals of accommodation; but these being constantly rejected, and a price set upon his head, he at last attacked Narvaez in the night time, and having entirely defeated and taken him prisoner, obliged all his troops to own allegiance to himself. Nothing could have been more seasonable than this victory, by which Cortez found his army very considerably increased; for most of the soldiers of Narvaez chose rather to follow Cortez than to return to Cuba, whither the conqueror had offered to send them if they chose.

In the meantime, his affairs at Mexico were in the utmost danger of being totally ruined; and had this decisive situation of victory been delayed but a few days longer, he must have the Spaniards arrive too late to save his companions. A short time after Mexico, the disagreeable intelligence that the Mexicans had taken arms, and having seized and destroyed the two brigantines which he had built in order to secure the command of the lake; had attacked the Spaniards in their quarters, killed some, wounded many more, and burned their magazine of provisions; and had, in short, carried on hostilities with such fury, that though Alvarado and his men defended themselves with undaunted resolution, they must either have been cut off by famine, or overpowered by the multitude of their enemies. This revolt was excited by motives which rendered it still more alarming. On the departure of Cortez for Zempoala, the Mexicans flattered themselves, that the long-expected opportunity of restoring their sovereign to liberty, and of driving out the Spaniards, had arrived; and consultations were accordingly held for bringing about both these events. The Spaniards in Mexico, conscious of their own weakness, suspected and dreaded these machinations; but Alvarado, who had neither the prudence nor the address of Cortez, took the worst method imaginable to overcome them. Instead of attempting to soothe or cajole the Mexicans, when the principal persons in the empire were dancing, according to custom, in the court of the great temple; then he seized all the avenues which led to it, and, allured partly by the rich ornaments which they wore in honour of their gods, and partly by the facility of cutting off at once the authors of the conspiracy which he dreaded, he fell upon them, unarmed and unsuspicous of danger, and massacred a great number, none escaping but such as made their way over the battlements of the temple. An action so cruel and so treacherous filled not only the city, but the whole empire, with rage and indignation.

Cortez advanced with the utmost celerity to the relief of Cortez and his distressed companions; but as he passed along, he had turns to the mortification to find that the Spaniards were generally Mexico, held in abhorrence. The principal inhabitants had deserted the towns through which he passed; no person of note appeared to meet him with the usual respect; nor were provisions as usual brought to his camp. Notwithstanding these signs of aversion and horror, however, the Mexicans were so ignorant of the military art, that they again permitted him to enter the capital without opposition; although they had it in their power to prevent him, by breaking down the bridges and causeways which led to it. Cortez was received by his companions with the utmost joy; and this extraordinary success had so far intoxicated the general himself, that he not only neglected to visit Montezuma, but expressed himself in contemptuous terms concerning him. These expressions being reported amongst the Mexicans, they suddenly flew to arms, and made such a violent and sudden attack, that all the valour and skill of Cortez were scarcely sufficient to repel them. This produced great uneasiness amongst the soldiers of Narvaez, who had imagined there was nothing to do but to gather the spoils of a conquered country. Discontent and murmuring, however, were no longer of any avail; they were enclosed in a hostile city, and, without some extraordinary exertions, were inevitably undone. Cortez, therefore, made a desperate sally; but after exerting his utmost efforts for a whole day, he was obliged to retire with the loss of twelve killed, and upwards of sixty wounded. Another sally was attempted with equal want of success, and in it Cortez himself was wounded in the hand. The Spanish general being now thoroughly convinced of his error, betook himself to the only resource which remained; namely, to try what effect the interposition of Montezuma would have to soothe or overawe his subjects. When the Mexicans approached the next morning to renew the assault, that unfortunate prince, at the mercy of the Spaniards, and reduced to the sad necessity of becoming the instrument of his own disgrace, and of the slavery of his people, advanced to the battlements in his royal robes, and with all the pomp in which he used to appear upon solemn occasions. At the sight of their sovereign, whom they had been long accustomed to reverence almost as a god, the Mexicans instantly forebore their hostilities, and many prostrated themselves on the ground; but when he addressed them in favour of the Spaniards, and made use of all the arguments which he could think of to mitigate their rage, they testified their resentment with loud murmurings, and at length broke forth with such fury, that before the soldiers appointed to guard Montezuma, had time to cover him with their shields, he was wounded with two arrows, and a blow on his temple with a stone struck him to the ground. On seeing him fall, the Mexicans instantly fled with the utmost precipitation, but the unhappy monarch, now convinced that he was become an object of contempt even to his own subjects, obstinately refused all nourishment, and thus in a short time ended his days.

Upon the death of Montezuma, Cortez having lost all hope of bringing the Mexicans to any terms of peace, prepared for retreat. But his antagonists having taken possession of a high tower in the great temple, which overlooked the Spanish quarters, and placed there a garrison of their principal warriors, the Spaniards were so much exposed to their missile weapons, that none of them could stir without danger of being killed or wounded. From this post, therefore, it was necessary to dislodge them at any rate; and Juan de Escobar, with a large detachment of chosen soldiers, was ordered to make the attack. But Escobar, a valiant officer, although he exerted his utmost efforts, was thrice repulsed. Cortez, however, sensible that not only his reputation, but the safety of his army, depended upon the success of this assault, caused a buckler to be tied to his arm, as he could not manage it with his wounded hand, and rushed with his drawn sword amongst the thickest of the combatants. Encouraged by the presence of their general, the Spaniards returned to the charge with such vigour, that they gradually forced their way up the steps, and drove the Mexicans to the platform at the top of the tower. There a dreadful carnage commenced; upon which two young Mexicans of high rank, observing Cortez as he animated his soldiers, resolved to sacrifice their own lives in order to cut off the author of so many calamities which desolated their country. They approached him in a suppliant posture, as if they intended to lay down their arms, and seizing him in a moment, hurried him towards the battlements, over which they threw themselves headlong, in hopes of dragging him along with them. But Cortez by his strength and agility, disengaged himself from their grasp, and the devoted Mexicans perished alone. As soon as the Spaniards became masters of the tower, they set fire to it, and without further molestation continued the preparations for their retreat. This became the more necessary, as their enemies, astonished at this last effort of their valour, had now entirely changed their system of hostility, and, instead of incessant attacks, endeavoured, by barricading the streets, and breaking down the causeways, to cut off the communication of the Spaniards with the continent, and thus to starve an enemy whom they could not subdue. The first point to be determined, was whether they should march out openly in the face of day, when they could discern every danger, or whether they should endeavour to retire secretly in the night. The latter was preferred, partly from hopes that the superstition of the Mexicans would prevent them from attacking them in the night, and partly from their own superstition in giving credit to the predictions of a private soldier, who pretended to astrology, and assured them of success if they retreated in this manner.

Towards midnight, therefore, they began their march in Retreat of three divisions. Sandoval led the van; Pedro Alvarado Cortez, and Velasquez de Leon had the conduct of the rear; and Cortez commanded in the centre, where he placed the prisoners, amongst whom were a son and two daughters of Montezuma, together with several Mexicans of distinction, the artillery, baggage, and a portable bridge of timber intended to be laid over the breaches in the causeway. They marched in profound silence along the causeway which led to Tacuba, because it was shorter than any of the rest, and, lying more remote from the road towards Tlacala and the sea coast, had been least injured by the Mexicans. They reached the first breach in the causeway without molestation, hoping that their retreat was undiscovered. The Mexicans, however, had not only watched all their motions, but had made preparations for a most formidable attack. Whilst the Spaniards were intent upon placing their bridges in the breach, and occupied in conducting their horses and artillery along it, they were suddenly alarmed with the sound of warlike instruments, and found themselves assaulted on all sides by an innumerable multitude of enemies. Unfortunately the wooden bridge became wedged so fast in the mud by the weight of the artillery, that it was found impossible to remove it. Dismayed at this accident, the Spaniards advanced with precipitation to the second breach. The Mexicans hemmed them in on every side; and although they defended themselves with their usual courage, yet, crowded as they were in a narrow causeway, their discipline and military skill were of little avail. Nor did the obscurity of the night allow them to derive much advantage from their firearms or from the superiority of their other weapons. At last the Spaniards, overborne with the numbers of their enemies, began to give way, and in a moment the confusion was universal. Cortez, with about a hundred foot soldiers, and a few horse, forced his way over the two remaining breaches in the causeway, the bodies of the dead serving to fill up the chasms, and reached the main land. Having formed them as soon as they arrived, he returned with such as were yet capable of service, to assist his friends in their retreat. He met with part of his soldiers who had forced their way through the enemy, but found many more overwhelmed by the multitude of their aggressors, or perishing in the lake; and he heard the grievous lamentations of others whom the Mexicans were carrying off in triumph to be sacrificed to the god of war. In this fatal retreat more than one half of Cortez's army perished, together with many officers of distinction. All the artillery, ammunition, and baggage, were lost, the greater part of the horses and above two thousand Tlacalan were killed, and only a very small part of their treasure was saved. The first care of the Spanish general was to find some shelter for his wearied troops; for, as the Mexicans infested them on every side, and the people of Tacuba began to take arms, he could not remain in his present position. At last he discovered a temple seated on an eminence, in which he found not only the shelter he wanted, but also some provisions; and though the enemy did not intermit their attacks throughout the day, they were without much difficulty prevented from making any impression. For six days afterwards, they continued their march through a barren, ill-cultivated, and thinly-peopled country, where they were often obliged to feed on berries, roots, and the stalks of green maize; at the same time they were harassed without intermission by large parties of Mexicans, who attacked them on all sides. On the sixth day they reached Otum- ba, not far from the road between Mexico and Tlascala.

Early next morning when they began to advance, flying parties of the enemy still hung upon their rear; and amidst the insults with which they accompanied their hostilities, Donna Marina remarked, that they often exclaimed with exultation, "Go on, robbers; go to the place where you shall quickly meet the vengeance due to your crimes." The meaning of this threat the Spaniards did not comprehend, until they reached the summit of an eminence before them. There a spacious valley opened to their view, covered with a vast army as far as the eye could reach.

The Mexicans, whilst with one body of their troops they harrassed the Spaniards in their retreat, had assembled their principal force on the other side of the lake; and marching along the road which led directly to Tlascala, posted it in the plain of Otumba, through which they knew Cortez must pass. At the sight of this incredible multitude, which they could survey at once from the rising ground, the Spaniards were astonished, and even the boldest amongst them began to despair. But Cortez, without allowing their fears time to operate, after warning them briefly that no alternative remained but to conquer or to perish, led them instantly to the charge. The Mexicans waited their approach with unusual fortitude; yet such was the superiority of the Spanish discipline and arms, that the impression of this small body was irresistible; and whichever way its force was directed, it penetrated and dispersed the most numerous battalions. But whilst these gave way in one quarter, new combatants advanced from another; and the Spaniards, though successful in every attack, were ready to sink under these repeated efforts, without seeing any end to their toil, or any hope of victory. At that time Cortez observed the great standard of the empire, which was carried before the Mexican general, advancing; and fortunately recollecting to have heard, that on the fate of it depended the event of every battle, he assembled a few of his bravest officers, whose horses were still capable of service, and placing himself at their head, pushed towards the standard with such impetuosity that he bore down everything before him. A chosen body of nobles, who guarded the standard, made some resistance, but were soon broken. Cortez, with a stroke of his lance, wounded the Mexican general, and threw him to the ground; and one of his followers alighting, put an end to his life, and laid hold of the imperial standard. The moment that their leader fell, and the standard, towards which all directed their eyes, had disappeared, an universal panic struck the Mexicans; and, as if the bond which held them together had been dissolved, every ensign was lowered, and each soldier throwing away his weapons, fled with precipitation to the mountains. The Spaniards, unable to pursue them far, returned to collect the spoils of the field; and these were so valuable as to afford some compensation for the wealth which they had lost in Mexico; for in the enemy's army were most of their principal warriors dressed out in their richest ornaments, as if they had been marching to assured victory.

The day after this important action, which was fought on the 8th of July 1520, the Spaniards entered the Tlascalan territories, where they were received with the most cordial friendship. Cortez endeavoured to avail himself of this disposition as much as possible; for which purpose he distributed amongst them the rich spoils taken at Otumba with such a liberal hand, that he made himself sure of obtaining from the republic whatever he should desire. He drew a small supply of ammunition, and two or three field-pieces, from his stores at Vera Cruz. He despatched an officer with four ships of Narvaez's fleet to Hispaniola and Jamaica, to engage adventurers, and to purchase horses, gunpowder, and other military stores. And as he knew that it would be in vain to attempt the reduction of Mexico, unless he could secure the command of the lake, he gave orders to prepare, in the mountains of Tlascala, materials for building twelve brigantines, so that they might be carried thither in pieces, ready to be put together, and launched when he stood in need of their service. But, in the meantime, his soldiers, alarmed at the thoughts of being exposed to such calamities a second time, presented a remonstrance to their general, in which they represented the imprudence of attacking a powerful empire with his shattered forces, and formally required him to return back to Cuba. All the eloquence of Cortez could now only prevail with them to delay their departure for some time, when he promised to dismiss such as should desire it. However, this was only a pretence; for Cortez in fact, had the conquest of Mexico as much at heart as ever. Without giving his soldiers an opportunity of caballing; therefore, he daily employed them against the people of the neighbouring provinces, who had cut off some detachments of Spaniards during his misfortunes at Mexico; and as he was constantly attended with success, his men soon resumed their wonted sense of superiority.

But all the efforts of Cortez could have been of little Cortez avail, had he not unexpectedly obtained a reinforcement of several Spanish soldiers. These belonged to an armament fitted out by Francisco de Garay, governor of Jamaica, who had long aimed at dividing with Cortez the glory and the gain of annexing the empire of Mexico to the crown of Castile. They had, however, unadvisedly made their attempt on the northern provinces, where the country was poor and the inhabitants fierce and warlike; so that, after a succession of disasters, they were now obliged to venture into Vera Cruz, and cast themselves upon the mercy of their countrymen; and here they also were soon persuaded, to throw off their allegiance to their master, and to enlist with Cortez. About the same time a ship arrived from Spain, freighted by some private adventurers, with military stores; and the cargo was eagerly purchased by Cortez, whilst the crew, following the example of the rest, joined him at Tlascala. From these various quarters, the army of Cortez was reinforced with one hundred and eighty men and twenty horses, by which means he was enabled to dismiss such of the soldiers of Narvaez as were most troublesome and discontented; after the departure of whom he still mustered upwards of five hundred infantry, of whom eighty were armed with muskets or cross-bows, forty horsemen, and nine pieces of artillery. At the head of these, with ten thousand Tlascalans and other friendly Indians, he began his march towards Mexico, on the 28th of December, six months after his fatal retreat from that city.

As soon as Cortez entered the enemy's territories, he discovered various preparations to obstruct his progress. But vance on his troops forced their way with little difficulty, and took Mexico possession of Tezcuco, the second city of the empire, situated upon the banks of the lake, about twenty miles from Mexico. Here he determined to establish his head quarters, as the most proper station for launching his brigantines, as well as for making his approaches to the capital. In order to render his residence there more secure, he deposed the cacique or chief, who was at the head of that community, and substituted in his stead a person whom a faction of the nobles pointed out as the right heir of that dignity. As the construction of the brigantines advanced slowly under the unskilful hands of soldiers and Indians, whom Cortez was obliged to employ in assisting three or four carpenters who happened to be in his service, and as he had not yet received the reinforcement which he expected from Hispaniola, he was not in a condition to turn his arms directly against the capital. Three months elapsed before the materials for constructing the brigantines were finished, and before he heard anything respecting the success of his negotiation in Hispaniola. This, however, was not a season of inaction to Cortez. He attacked successively several of the towns situated around the lake; and although all the Mexican power was exerted to obstruct his operations; he either compelled them to submit to the Spanish crown, or reduced them to ruins. Other towns he endeavored to conciliate by more gentle means; and though he could not hold any intercourse with the inhabitants except by the intervention of interpreters, yet, under all the disadvantages of that tedious and imperfect mode of communication, he had acquired such a thorough knowledge of the state of the country, as well as of the dispositions of the people, that he conducted his negotiations and intrigues with astonishing dexterity and success. Most of the cities adjacent to Mexico were originally the capitals of small independent states; and some of them having been but lately annexed to the Mexican empire, still retained the remembrance of their ancient liberty, and bore with much impatience the rigorous yoke of their new masters. Cortez having early observed symptoms of disaffection, availed himself of this knowledge to gain their confidence and friendship. By offering to deliver them from the dominion of the Mexicans, and by liberal promises of more indulgent treatment if they should unite with him against their oppressors, he prevailed on the people of several considerable districts, not only to acknowledge the king of Castile as their sovereign, but to supply the Spanish camp with provisions, and to strengthen his army with auxiliary troops. On the first appearance of disaffection, Guatimozin exerted himself to suppress it; but, notwithstanding all his efforts the spirit continued to spread, and the Spaniards gradually acquired new allies.

Whilst by these various methods, Cortez was gradually circumscribing the Mexican power within such narrow limits that his prospect of overturning it seemed neither to be uncertain nor remote, all his schemes were well nigh defeated by a conspiracy against his own person, and which was discovered only a short time before it was to have been executed. Though many were concerned, Cortez did not think proper to punish any more than the principal ringleader, whom he caused immediately to be hanged; and then, without allowing them leisure to ruminate on what had happened, and as the most effectual means of preventing the return of a mutinous spirit, he determined to call forth his troops immediately to action. Fortunately a proper occasion for this soon occurred, without his seeming to court it. He received intelligence, that the materials for building the brigantines were at length completely finished, and waited only for a body of Spaniards to conduct them to Tezcuco. The command of this convoy, consisting of two hundred foot soldiers, fifteen horsemen, and two field pieces, he gave to Sandoval, who by the vigilance, activity, and courage, which he had manifested on every occasion, was growing daily in his confidence, and in the estimation of his fellow-soldiers. The Tlascalans furnished eight thousand Tamenes, an inferior order of men destined for servile tasks, to carry the materials on their shoulders, and appointed fifteen thousand warriors to accompany and defend them. Sandoval made the disposition for their progress with great propriety, placing the Tamenes in the centre, one body of warriors in the front, and another in the rear, with considerable parties to cover the flanks. To each of these he joined some Spaniards, not only to assist them in danger, but to accustom them to regularity and subordination. Parties of Mexicans frequently appeared hovering around them on the high grounds; but perceiving no prospect of success in attacking an enemy continually on his guard, and prepared to receive them, they did not venture to molest him; and Sandoval had the glory of conducting safely to Tezcuco a convoy upon which the success of the future operations of his countrymen depended.

Cortez determined to attack the city from three different quarters; from Tezcuco on the east side of the lake, from Tacuha on the west, and from Cuayocan towards the south. These towns were situated on the principal causeways which led to the capital, and were intended for their defence. He appointed Sandoval to command in the first, Pedro de Alvarado in the second, and Cristoval de Olid in the third; allotting to each a numerous body of Indian auxiliaries, together with an equal division of Spaniards, who, by the junction of the troops which had arrived from Hispaniola, amounted now to eighty-six horsemen, and eight hundred and eighteen foot soldiers, of whom one hundred and eleven were armed with muskets or cross-bows. Their train of artillery consisted of three battering cannon, and fifteen field-pieces. He reserved for himself, as the station of greatest importance and danger, the conduct of the brigantines, each armed with one of his small cannon, and manned with twenty-five Spaniards. As Alvarado and Olid proceeded towards the posts assigned them, they broke down the aqueducts which the ingenuity of the Mexicans had erected for conveying water into the capital. Alvarado and Olid found the towns, of which they were ordered to take possession, deserted by their inhabitants, who had fled for safety to the capital, where Guatimozin had collected the principal force of his empire. The first effort made by the Mexicans was to destroy the fleet of brigantines, the fatal effects of which they foresaw and dreaded. Although the brigantines, after all the labour and merit of Cortez in forming them, were of inconsiderable bulk, rudely constructed, and manned chiefly with landsmen, scarcely possessed of skill sufficient to conduct them, they must have been objects of terror to a people unacquainted with any navigation but that of their lake, and possessed of no vessel larger than a canoe. Necessity, however, urged Guatimozin to hazard the attack; and hoping to supply by numbers what he wanted in force, he assembled such a multitude of canoes as covered the face of the lake. These frail skiffs rowed on boldly to the charge, whilst the brigantines, retarded by a dead calm, could scarcely advance to meet them. But as the enemy drew near, a breeze suddenly sprung up; in a moment the sails were spread, and the brigantines with irresistible impetuosity broke through their feeble opponents, overset many canoes, and dissipated the whole armament. From that time Cortez remained master of the lake; and the brigantines not only preserved a communication between the Spaniards in their different stations, although at a considerable distance from each other, but were employed to cover the causeways on each side, and keep off the canoes, when they attempted to annoy the troops as they advanced towards the city. He formed the brigantines into three divisions, allotting one to each station, with orders to second the operations of the officer who commanded there. From all the three stations he pushed on the attack against the city with equal vigour, but in a manner very different from that in which sieges are conducted in regular war. Each morning his troops assaulted the barricades which the enemy had erected on the causeways, forced their way over the trenches which they had dug, and through the canals where the bridges were broken down, and endeavoured to penetrate into the heart of the city, in hopes of obtaining some decisive advantage, which might force the enemy to surrender, and terminate the war at once; but when the obstinate valour of the Mexicans had rendered the efforts of the day ineffectual, the Spaniards retired in the evening to their former quarters. Thus their toil and danger were, in some measure, continually renewed; the Mexicans repairing in the night what the Spaniards had destroyed during the day, and recovering the posts from which they had been driven. But necessity prescribed this slow and untoward mode of operation. The number of his troops was in fact so small, that Cortez durst not, with a handful of men, attempt to make a lodgment in a city where he might be surrounded and annoyed by a multitude of enemies. The remembrance of what he had already suffered by the ill-judged confidence with which he had ventured into such a dangerous situa- tion, was still fresh in his memory. The Spaniards, exhausted with fatigue, were unable to guard the various posts which they had daily gained; and although their camp was filled with Indian auxiliaries, they durst not devolve this charge upon them, because they were so little accustomed to discipline, that no confidence whatever could be placed in their vigilance. Besides, Cortez was extremely solicitous to preserve the city as much as possible from destruction, partly because he had destined it to be the capital of his conquests, and partly because he wished that it might remain as a monument of his glory. From these considerations, he adhered obstinately for a month to the system which he had adopted. The Mexicans, in their own defence, displayed a valour which was hardly inferior to that with which the Spaniards attacked them. On land, on water, by day and by night, one furious conflict succeeded to another. Several Spaniards were killed, more were wounded, and all were ready to sink under the toils of unintermitting service, which were rendered more intolerable by the injuries of the season, the periodical rains having by this time set in with their usual violence.

Astonished and disconcerted with the length and difficulties of the siege, Cortez determined to make one great effort to get possession of the city before he relinquished the plan which he had hitherto followed. With this view he sent instructions to Alvarado and Sandoval to advance with their divisions to a general assault, and took the command in person of that which was posted on the causeway of Cuyocan. Animated by his presence, and the expectation of some decisive event, the Spaniards pushed forward with irresistible impetuosity; broke through one barricade after another; forced their way over the ditches and canals, and having entered the city, gained ground incessantly, in spite of the multitude and ferocity of their opponents. Cortez, though delighted with the rapidity of his progress, did not forget that he might still find it necessary to retreat; and in order to secure it, appointed Julian de Alderete, a captain of note in the troops which he had received from Hispaniola, to fill up the canals and gaps in the causeway as the main body advanced. But that officer deeming it inglorious to be thus employed, whilst his companions were in the heat of action and in the career of victory, neglected the important charge committed to him, and hurried on inconsiderately to mingle with the combatants. The Mexicans, whose military attention and skill were daily improving, no sooner observed this, than they carried an account of it to their monarch. Guatimozin instantly discerned the consequences of the error which the Spaniards had committed, and, with admirable presence of mind, prepared to take advantage of it. He commanded the troops posted in the front to slacken their efforts, in order to allure the Spaniards to push forward, whilst he despatched a large body of chosen warriors through different streets, some by land and others by water, towards the great breach in the causeway, which had been left open. On a signal given by him, the priests in the great temple struck the great drum consecrated to the god of war; and no sooner did the Mexicans hear its solemn sound, calculated to inspire them with enthusiastic ardour and contempt of death, than they rushed upon the enemy with frantic rage. The Spaniards, unable to resist men urged by religious fury as well as the hope of success, began to retire, at first leisurely, and with a good countenance, but as the enemy pressed on, and their own impatience to escape increased, the terror and confusion became general. When they arrived at the gap in the causeway, Spaniards and Tlascalans, horsemen and infantry, plunged in promiscuously, whilst the Mexicans rushed fiercely upon them from every side; their little canoes carrying them through shoals which the brigantines could not approach. In vain did Cortez attempt to stop and to rally his flying troops. Fear had rendered them regardless of his entreaties or commands. Finding all his endeavours to renew the combat fruitless, his next care was to save some of those who had thrown themselves into the water; but whilst thus employed, with more attention to their situation than to his own, six Mexican captains suddenly laid hold of him, and were hurrying him off in triumph; and although two of his officers rescued him at the expense of their own lives, he received several dangerous wounds before he could break loose. Above sixty Spaniards perished in the rout; and what rendered the disaster more afflicting, forty of these fell alive into the hands of an enemy never known to show mercy to a captive. The approach of night, though it delivered the defeated Spaniards from the attacks of the enemy, ushered in, what was hardly less grievous, the noise of their barbarous triumph, and of the horrid festival with which they celebrated their victory. Every quarter of the city was illuminated; and the great temple shone with such splendour, that the Spaniards could plainly see the people in motion, and the priests busy in hastening the preparation for the death of the prisoners. Through the gloom they fancied that they discerned their companions by the whiteness of their skins, as they were stripped naked and compelled to dance before the image of the god to whom they were about to be offered. They heard the shrieks of those who were sacrificed, and thought they could distinguish each unhappy victim by the well-known sound of his voice. Imagination added to what they really saw or heard, and augmented its horror. The most unfeeling melted into tears of compassion, and the stoutest heart trembled at the dreadful spectacle which they beheld.

Cortez, who, besides all that he felt in common with his Critical soldiers, was oppressed with the additional load of anxious state of reflections natural to a general on such an unexpected calamity, could not like them relieve his mind by giving vent to its anguish. He was obliged to assume an air of tranquillity, in order to revive the spirits and sustain the hopes of his followers. The juncture, indeed, required an extraordinary exertion of fortitude; for the Mexicans, elated with their victory, salled out next morning to attack him in his quarters. But they did not rely on the efforts of their own arms alone. They sent the heads of the Spaniards whom they had sacrificed to the leading men in the adjacent provinces, and assured them that the god of war, appeased by the blood of their invaders, which had been shed so plentifully on his altars, had declared with an audible voice, that in eight days' time these hated enemies should be finally destroyed, and peace and prosperity re-established in the empire. A prediction, uttered with such confidence, gained universal credit amongst a people prone to superstition. The zeal of the provinces which had already declared against the Spaniards augmented, and several which had hitherto remained inactive now took arms to execute the decrees of the gods. The Indian auxiliaries who had joined Cortez, accustomed to venerate the same deities with the Mexicans, and to receive the responses of their priests with the same implicit faith, abandoned the Spaniards as a race of men devoted to destruction. Even the fidelity of the Tlascalans was shaken, and the Spanish troops were left almost alone in their stations. Cortez, finding that he had attempted in vain to dispel the superstitious fears of his confederates by argument, took advantage, from the imprudence of those who had framed the prophecy, in fixing its accomplishment so near at hand, to give them a striking demonstration of its falsity. He suspended all military operations during the period marked out by the oracle. Under cover of the brigantines, which kept the enemy at a distance, his troops lay in safety, and the fatal term expired without any disaster. His allies, ashamed of their own credulity, now returned to their station. Other tribes, judging that the gods, who had deceived the Mexicans, must have decreed finally to withdraw their protection from that nation, joined his standard; and such was the levity of a simple people, moved by every slight impression, that in a short time after such a general defection of his confederates, Cortez saw himself, if we may believe his own account, at the head of 150,000 Indians.

Even with such a numerous army, he found it necessary to adopt a new and more cautious system of operations. Instead of renewing his attempts to become master of the city at once, by such bold but dangerous efforts of valour as he had already tried, he made his advances gradually, and with every possible precaution. As the Spaniards pushed forward, the Indians regularly repaired the causeways behind them. As soon as they got possession of any part of the town, the houses were instantly levelled with the ground. Day by day, the Mexicans, forced to retire as their enemies gained ground, were hemmed in within more narrow limits. Guatimozin, though unable to stop the career of the enemy, continued to defend his capital with the most obstinate resolution, and to dispute every inch of ground. But the Spaniards, having not only varied their mode of attack, but changed the weapons with which they fought, were again armed with the long Chimalant spears, which they had employed with such success against Narvaez; and, by the firm order in which this enabled them to range themselves, they repelled, with little danger, the loose assault of the Mexicans, great numbers of whom fell in the conflicts which they renewed every day. Whilst war was waged without famine began to consume them within the city. The Spanish brigantines, having the entire command of the lake, rendered it impossible to receive any supply of provisions by water; and the vast number of his Indian auxiliaries enabled Cortez to shut up the avenues to the city by land. The stores which Guatimozin had laid up were exhausted by the multitudes which crowded into the capital to defend their sovereign and the temples of their gods. Not only the people, but persons of the highest rank, felt the utmost distresses of want; and these sufferings brought on infectious and mortal distempers, the last calamity which visits besieged cities, and fills up the measure of their woes.

But, under the pressure of so many and such various evils, the spirit of Guatimozin remained firm and unsubdued. He rejected with scorn every overture of peace from Cortez; and, disdaining the idea of submitting to the oppressors of his country, determined not to survive its ruin. The Spaniards continued their progress. At length all the three divisions penetrated into the great square in the centre of the city, and made a secure lodgment there. Three-fourths of the city were now reduced, and laid in ruins; and the remaining quarter was so closely pressed, that it could not long withstand assailants who attacked it from their new position with superior advantage, and more assured expectation of success. The Mexican nobles, solicitous to save the life of a monarch whom they revered, prevailed on Guatimozin to retire from a place where resistance was now vain, that he might rouse the more distant provinces of the empire to arms, and maintain there a more successful struggle with the public enemy. In order to facilitate the execution of this measure, they endeavoured to amuse Cortez with overtures of submission, that, whilst his attention was employed in adjusting the articles of pacification, Guatimozin might escape unperceived. But they made this attempt upon a leader of too great sagacity and discernment to be deceived by their arts. Cortez suspecting their intention, appointed Sandoval, an officer on whose vigilance he could rely, to take the command of the brigantines, with strict injunctions to watch every motion of the enemy. Sandoval, attentive to the charge, having observed some large canoes crowded with people rowing along the lake with extraordinary rapidity, instantly gave the signal to chase. Gracia Holguin, who commanded the fastest-sailing brigantine, soon overtook them, and was preparing to fire on the foremost canoe, which seemed to carry some person whom all the rest followed and obeyed. At once the rowers dropped their oars, and all on board, throwing down their arms, conjured him with cries and tears to forbear, as the emperor was there. Holguin eagerly seized his prize; and Guatimozin, with a dignified composure, gave himself up into his hands, requesting only that no insult might be offered to the empress or his children. When conducted to Cortez, he exhibited neither the sullen fierceness of a barbarian, nor the crouching dejection of a supplicant. Addressing himself to the Spanish general, "I have done," said he, "what became a monarch. I have defended my people to the last extremity. Nothing now remains but to die. Take this dagger," laying his hand on one which Cortez wore; "plant it in my breast, and put an end to a life which can no longer be of use."

As soon as the fate of their sovereign was known, the resistance of the Mexicans ceased; and Cortez took possession of Mexico of that small part of the capital which yet remained undestroyed. Thus terminated the siege of Mexico, the most memorable event in the conquest of America. It continued seventy-five days, hardly one of which passed without some extraordinary effort of one party in the attack, or of the other in the defence of a city, upon the fate of which both knew that the fortune of the empire depended. As the struggle here was more obstinate, it was likewise more equal, than any between the inhabitants of the Old and the New World. The great abilities of Guatimozin, the number of his troops, and the peculiar situation of his capital, so far counterbalanced the superiority of the Spaniards in arms and discipline, that they must have relinquished the enterprise, if they had trusted for success to themselves alone. But Mexico was overturned by the jealousy of neighbours who dreaded its power, and by the revolt of subjects impatient to shake off its yoke. By their effectual aid, Cortez was enabled to accomplish that which without such support, he would hardly have ventured to attempt. How much soever this account of the reduction of Mexico may detract, on the one hand, from the marvellous relations of some Spanish writers, by ascribing that to simple and obvious causes which they attribute to the romantic valour of their countrymen, it adds, on the other, to the merit and abilities of Cortez, who, under every disadvantage, acquired such an ascendancy over unknown nations, as to render them instrumental in carrying his scheme into execution.

The exultation of the Spaniards upon accomplishing this arduous enterprise, was excessive. But their rejoicing was quickly damped by the disappointment of those hopes which had animated them amidst so many hardships and dangers. Instead of the inexhaustible wealth which they expected upon becoming masters of Montezuma's treasures, and the ornaments of so many temples, their rapacity could collect only an insignificant booty amidst ruins and desolation. Guatimozin, aware of his impending fate, had ordered what remained of the riches amassed by his ancestors to be thrown into the lake; and the Indian auxiliaries, whilst the Spaniards were engaged in conflict with the enemy, had carried off the most valuable part of the spoil. The sum to be divided amongst the conquerors was so small, that many of them disdained to accept of the pittance which fell to their share, and all murmured; some against Cortez and his confidants, whom they suspected of having secretly appropriated to their own use a large portion of the riches which should have been brought into the common stock; others against Guatimozin, whom they accused of obstinacy, in refusing to discover the place where he had hidden his treasure.

Arguments, entreaties, and promises were employed in Guatimozin's order to soothe them; but with so little effect, that Cortez, in tortured

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1 The gold and silver, according to Cortez, amounted only to 120,000 pesos, a sum far inferior to that which the Spaniards had formerly divided in Mexico. from solicitude to check this growing spirit of discontent; consented to a deed which has stained the glory of all his great actions. Without regarding the former dignity of Guatimozin, or feeling any reverence for those virtues which he had displayed, he subjected that unfortunate monarch, along with his chief favourite, to torture, in order to force from them a discovery of the royal treasures, which it was supposed they had concealed. Guatimozin bore whatever the refined cruelty of his tormentors could inflict, with the invincible fortitude of an American warrior. His fellow-sufferer, overcome by the violence of the anguish, turned a dejected eye towards his master, which seemed to implore his permission to reveal all that he knew. But the high-spirited prince, darting on him a look of authority mingled with scorn, checked his weakness, by asking, "Am I now reposing on a bed of flowers?" Overawed by the reproach, he persevered in his dutiful silence, and expired. Cortez, ashamed of a scene so horrid, rescued the royal victim from the hands of his torturers, and prolonged a life reserved for new indignities and sufferings.

The fate of the capital, as both parties had foreseen, decided that of the empire. The provinces one after another submitted to the conquerors. Small detachments of Spaniards marching through them without interruption, penetrated, in different quarters, to the great Southern Ocean, which, according to the ideas of Columbus, they imagined would open a short and easy passage to the East Indies, and thus secure to the crown of Castille all the envied wealth of those fertile regions; and the active mind of Cortez began already to form plans for attempting this important discovery. In his subsequent schemes, however, he was disappointed; but from this time until the revolutionary spirit broke out in the New World, not long after the commencement of the present century, Mexico remained in the hands of the Spaniards.

II. HISTORY OF MEXICO FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE REVOLUTION TO THE PRESENT TIME.

For nearly three centuries after the conquest of Cortez, Mexico remained quietly subject to the Spanish yoke; but the internal tranquillity thus enjoyed ceased with the invasion of Old Spain by the armies of Napoleon. The humiliation of the mother country was the signal for revolt throughout all her colonial possessions; and commotions then took place which for years continued to agitate the country. But before proceeding to narrate the events which have terminated in the separation of Mexico from the mother country, it will be necessary briefly to review the system of colonial policy by which it was so long governed, and to point out the causes which ultimately led to the assertion of independence. It is to the complication of abuses, to which the old system gave rise, that we must mainly attribute those events which have changed the destiny of the New World.

The vast American possessions of Spain were divided into five captain-generalships, viz., Yucatan, Guatemala, Chili, Venezuela, and the island of Cuba; and four viceroyalties, viz., Mexico, Peru, Rio de la Plata, (Buenos Ayres), and New Granada. The government of each separate colony was vested in one of these great servants of the crown, who were all independent of each other. In Mexico the viceroy was endowed with the prerogatives of royalty, and considered as the alter ego of the king himself. He was commander-in-chief of the troops, and he regulated the military operations, and filled up all vacancies; it being understood that promotions made by him would receive the sanction of the king. He was assisted in this part of his duty by a council of war, as he was in all judicial questions by a fiscal, or legal adviser to whom the law of the case was referred. All sentences of every description bore his signature, nor was there any appeal from his decision. The only checks which interposed between him and despotic sovereignty were the residencia, or legal investigation of his conduct, to which the king might subject him on his return to Spain, a measure which was seldom or never enforced; and the Audiencia, or the court of appeal in the last resort. This body possessed considerable power and influence. It had control over all other tribunals, ecclesiastical as well as civil, in every case where the value of the subject in litigation did not exceed ten thousand dollars. It likewise enjoyed the privilege of corresponding directly with the sovereign, and with the council of the Indies, a board at which the king was supposed constantly to preside in person, and whose sanction it was necessary to obtain before orders, decrees, or projects of reform, although emanating from the crown, could acquire the force of law. This board was created in 1511 by Ferdinand II., and remodelled by Charles V. in 1524, for the exclusive superintendence of the affairs of the colonies. The laws enacted by the last named monarch were in general wise and equitable, and framed in the spirit of humanity. It was decreed that the aborigines should be considered as freemen and vassals of the crown; and also that the discoverers, the settlers, and their posterity, including others "born in the country," were to be preferred in all appointments, civil and ecclesiastical. These laws, however, as we shall immediately see, proved a dead letter to the natives; for from the very first the government had pursued a course of policy diametrically the reverse of that which they guaranteed.

The Audiencia was entirely composed of European Spaniards, who were forbidden to intermarry with creoles, (as were the viceroy and his children), or to engage in trade, or even to hold property in the country in which they resided. The privilege of directly corresponding with the Council of the Indies, might have rendered this body an efficient check upon the conduct of the viceroy, if the latter had not possessed such inordinate power. He was himself honorary president of the body, and had thus every opportunity of conciliating the members, and attaching them to his interests and those of the Europeans. As some compensation, they were entitled to assume the supreme power in the event of the viceroy's decease or removal, which they exercised until his successor was appointed. They also enjoyed various other privileges, which in a pecuniary point of view rendered their position highly advantageous. Indeed, the emoluments attached to the office of oidor, or member, were so considerable, that no small degree of influence, intrigue, and bribery was employed to obtain the situation. Three branches of the Audiencia were established in the provinces most remote from the capital, but these exercised no independent jurisdiction.

Besides the boards already noticed, the municipal corporations, from their great possessions, had naturally a considerable share of influence; and that of the city of Mexico, containing a population of 140,000 inhabitants with immense estates, had a larger proportion than usually fell to the lot of other Spanish American cities. Those municipalities, called sometimes the Cabildo, sometimes the Ayuntamiento, and sometimes the City, were in their composition not unlike the ancient parliaments of France. Their members, called regidores, their president, the corregidor, and their executive officers, the syndics, were chosen from the people, and originally by the people; and although the institution was soon perverted, the people always looked up to it with respect, and regarded the members of the Cabildo as their natural protectors. Had the people been permitted to exercise their privilege without interference, the Ayuntamiento might have proved equivalent to an English House of Commons; but the right of election was rendered merely nominal by Spanish fraud or gold. The situations of alcalde and regidor were in fact put up to auction, and disposed of to the highest bidder, the purchaser having the power of relinquishing them in favour of relatives or friends. In some parts of the country they were even made use of as an inducement to people to enter themselves on the militia roll. Disgracefully as things were thus conducted, these functionaries uniformly proved the friends of the creoles; for they were connected with them by numerous ties, which the members of the Audiencia were prohibited from forming, and by a community of interests, which could not exist between the Europeans and any of the natives. Another important class of officials were the collectors of customs and revenue. These consisted of a host of officers, who were subordinate to the Intendent, one of whom presided over a district, in which he was almost independent, for his appointment emanated from the council of the Indies, without the concurrence of the viceroy; and in all questions respecting the interests of the revenue he possessed very extensive powers.

The Recopilación de las Leyes de las Indias, or general collection of the laws of the Indies, was the name given to that chaotic mass of statutes by which the decisions of the tribunals were supposed to be determined. These statutes were originally merely decrees upon different subjects, emanating from the king or from the Council of the Indies; and being all bound up together, without regard to order or classification of any kind, they were generally unconnected, often contradictory, and almost always full of glaring inconsistencies. Nothing could have been conceived better calculated to embarrass the lawyer, and to defeat the ends of justice, than this farce of legislative enactments. Indeed it was not long before the decrees not included in this heterogeneous budget of statutes outnumbered those which it contained; many of these, again, were annulled by others subsequently issued, so that it was scarcely possible to know which decrees were in force, and which had fallen into disuse or been suspended. It is quite obvious that from these causes, discrepancies in the royal orders were likely to occur frequently; and that in the general confusion, ample facilities were afforded to the delinquent of defeating the ends of justice, by sheltering himself under some forgotten or ambiguous decree. An appeal to judicial authority had thus in it all the uncertainty and hazard of a game of chance; and this was further increased by different professions and corporate bodies enjoying various special privileges or fueros. Each of these exempted the persons who chose to plead it, from the jurisdiction of the ordinary authorities, and made them amenable, in all civil and criminal causes, to the tribunal of the head of the body to which they belonged. It thus happened that the native American was generally the sufferer in cases in which his opponent was a European; for the difficulty of obtaining redress in any dispute was augmented by the circumstance of the latter enjoying a double or triple fuero, as a merchant, a government officer, a dignitary of the church, or at least as holding some rank in the militia.

To complete the outline of that mighty fabric by which the authority of Spain in the New World was so long supported, it is necessary briefly to advert to ecclesiastical establishments. These were altogether independent of the see of Rome, and the Spanish sovereign was as effectually the head of the Hispano-American church as Henry VIII. made himself of that of England. No spiritual jurisdiction was allowed to interfere with the royal prerogative, so that the Pope could neither fulminate bulls nor hold any sort of intercourse with Spanish America, unless through the medium of the court of Madrid, and the Council of the Indies. As might have been expected under such circumstances, a traffic in bulls became an important branch of the royal revenue. The king bought of the holy see indulgences and dispensations of all kinds, and retailed them to his American subjects at an enormous profit. The business was managed with as much strictness and regularity as an ordinary commercial transaction, the monopoly of tobacco, for example; and so jealous was the king of his right, that the most severe penalties were not only enacted but enforced against ecclesiastics who dared to infringe the regulations. This traffic, which proved to be as lucrative as it was discreditible to both parties, was not carried on without some contentions between the courts of Madrid and Rome, the latter of which threatened to dissolve the partnership, for the Pontiff felt anxious to obtain a larger share than he actually possessed of so advantageous a concern; but after several ineffectual attempts to attain his object, he was compelled to relinquish the contest, and leave his royal partner in quiet possession of nearly the whole of the profits. The leading principle in the Spanish colonial system, was to represent power and authority, right and privilege, everything in short, which an American enjoyed or could hope for of place or advancement, as all emanating from the king, the great fountain-head of honour and preferment. Had the Pope, therefore, in virtue of his sacred character, and independently of the Council of the Indies, held immediate intercourse with the Americans, who, being Catholics, were, like the inhabitants of other countries professing a similar faith, his spiritual subjects, it would have disturbed that unity of plan which it was the darling object of the Spaniards to maintain unbroken. Thus, not only the avarice but the policy of the mother country was concerned in excluding all interference, and hence the designs of the court of Rome were as suspiciously watched, as the attempts of the English or French to smuggle their manufactures into the country.

Such is a general view of the colonial system of Spain; and evils of when we consider that all the great offices of state, not excepting the Spanish vice-regal dignity itself, were open alike to Americans and Europeans, every subject of the crown being eligible, its defects, in theory at least, are scarcely so glaring as they are sometimes represented. The evils, many and grievous, consisted in the practice, and in the maintenance of a system of laws by which the colonies were sacrificed to the mother country. Nothing is so frequently or so strongly insisted upon in the Recopilaciones, as the equality to which we have just alluded; nothing was in practice so utterly lost sight of by the Spaniards. Every situation, from the highest to the lowest was bestowed upon Europeans; nor for many years previously to the revolution, was a single native preferred to any official post either in the church, the army, or the law. Indeed, the colonial offices were disposed of in Madrid to the highest bidder; and at one time the proceeds, like the traffic in bulls, formed a not inconsiderable item of the royal revenues. Of the fifty viceroys who governed Mexico from 1535 to 1808, only one was an American, and even he was born in Peru. The same spirit of self-aggrandisement and contempt for the natives, extended to the meanest offices in the gift of the crown; for even amongst the common clerks and other subordinates, an American was rarely to be met with. The manifesto published by the Congress of Buenos Ayres, places the condition to which the native population had been reduced, in a very strong light; and as the statements which are there made apply to Mexico and all the other Spanish settlements in America, it may be here proper to make a few extracts from this important document.

"Every thing," says the manifesto in question, "was disposed of on the part of Spain in America, to effect the degradation of her sons. It did not suit the policy of Spain that sages should rise up amongst us; fearful lest men of genius should remind them of advancing the condition of their country, and of improving the morals and excellent capacities with which its sons have been gifted by their Creator, it was her policy incessantly to diminish and depress our population, lest one day we should imagine aught against her domination, guarded by a force too contemptible for keeping in subjection regions so various and so extensive. Commerce was exclusively confined to herself, from a mean suspicion that opulence would make us proud, and render us capable of aspiring to free ourselves from so many vexations. The growth of industry was checked, in order that the means of escaping from our wretchedness and poverty might be denied us; and we were excluded from all participation in public employments, in order that the natives of the Peninsula might have entire influence over the country, so as to form the inclinations and habits necessary for retaining us in a state of dependence, that would permit us neither to think nor to act but in conformity to the modes dictated by the Spaniards.

This system was acted upon with the utmost rigour by the viceroys. Each of them was invested with the authority of a vizier; their power was sufficient to annihilate all those who dared to displease them. However great the vexations they practised, we had to bear them with patience, whilst these were compared by their satellites and worshippers to the effects of the wrath of God. The complaints which were addressed to the throne were either lost in the distance of many thousand leagues over which they had to pass, or they were smothered in the offices at Madrid by the protectors of those who tyrannised over us. Not only was this system not softened, but there was no hope of its moderating in the course of time. We had no voice, direct nor indirect, in legislating for our country; this was done for us in Spain, without conceding to us the privilege of sending delegates or counsellors, to be present, and to state what would be suitable or otherwise, as is practised by the cities of Spain. Neither did we possess such influence in the government set over us, as might serve to attempt the severity of its administration. We knew that there was no remedy for us but to bear with patience; and that for him who could not resign himself to every abuse, death was considered as too light a punishment, for in such cases punishments have been invented of unparalleled cruelty, and revolting to every sentiment of humanity."

In the passage that has just been cited, allusion is made to literature and commerce, both of which, as far as the natives were concerned, were rigorously interdicted. The power of Spain depended upon the ignorance of those over whom she ruled; and hence to have disseminated the blessings of education amongst the people, would have been to sap the very foundations of her authority. The consequence was, that almost every species of learning was not only discouraged but prohibited, and pains and penalties were annexed to the infringement of the laws relating to it. "It was forbidden," says the manifesto above quoted, "to teach us the liberal sciences; we were permitted to learn only the Latin grammar, the philosophy of the schools, and civil and ecclesiastical jurisprudence." The Inquisition was not only constituted the guardian of a doctrine which was studiously instilled into the minds of the natives, namely that all foreigners, such as English, French, Germans, and others, were heretics, with whom no Catholic could hold intercourse without contamination; but it also took special cognizance of the importation of books. All the ingenuity of this odious tribunal was exerted to check the introduction of works in the leaves of which a liberal sentiment might be supposed to lurk; and every vessel was accordingly subjected to the most searching examination. The works of Luther lay not under a stricter interdict than modern histories, and political writings; and even as late as the year 1811, the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people was, by a strange anomaly, denounced as a damnable heresy in Mexico, at the very moment that it was solemnly sanctioned by the Cortez in Spain. In a word, although certain studies that seemed calculated to do little or no harm were encouraged, the spirit of the system was to exclude information, to stifle enquiry, and to check the progress of intellectual improvement amongst the native population.

But whilst ignorance was ranked amongst the virtues, some branches of industry were degraded into crimes. As the commercial restrictions, and the endless train of grievances, vexations, and abuses, of which these became the prolific source, generated that spirit of resistance which terminated in the overthrow of the Spanish power in America, we shall briefly enumerate some of those which were most obnoxious, and inimical to native industry and enterprise.

The Americans were prohibited under severe penalties from raising flax, hemp, or saffron, and growing tobacco was a government monopoly. The cultivation of the olive, the mulberry, and the vine, was also frustrated by the same blind policy; and even the growth of the more precious articles, of what we term colonial produce, such as cacao, coffee, and indigo, was only tolerated under certain limitations, and in such quantities as the mother country might require annually to import. During M. Humboldt's residence in Mexico in 1802, the court of Madrid sent orders to the viceroy to root up all the vines in the northern provinces, because the merchants of the Spanish capital complained of a diminution in the consumption of their wines. Happily this order was not carried into execution; but that it should ever have been issued, shows the contempt in which the Spaniards held both the Americans and their property. Not only were they prohibited from appropriating to their use the vegetable productions which nature had bountifully scattered over their native hills and valleys; they were actually forbidden to manufacture any thing which could be supplied by the mother country, and to the interests of a few maritime towns in Spain, the ministry unhesitatingly sacrificed the prosperity of a large portion of the New World. Had the traders taken in return those agricultural productions in which the colonies abounded, the grievance would have been ameliorated; but payment in specie was the grand object of the Spanish merchant. In conformity with the principle of concentrating all trade in the Peninsula, foreigners were entirely excluded from the colonial market. The natives were forbidden, upon pain of death, to hold commercial intercourse with them, and none were allowed to visit their shores. From time to time concessions were made in favour of a traffic with other nations; but these were not at all equal to the demands and the growing importance of the colonies.

We have already alluded to the sale of titles and distinctions; but the most lucrative branch of what deserves no better name than legal peculation, was the power of granting licences for the introduction of any article of foreign produce during a limited period. For these, enormous sums were paid by the leading commercial houses; and a share in the profits accruing from the speculation commenced with the viceroy, and extended to the meanest offices which swarmed with European hangers-on, all candidates for preferment, and waiting in expectation of realizing a fortune, in which they generally succeeded by means best known to themselves. It was in vain for the creoles to attempt bringing offenders to justice. Actuated by a spirit of clanship, the Europeans all clung together, one taking shelter behind another in an ascending scale up to the viceroy himself, who seems generally to have covered the long series of delinquents. But the exclusion of foreign vessels from the Mexican ports was not all that the rapacity of Spain laid claim to; that country also asserted a right to supreme dominion over the vast oceans which surrounded her American possessions; and this she attempted to vindicate wherever a superiority of maritime force enabled her to do so. Even ships in distress were by a royal ordinance ordered to be seized as prizes, and their crews thrown into prison. As late as the year 1790, a very remarkable instance of this occurred. A vessel belonging to the United States having lost her rudder, and being otherwise damaged by a storm, was compelled to touch at the island of Juan Fernandez to repair. The governor quietly allowed the Boston trader to be repaired and to depart without molestation; but the viceroy under whom he served warmly reprehended him for dereliction of duty, expressing in no measured terms his displeasure at the negligence of the governor, in allowing the vessel to leave the island without having even attempted to seize her. His astonishment, he said, was excited "at the governor of any of the king's islands being so ignorant as not to know that any foreign vessel sailing in the South Sea without a Spanish license was to be treated as an enemy's vessel, although the country to which she belonged might be at peace and amity with Spain." Notwithstanding all the efforts of Spain, however, manufactures did make some little progress in the course of the three centuries during which she wielded the destinies of Mexico and the whole of South America; and the exclusion of foreign vessels from her colonies gave rise to one of the most extraordinary systems of organised smuggling which the world ever witnessed. This was known under the name of the contraband or forced trade, and was carried on in armed vessels which often bade defiance to the coast blockades of Spain, and, fighting their way to the American ports, landed great quantities of European goods. This system of warlike commerce was conducted by the Dutch, English, French, and others; and not only was it the means of imparting to the Americans a taste for the luxuries of Europe, but latterly no small portion of the leaven of knowledge was infused into the inert mass of the population spread over the Spanish possessions.

Such was the colonial system of Spain, which on all hands is admitted to have been worse even than that of the Portuguese or of the Dutch; and such were the evils to which it gave rise. When, therefore, in connection with these evils we further consider that the civil, fiscal, and criminal administration was tyrannical, unjust, or partial; that exactions in the shape of taxes, duties, and tithes, were levied with unequal severity; that amongst the taxes was one which has justly been called, "the horrible alcabalas," and pressed heavily on all classes, being levied in infinitum on every transfer of goods; that nothing escaped tithes, and that every individual was compelled to purchase annually a certain number of the papal bulls, under a penalty of forfeiting various important advantages; that every stage of legal procedure was in the most corrupt and deplorable state, and that the administration of justice had scarcely any existence whatever; that imprisonment was the grand recipe for every malady; that in the most horrible dungeons, ill diet, filth, infectious diseases, and corporal punishment, including occasional torture, all combined to unhumanize the fettered victim; and finally, that the Inquisition bound in chains of darkness the minds of all classes of the community from the viceroy downwards,—he would be a bold theorist who should venture to affirm that Spain did not deserve that fate which soon befell her possessions in the New World.

How long an indisposition upon the part of the creoles to assert their rights might have continued, had not the events of the year 1808 occurred, it is impossible to say; but it is generally admitted that the insurrection of Aranjuez which led to the dismissal of Godoy, Prince of the Peace, and to the abdication of Charles VI., gave the first shock to the royal authority in America. Authentic intelligence of the resignation of the Spanish monarch arrived in Mexico on the 15th of July 1808. The government of the country at this critical moment was in the hands of Don Jose Iturrigaray, who is universally described as a good and just old man, but who was apparently deficient in energy and decision of character. Uncertain what line of conduct to pursue, he assembled the Audiencia, and at the suggestion of that body published the intelligence contained in the Madrid Gazette, without note or comment. But however indifferent the officers of state were upon this occasion, the inhabitants of Mexico were thrown into a ferment of indignation. Crowds eagerly assembled in the squares and public walks, and threats of vengeance against France were mingled with strong expressions of adherence to the cause of the deposed monarch. The Cabildo immediately presented an address tending to stimulate the zeal of the viceroy, who in consequence declared his determination to preserve to the last his loyalty to his sovereign, and his fidelity to Spain. The municipality and the popular party profited by the wish of Iturrigaray to conciliate them, and accordingly demanded a solemn abjuration of France and her partizans, on the part of the authorities, and the immediate creation of a junta in imitation of the mother country, composed of representatives of the different corporations of the kingdom. This suggestion, though not unfavourably received by the viceroy was opposed by the Audiencia, who declared that it was contrary to the privileges both of the crown and of the Europeans. For several weeks disputes ran high between the two bodies; the Audiencia urging the necessity of submitting to the assembly of Seville, by virtue of official advices, from which the viceroy had proclaimed Ferdinand, whilst the municipality demanded representatives from the various corporations.

At length despatches arrived from the junta of Asturias, assembled at Oviedo, also claiming supreme authority in the name of Ferdinand. This event furnished strong grounds for the creoles pressing their claim to a share in the government; and the Audiencia, finding that the viceroy was inclined to favour their opponents, (for it would appear that he had not formally acknowledged the authority of either of the peninsular juntas), determined to arrest and depose him, regarding his project as calculated to prove fatal to their interests. Accordingly a band of about two hundred and fifty Europeans, principally merchants, having been secretly organised, they proceeded at midnight on the 15th of September 1808, to the palace of the viceroy, seized him together with his wife and family, and conveyed all of them to prison. The Audiencia were well aware that this extreme measure would be resented by the people and the municipality, with whom Iturrigaray was popular; and to prevent any movement upon the part of the Mexicans, they assigned as the cause a suspicion of heresy; whilst to the better informed they attempted to justify their conduct by one of the laws of the code of the Indies, which provides, that in cases where the viceroy shall have exceeded his powers, the Audiencia has a right to interfere for the safety of the country. For the time their plans proved completely successful. Iturrigaray, after remaining a short time in the dungeons of the Inquisition, was conveyed to Vera Cruz, and sent a prisoner to Cadiz charged with a crime different from those already mentioned. The Audiencia well knew that under existing circumstances neither of the charges which they had brought against him in Mexico would be sufficient to justify their proceedings in the eyes of their masters at home; that the one was false and the other ridiculous. Accordingly in the manifesto which they transmitted to Spain along with the captive viceroy, he was impeached with a design to establish himself upon an independent throne, and with having acted independently of the authority of the central junta. The accusation was successful. Without trial or examination he was incarcerated in one of the dungeons of the city, and after languishing there for three years he was liberated by a general amnesty, ruined in fortune, in health, and in reputation.

In the meanwhile the creoles of Mexico were not inclined to submit with indifference to such violent changes; the creoles, cause of Iturrigaray they identified with their own, and considered his removal as implying their exclusion from power. To repress feelings so dangerous to the stability of their authority, the Audiencia ordered juntas of public security to be formed, and armed bands of Spaniards to be organised, who, under the convenient denomination of patriots, kept rigorous watch over those were suspected of having a bias in favour of the deposed viceroy. Not a few influential members of the Cabildo, who had voted for a Mexican junta, were arrested and either banished or otherwise disposed of. The vice-regal authority was for the time confided to the archbishop Lizana; but the mild and conciliatory policy of this prelate accorded little with the views of the Audiencia, who met the advances of the natives with insolent harshness, and maintained their exclusive right to represent the absent king, conduct which only served to increase the general irritation. The Cabildo of Mexico was told by the Audiencia in answer to some remonstrance in favour of the viceroy "that it possessed no authority, except over the leperos (lazzaroni) of the capital;" and it was a favourite maxim with the oidor Bateller, one of the chief promoters of Iturrigaray's seizure, "that whilst a Manchego mule, or a Castilian cobbler, remained in the peninsula, he had a right to govern the Americas." He was not alone in the expression of such outrageous sentiments. They were everywhere re-echoed by the Spaniards, who eagerly formed themselves into "patriotic associations" for the protection of what they called their rights, and armed themselves against the natives, whose excited feelings such proceedings were not likely to allay. In the year 1809 the archbishop was replaced by the Audiencia to whom the central junta transferred the reins of government; whilst the violent and contemptuous conduct of this body only served to bring matters more speedily to a crisis. A general feeling of hostility towards the Spaniards spread throughout the country, and as early as May 1809, attempts were made to concert insurrectionary movements, but these were crushed in embryo by the arrest of those principally concerned in them. This check, however, did not materially retard the onward movement of the country. A hatred of their oppressors had long been accumulating in the minds of the Mexicans, and discontent had become too general to be thus repressed. Although subdued in one part it broke out with more violence in another, like the volcanic eruptions of their native mountains. The scene of commotion alone was changed from the province of Michoacan to that of Guanajuato, where the famous Curate Hidalgo was destined first to raise the standard of revolt, and call forth the long subdued energies of his countrymen.

Don Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla was a man of considerable natural talents, learned, active, intelligent, and, above all, raised in a high degree enthusiastic and enterprising. After distinguishing himself at the university of Valladolid, he was appointed rector of the little town of Dolores, in the province of Guanajuato. Here he encouraged manufactures amongst his parishioners, and also introduced the cultivation of the silk worm and the vine; but a special order from the capital prohibiting the making of wine, rendered the numerous vineyards which he had planted useless, and thus added a private cause of discontent to the long list of grievances which he shared in common with his countrymen. He paid much attention to the education of those under his care; and from the extreme devotion which he displayed towards the virgin of Guadalupe, he was held in great veneration by the inhabitants, over whom he consequently possessed almost unbounded influence. To form a party willing to embark in the enterprise which he meditated was therefore no very difficult task; for not only were his countrymen prepared for it beforehand, but the example of a man of his character and authority was irresistible. He took so little precaution to conceal his projects, that they were discovered before being fully matured, and orders were issued to arrest him, along with Alende, Aldama, and Abasolo, three creole officers whom he had seduced from their allegiance to Spain. This premature disclosure, however, only served to hasten the execution of his plan; and having secured the co-operation of several of his parishioners, on the morning of the 16th September 1810, the standard of revolt and independence was publicly unfurled. Seven Europeans, resident in Dolores, became the first victims of the revolutionary movement. They were thrown into prison, and their property seized and distributed amongst Hidalgo's followers. The news of this first exploit spread throughout the country with the rapidity of lightning, and was every where hailed as a propitious omen. His force increased so suddenly, that on the 18th, he found himself in possession of two towns, each containing sixteen thousand inhabitants, in both of which places the confiscated property of the Europeans enabled him to reward his partizans as well as to add to their numbers.

His next object was Guanajuato, the capital of the province, Capture of and also the emporium of the Spanish treasuries in that part Guanajauo of the country. The town contained about seventy-five-thousand inhabitants, who were governed by a magistrate of a decided and active character, and one highly respected for his integrity and benevolence, so that it became necessary for Hidalgo to take every precaution that the number of his troops should be equal to the enterprise which he contemplated. On the 28th of September, Abasolo was despatched with a letter to the intendant, announcing that Hidalgo had been elected "captain-general of America," and that the independence of Mexico was proclaimed; at the same time offering the Spaniards terms of capitulation, according to which their persons were to be respected. These were refused; and Hidalgo's troops, now amounting to about twenty thousand but indifferently armed, advanced to the attack. Strong symptoms of dissatisfaction having been evinced by the lower classes in the town, the intendant could not undertake the defence of the whole of it from apprehension of treachery; so, with all the Europeans, he fortified himself in the public granary, whither he also conveyed the gold, silver, and other valuable property contained in the royal treasury. Little opposition was offered to the entrance of Hidalgo's troops, who were immediately joined by the whole population of the town, and carried all before them. The granary continued for some time to hold out, and the musketry did terrible execution amongst the crowds with which the streets were filled. But the death of the intendant relaxed the vigour of his followers. The great gate was forced, and the besieged, giving up resistance as hopeless, surrendered. Nothing could surpass the ferocity of the Indians, or the excesses which they committed. The town was given up to pillage; the Europeans were butchered without mercy; their property was eagerly seized; and before next morning there

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1 By some writers, the general discontent, and subsequent revolt, has been ascribed to the operation of other causes than those assigned in the text, namely, to a defection of the French, and a determination to adhere to the Spanish monarch in event of change of fortune. The interests of Spain and of its ex-king were totally distinct; for the former being conquered by Napoleon would of course be placed under a Corsican dynasty, to the exclusion of the family of the latter, in which case Mexico, being a colony of old Spain, would change masters and virtually become a colony of France. It has been assumed that the creoles suspected the Audiencia of being insufficient about who governed Spain, provided they ruled Mexico. These suspicions, it is said, were strengthened when intelligence arrived that the vice regal power had been transferred to General Venegas, whom the Mexicans regarded as a traitor; and that the regency had expressed their approbation of the conduct of those who had deposed Iturrigaray, and had resolved to reward them with decorations and appointments. This appeared to the Mexicans decisive evidence of a design on the part of the regency and of their new viceroy, to annex Mexico to the fate of Spain, under a new ruler, to rid themselves of their old sovereign. The disasters which overwhelmed the Spanish cause in the peninsula were attributed to treachery, for the Spaniards had studiously instilled into the minds of the Americans an idea of the military prowess of their countrymen, that their subjugation by France could be accounted for in no other manner. Hence, it is concluded, sprung popular discontent, local eruptions, and finally a general insurrection. Now, without attaching much importance to this view of the case, it may, to a limited extent, be founded on truth, and discrepancies may be reconciled by supposing that the insurgents were actuated by various motives. was not left standing a single house which had belonged to a Spaniard. The sacking of the city continued for three days, and the plunderers were loaded with spoil. An enormous quantity of money and other treasure was found in the alhondiga or granary to which the inhabitants had transported their most valuable effects. It is generally estimated at five millions of dollars, the possession of which entirely changed the aspect of Hidalgo's enterprise, and gave it an importance in the eyes of the country which did not before belong to it. During his stay at Guanajuato, he established a sort of government, a mint with all the apparatuses for coining money, and a foundry for casting cannon, employing for the purpose the bells which had been found in the houses of the Europeans.

The intelligence of the fall of Guanajuato, whilst it gave celebrity to the name of Hidalgo, created great consternation amongst the Spaniards of the capital, who were but little prepared for such a display of energy and warlike prowess upon the part of the natives. The new viceroy, however, Don Francisco Xavier Venegas, although misled at first by representations of the cowardice of the Mexicans, soon perceived the true state of affairs, and displayed such judgment and firmness in his measures, that the creoles were compelled to repress their feelings of exultation, and public tranquillity remained undisturbed in the capital. Upon this, as a central point, he ordered the troops stationed in different parts of the country to be concentrated; and the command of one of the best regiments he confided to the Conde de la Cadena, a Mexican by birth. Don Felix Maria Calleja, who headed a brigade of troops stationed at San Luis Potosi, was also intrusted with a command, and ordered to pursue Hidalgo. Nor was the superstition of the people overlooked; for some doubts having arisen with respect to the justice of the sentence of excommunication which had been pronounced against the leader of the insurgents, it was confirmed by Lizana and by the Inquisition, who likewise declared that the same penalty should extend to all who dared to call in question its validity in future. In one respect only did the viceroy fail to evince his usual sagacity, namely, in distributing rewards amongst those individuals who were most active in deposing Iturrigaray. We have already alluded to the high estimation in which this functionary was held by the Mexicans, and hence a display of generosity towards his enemies was at once an open justification of their conduct, and an insult offered to those who had regarded his cause as identical with their own.

After remaining at Guanajuato until the 16th of October, Hidalgo, at the head of his army, advanced upon Valladolid, which being abandoned by the Spaniards, was quietly taken possession of on the 17th of the same month. Here he was joined by some royal troops, and also by Don Jose Maria Morelos, curate of Nucupetaro, a very distinguished character, whose career we shall afterwards have occasion to trace. The army of Hidalgo was now about sixty thousand strong, a force which he considered as sufficient to conquer the capital, and thus, by one decisive blow, to terminate the revolutionary struggle. He accordingly left Valladolid on the 19th, and on the 28th arrived at Tolloco, a town within twelve leagues of the metropolis. An attempt was made to stop his further advance, by a corps of observation under the command of colonel Truxillo, assisted by Don Augustin Iturbide, then a lieutenant in the service of Spain. After a sanguinary contest, in which all the ordinary rules of war were set at defiance, the royalists were defeated, and compelled to fall back upon the capital. Venegas had succeeded in collecting about seven thousand men, who were stationed in the most advantageous manner for the defence of the city; but alarmed at the recent success and the near approach of the insurgents, he again drew upon the superstition of the people in support of the Spanish cause. An image of the Virgin, which the populace regarded with peculiar veneration, and which apparently, like the banner of Mahommmed, was only exhibited upon critical or very solemn occasions, was brought from a little distance, and placed in the cathedral of Mexico. Thither the viceroy went in full uniform, and with all due pomp, to pay his respects to it; and after imploring the Virgin to take the government into her own hands, he wound up his appeal by laying his staff of command at the feet of her image.

But the aid of the Virgin was not required in the present His retreat, instance; for Hidalgo, after appearing before the city, to the astonishment of every one, and the delight of the Spaniards, withdrew his troops without risking an assault, and retreated upon Guanajuato. Various reasons have been assigned for his conduct upon this occasion, amongst which we may mention cowardice, and a desire to save the capital from destruction. But the fact is, that he found the viceroy better prepared than he had anticipated; the city being defended by batteries which Hidalgo foresaw he never would be able again to bring his half-armed and undisciplined band to face, so terrible had been the effects of the Spanish artillery in the previous conflict. Besides this, his ammunition was now nearly exhausted, and from some intercepted despatches of Calleja's, he learned that that officer was in full march upon the capital. Accordingly, to avoid the danger of being hemmed in between two fires, the insurgents commenced their retreat, and, on the 7th November, came in contact with the outposts of the royal army at Aculco. The surprise appears to have been mutual, neither party being aware of the proximity of the other. But a sanguinary action ensued, in which, from the superiority of their discipline and arms, the royal forces gained a complete victory. Indeed, the insurgents scarcely awaited the attack; for struck with the military evolutions and martial bearing of the royal army, which advanced upon them in five columns, they dispersed in confusion at their first approach, leaving ten thousand killed or wounded on the field of battle. But the commander and most of his officers effected their escape, and with as many fugitives as they could collect, effected a hasty retreat to Valladolid. Here Hidalgo remained a few days, and then proceeded to Guadalaxara, where he received with the greatest pomp and enthusiasm. Soon after his arrival at this city, Hidalgo was joined by a small force under Alende.

After the disastrous battle of Aculco, the insurgent chief had taken the road to Guanajuato, with the intention of defending the town; but finding that his troops were incapable of opposing those of Calleja, he evacuated the place on the approach of the latter. It is universally admitted that the atrocities perpetrated in Guanajuato by the Spaniards were great; but they found some palliation for their conduct, in a circumstance which had occurred the very morning on which they entered the city. Between two and three hundred Europeans who had escaped the massacre which followed the capture of this place by Hidalgo, were left there by him as prisoners. After Alende's retreat the populace became furious, and in a paroxysm of rage flew to the fort where these unfortunate individuals were confined, and butchered them to a man. A similar atrocity was committed by Hidalgo, during his stay at Guadalaxara. Upon his arrival he had ordered all the Europeans to be thrown into confinement; and a vague rumour having arisen of a conspiracy amongst them, they were without trial or examination, and during the night, privately conveyed in small parties at a time, to lonely places in the neighbourhood of the city, and there despatched in cold blood. It is stated on good authority that between seven and eight hundred individuals perished in this diabolical manner. Thus the stern and inexorable spirit with which Hidalgo began the contest, was met by a spirit equally fierce and unrelenting on the part of the Spaniards, and gave to the revolution that sanguinary character which distinguished it throughout. At Guadalaxara Hidalgo proceeded with his usual activity to replenish his stores, recruit his forces, and bring cannon from San Blas, the principal Spanish arsenal on the western coast. The artillery which he thus with infinite labour collected, appeared to him so formidable, that with the aid of twelve hundred muskets, the total amount of his small arms, he thought he might be able to face Calleja and compel him to retreat. Flushed with this hope, he advanced to the bridge of Calderon, which is sixteen miles from Guadalaxara, and having fortified himself in a strong position, he awaited the approach of the royalists. On the 16th of January 1811, the two armies were once more in sight of each other; and on the following day a general action took place. After various attacks which the Mexicans repulsed with spirit, Calleja at last succeeded in carrying all their batteries; and the explosion of an ammunition wagon having thrown them into confusion, Hidalgo was forced to withdraw them from the field. The retreat was effected in good order, but all the artillery and stores of the insurgents fell into the hands of Calleja. Don Ignacio Lopez Rayon, who had joined the insurgents at Valladolid, and was appointed confidential secretary to the commander-in-chief, returned to Guadalaxara, and succeeded in securing the military chest, containing considerable treasure, with which the insurgent chiefs withdrew to Saltillo, followed by about four thousand men. At this place it was agreed that Rayon should be left in command of the forces, whilst Hidalgo, Alende, Aldama, and Absalón, with a small escort should proceed to the frontiers of the United States, for the purpose of collecting arms and other necessaries. But by the treachery of one Don Ignacio Elizondo, a former associate, an ambuscade was laid for them on the road, and they were all surprised and taken prisoners on the 21st of March 1811. So anxious were the royalists to extort from them information regarding the future plans of the insurgents, and the ramifications of their forces throughout the different provinces, that their trial was protracted until the end of July. They were, of course, condemned to death; and execution speedily followed. The insurgent chiefs met death with their characteristic firmness and intrepidity.

After the death of Hidalgo, a guerrilla war was carried on in various parts of the country; but as the leaders acted without concert, and no general engagement took place, it is unnecessary to follow it in its irregular course. Rayon being now left in supreme command of the troops at Saltillo, retreated first to Zacatecas, and afterwards to Zitacuaro in the state of Valladolid, which he entered about the end of May 1811. At this period in the history of the revolution, disaffection towards the Spaniards had become very general, and although the authority of the viceroy was acknowledged in all the principal cities, armed bands of insurgents overran the open country, and hardly a day passed without being signalized by a skirmish. Meanwhile, Rayon was busily employed in furthering the scheme of a national junta; being firmly convinced that a general coalition alone could enable the Mexicans to contend with any chance of success against an enemy who had the power of throwing an overwhelming force upon any particular point, and thus cutting off its troops in detail. Having bravely repulsed an attack of the royalists under brigadier Emparan, he was enabled successfully to accomplish his purpose. On the 10th of September 1811, a junta, or central government, was installed, consisting of five members, who were elected by the ayuntamiento, in conjunction with the principal inhabitants of the town and district. Amongst the principles adopted by this new junta, were, the acknowledgment of Ferdinand VII. as sovereign of Mexico, provided he would quit his European dominions, and assume the reins of government in person, and the desire of an intimate union with Spain. But, from documents published after the struggle for independence had terminated, we learn that there was but little sincerity in these professions of adherence to the mother country, and that expediency alone compelled the framers of the first declarations to have recourse to them. The king's name was yet "a tower of strength," which overawed the lower classes, and any violent expression of contempt for his authority, and renunciation of allegiance to him as sovereign, would have so shocked their notions of duty, as to create a reaction in favour of the viceroy and the royal troops.

The intelligence of the formation of the junta of Zitacuaro, excited enthusiastic hopes throughout Mexico; and from the first moment of its establishment, the Spaniards considered it as their most formidable enemy. Its destruction, or dispersion, therefore, became an object of the last importance; and, towards the end of the year, Venegas sent peremptory instructions to Calleja to march with all his forces against the town. After overcoming hardships and difficulties, which commanded the admiration even of their enemies, the royal army arrived before Zitacuaro on the 1st of January 1812, and carried it on the following day. The junta escaped to Sultepec, where it established a new seat of government; but Calleja inflicted signal vengeance on the place, for affording shelter to the fugitives. He ordered the inhabitants to be decimated, the town to be burned, and the walls of the buildings to be levelled with the soil, the churches and convents alone being spared. By forced marches, the royal forces now proceeded to Mexico, where they were anxiously expected by the viceroy, in order to check the progress of Morelos, whose triumphant career we shall now stop to trace from the period at which he last appeared on the theatre of war.

In October 1810, Morelos was appointed captain-general of the provinces on the south-western coast. In early life Morelos had served in the corps of royal artillery, but having abandoned the army, he entered the church, and became curate of Nucupetaro. The success which at first crowned the rising of Hidalgo, inflamed him with an ardent love of liberty, and throwing aside the priestly stole, he once more assumed the profession of arms. His talents and bravery soon rendered him conspicuous, and secured for him the important command to which we have just alluded. Followed by a trifling retinue, he proceeded to the coast, and in about a month after his arrival he found himself at the head of about one thousand men. With this force he advanced upon Acapulco. Having come in sight of a numerous and well appointed body of troops, under Don Francisco Paris, the commandant of the district, he determined to attack the camp of the royalists by night, and thus commence his operations by a coup-d'état. This resolution he carried into effect on the 23rd of January 1811. The enemy were surprised and put to flight in the utmost confusion, leaving in the hands of the victorious insurgents, seven hundred prisoners, (who were treated with the greatest humanity,) eight hundred muskets, five pieces of artillery, a quantity of ammunition, and a considerable sum of money. By this brilliant exploit, Morelos obtained so much celebrity, that numbers from every quarter flocked to his standard; and amongst others, Galcana, Matamoros, and three persons of the name of Bravo, one of whom, Don Nicolas, afterwards became so famous. The whole of the year 1811 was spent in a series of skilful manoeuvres and petty engagements, in which the insurgents were generally successful. Multitudes of blacks now joined Morelos, but their natural ferocity required to be restrained, and strenuous efforts were made to introduce something like discipline amongst them. During January and February, several actions took place, in all of which Morelos was victorious; and amongst other advantages which he

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1 It was from the name of the bridge where this battle was fought, that Calleja took the title of Conde de Calderon. gained, was that of the capture of Tasco by Galeano and Bravo. This town, famous for its mines, is only twenty-five leagues distant from the capital, towards which the grand scene of action was gradually approaching.

Meanwhile, intelligence reached Morelos of the arrival of the victorious royalists under Calleja; but nothing daunted by the circumstance, he determined to await the attack at Cuautla Milpas, which is distant about two-and-twenty leagues from the city of Mexico. The town being destitute of fortifications, was open to attack; but by many ingenious expedients, it was rendered so strong, that the whole buildings and streets composed one vast system of fortifications. On the approach of the royalists under Calleja, Morelos with a small party proceeded to reconnoitre, but advancing too near to the enemy, he was charged by a party of cavalry, and would probably have been taken prisoner, had not Galeano with a chosen band come to his rescue. On this occasion, Don José María Fernandez, afterwards the celebrated general Victoria, first distinguished himself, having saved the life of Galeano, by receiving a blow which was aimed at him. On the 19th of February Calleja made a general attack upon the town, his troops advancing in four columns, and with a confidence which indicated a resolution to carry all before them. They were allowed to approach unopposed within one hundred yards of the Mexican entrenchments, when so murderous a fire was opened upon them that they were forced to retire in disorder. Here Galeano engaged a Spanish colonel in single combat, and slew him in sight of both armies; an action which contributed not a little to stimulate the heroism of his own followers. Another column of royalists was as gallantly repulsed in the quarter where Morelos commanded in person, and after a conflict which lasted eight hours, Calleja withdrew from the town, leaving five hundred dead behind him. From this day he abandoned all thought of risking another general assault; but fixing his head-quarters at a little village situated about a league from the town, he wrote to Venegas for a supply of artillery and other necessaries, and having obtained it, he erected batteries, and began to cannonade and bombard the town. On the first of March he had been joined by brigadier Llano with his whole division; so that the number of his troops, and his strength in artillery, enabled him to batter both sides of the place at once. But the firmness of Morelos remained unshaken, and he determined to defend himself to the last extremity. Many instances of enterprising gallantry occurred, during this protracted siege; but a detail of these would carry us beyond our limits, and must be sought for in more detailed narratives of the revolutionary struggle. Disease and famine began to diminish the numbers of the besieged, so that the commander-in-chief formed the resolution of evacuating Cuautla; and this he succeeded in accomplishing with equal ability and success, on the night of the second of May. The troops which had been formed in columns, passed unobserved between the enemy's batteries, but on being at last discovered, Morelos gave the word for a general dispersion, as had been previously concerted, with orders to rendezvous at Izucar; and it is remarkable, that when the insurgents did muster in that place, only seventeen soldiers were amissing. Calleja entered Cuautla some hours after his opponent had left it, and there as usual, he perpetrated barbarities which will for ever leave a stain upon his reputation.

The moral effect which the siege of Cuautla produced was great, and entirely in favour of the insurgents; for the resources which Morelos had displayed, and the skill and bravery with which his military operations were conducted, extorted admiration even from his enemies, whilst they became the theme of universal praise amongst his countrymen. Leaving Izucar, he proceeded to Tehuacan, into which he made a triumphal entry on the 16th of September 1812, having defeated three divisions of the Spanish army on his way. His next exploit was the taking of Orizava, where he found nine pieces of artillery; and money, tobacco, and various stores, to the amount of above twelve millions of dollars. On the advance of a superior force, he returned to Tehuacan; and after a short respite from active duty, in the beginning of November, he set out on his celebrated expedition to Oaxaca. The royal garrison in that town was commanded by brigadier Regules, a brave officer. His defence of the place was gallant; but nothing could resist the impetuous courage of the insurgents. Oaxaca was taken, and here, after releasing all those who were under restraint for political opinions, and replacing the Spanish authorities by Mexicans, Morelos began to take measures for constituting a National Congress. But to secure from casualties, the government which it was proposed to constitute, it became necessary to make a conquest of the whole province. This was rapidly achieved; no place offering any serious resistance, except Acapulco, the siege of which lasted from February until August, when it capitulated.

During the absence of Morelos, every thing had been Declaration prepared by Matamoros for the meeting of the National Congress, which took place accordingly, on the 13th of September 1813, in the town of Chilpanzingo. This assembly consisted of the original members of the junta of Zitacuaro, the deputies elected by the province of Oaxaca, and others again selected by them as representatives for the provinces in the possession of the royal troops. Exactly a month after the opening of the session, an act was published, declaring the absolute independence of Mexico. It is difficult to determine what effect this bold announcement might have produced in the country, had Morelos continued his career of triumph; but his star, hitherto in the ascendant, had now reached its culminating point, and in future was destined rapidly to wane.

Besides the achievements already recorded, the years 1812 and 1813, were distinguished by several other victories gained by the insurgent generals, Don Nicolás Bravo and Matamoros. Two actions took place at the Palmar, in the first of which Bravo defeated Labaqui, the commandant of the regiment of patriots at Vera Cruz. The engagement lasted three days, when the village in which the Spaniards had sheltered themselves was carried by storm on the 20th of August 1812. Three hundred prisoners which had been taken were offered by Bravo in exchange for his father, then in the hands of the royalists, and under sentence of death. But the proposal was disdainfully rejected, and Don Leonardo Bravo was ordered for instant execution. The conduct of the son in circumstances where severe reprisals might have been excusable, if not justifiable, reflects the highest honour on his character. He immediately set all his prisoners at liberty; "wishing," as he said, "to put it out of his own power to avenge on them the death of his parent, lest, in the first moment of grief the temptation should prove irresistible." For the present an entire division of the insurgents was placed at his disposal, and with it he penetrated into the province of Vera Cruz, where he fortified the Cerro de Coscomatepec, and defended it during September and October against the assaults of Colonel Aguilar, at the head of three thousand men. Want of provisions alone forced him to quit the place, and join Morelos at Oaxaca, which he accomplished without the loss of a single man. The second battle of the Palmar was fought on the 18th of October 1813, when the insurgents under Matamoros gained a complete victory. It was here that the regiment of Asturias, which had distinguished itself at the battle of Baylen, and bore on its standards the proud title of "the invincible conquerors of the conquerors of Austerlitz," was entirely cut off. But the time had now arrived for Morelos attempting a more decisive blow than any which had yet been struck. With seven thousand men, and a large train of artillery, he left Chilpanzingo on the 8th of November, and after sustaining incredible fatigue and privations, arrived before Valladolid on the 23d of December. This place was defended by a formidable force under brigadier Llano and colonel Iturbide.

Confident of success, Morelos ordered his troops immediately to advance to the attack, but they were driven back with loss. Next morning, during a general review which took place within half a mile of the walls, Iturbide made a sudden attack upon the Mexicans, and threw them into confusion. They gradually rallied, however, and might have effectually repulsed the Spaniards, had not a fatal mistake occurred. A body of cavalry having come to the aid of the insurgents were by them mistaken for enemies, and fired upon, a circumstance which so enraged the horsemen that they made a furious charge upon the flank of the insurgents. Iturbide did not allow this accident to pass unimproved. He renewed his attacks, and succeeded in totally routing the whole army, which lost its best regiments, and all its artillery. This was the first discomfiture which Morelos had sustained, although he had been engaged in no less than forty-six battles, great and small. Unfortunately it was but the commencement of a series of reverses which, like fatality, attended every enterprise in which he engaged till the close of his career. He retired to Purraran, where he was again completely defeated by Iturbide, on the 6th of January 1814. Here a number of prisoners were taken by the royalists, and amongst the rest Matamoros. Some Spaniards who had been taken in former engagements were offered by Morelos in exchange for him; but Calleja, who, on the 4th of March 1813, had superseded Venegas as viceroy, refused to accede to any such proposal. Matamoros was accordingly shot, and by way of reprisals the Mexicans put to death all the prisoners in their hands.

After appointing Don Miguel Mier y Teran commander of the district of Tehuacan, and Victoria captain-general of the province of Vera Cruz, Morelos himself withdrew to the southern coast, the scene of his early triumphs, and there began to recruit his forces, with his characteristic activity and resolution. But he was destined to experience defeat upon defeat. Oaxaca fell into the hands of the royalists on the 28th of March 1814, and here Don Miguel Bravo was made prisoner and executed. Galeana also, whose personal daring had so often been conspicuous, perished on the field of battle on the 27th of June; whilst the congress itself, expelled from Chilpanzinga, was forced to take refuge in the woods of Apatzingan, where it continued its labours, and on the 22d of October sanctioned the constitution known by that name. An attempt of the royalists under Iturbide to surprise this assembly having very nearly proved successful, Morelos resolved to undertake an expedition to Tehuacan, where Teran had assembled a considerable force, for the purpose of placing it in greater safety. With only five hundred followers he commenced a journey of sixty leagues through a country occupied by several divisions of the royalists. The Spaniards conceiving his force much more considerable than it really was, did not venture to attack him. But information of the real number of his followers having been conveyed by some Indians to the commandant Concha, Morelos was surprised by two parties of Spaniards, on the 5th of November 1815. He ordered Bravo immediately to continue his march with the main body, whilst he with a few men endeavoured to check the advance of the enemy. He thus succeeded in gaining time, which was his chief object; but the enterprise cost him his liberty and his life. Indeed, he seems to have anticipated such a result. "My life," he observed, "is of little consequence, provided the congress be saved. My race was run from the moment I saw an independent government established." Most of his fifty followers abandoned him when the firing became warm; but not until only one man remained by his side did the royalists venture to advance upon him, so great was the awe inspired by his personal courage. He was taken prisoner, and transferred to the capital with as little delay as possible, after experiencing the most brutal treatment at the hands of the Spanish soldiery. Both on his way to prison, and during his confinement, he maintained the same unshaken firmness and self-possession which had all along characterised him. He was first degraded, a humiliating ceremony, which affected him more than the prospect of death which was to follow; and after a trial, which was conducted by the odious Bataller, he was condemned to be shot, which sentence was carried into effect on the 22d of December 1815. He walked to the place of execution with the most perfect serenity; and after pronouncing this short prayer, "Lord, if I have done well, thou knowest it; if ill, to thy infinite mercy I commend my soul," he bound a handkerchief about his eyes, and met death with as much composure as he had ever shewn when facing it on the field of battle.

After the fall of this extraordinary man the affairs of the insurgents relapsed into their former confusion. The loss of the services of Morelos was irreparable, for he was the only patriot chief whose commands were implicitly obeyed. There was indeed confusion, no deficiency of military talent, personal courage, and enthusiasm on the part of the people, but there was a total want of unity of plan, concentration of purpose, and combination of movement. There was no want of strength, and the resources of the country which still lay within the reach of the insurgent leaders, were quite sufficient to enable them to achieve the independence of Mexico; but unfortunately these were scattered over a number of provinces amongst which no bond of union subsisted, each considering itself isolated from the rest and entitled to act an independent part. For several years, therefore, the history of the revolution consists only of disjointed details of a wide-spread guerrilla war, in which success on either side led to no important results. But before returning to Teran, Rayon, and the other principal lieutenants of Morelos, it will be necessary shortly to advert to an interesting episode in the narrative of the revolution, connected with a part of the country not yet mentioned, but which became in the sequel the scene of a momentous struggle, namely, Texas.

Amongst the followers of Hidalgo, who were compelled Texas to fly from the vengeance of the Spaniards, was Don Bernardo Gutierrez. After the confiscation of his property, which was considerable, he effected his escape to the United States, his first object being to create an interest there in the cause of Mexican independence. Although labouring under considerable disadvantages he succeeded at last in inducing a number of Americans to join the enterprise, amongst whom were several officers who had been in the field. He organized his little army, of which he was invested with the supreme command, and quitting the United States, he raised the standard of American independence and pushed forward into the interior of Texas. Great success attended the enterprise at its commencement. Nacogdoches was first taken, and the small Spanish garrison of this place joined the army of Gutierrez. He next took the town of Salcedo, and his force being daily augmented by the arrival of fresh volunteers he penetrated to La Bahia, then defended by a small stone fort. The garrison, either taken by surprise, or disaffected towards the existing government, yielded without a struggle. The principal military force of Spain in Texas was stationed at San Antonio de Bejar, under the immediate command of Don Simon Herrera, whilst Don Manuel Salcedo was at the same time governor of the province. The Spaniards lost no time in advancing to the siege of La Bahia, but with all the advantages which they possessed in superiority of force, their efforts to take the place were unavailing; and after a siege of several months they were compelled to retreat upon San Antonio, the capital, followed shortly afterwards by the republican army. The whole royal forces were mustered on the approach of the enemy, and a conflict took place at the Salado, about two leagues from the town, in which the Spaniards were defeated with great slaughter. The capital surrendered in a few days, Salcedo, Herrera, and all the Spanish officers resigning their swords under a solemn promise that their lives would be spared; but this pledge was most barbarously violated; thirteen prisoners of distinction, including the governor of the province, were taken to a retired place and inhumanly put to death in cold blood. Most of the royal troops joined the republican army, which gained by the conquest of San Antonio not only an accession of strength in men, but in artillery, horses, and military stores. These successes might have led to important results had they not been followed by a relaxation of discipline and a spirit of insubordination, which ultimately proved fatal to the cause. It was, however, sustained for a time by another victory gained over the royalists, and the confidence with which the troops of Gutierrez were now inspired rendered them careless about making preparations to meet the further efforts of Spain. Instead of pushing forward and raising the revolutionary standard in the internal provinces, where numbers of disaffected creoles would have joined him, Gutierrez lingered in Texas until time was afforded the viceroy and the captain-general to concentrate a force sufficient to overwhelm him. The battle was fought on the 20th of June 1813, and was afterwards followed by the expulsion of the republican leader from the command, and the elevation of Toledo, another remarkable individual, whose career we shall go back a little to trace.

Don Jose Alvarez de Toledo, a native of Cuba, entered the Spanish navy in very early life and continued in that profession until he rose to the rank of lieutenant. During the invasion of the peninsula he joined the land service and afterwards took his seat in the Cortes of Cadiz as member for the Spanish part of St. Domingo. Being detected in some correspondence in which he advocated the independence of Spanish America, he was compelled to quit the country, and sought refuge in the United States. The suspicious commencement of the enterprise under Don Bernardo attracted his attention; and resolving to co-operate with him he collected a small party with which he advanced to the theatre of war. Having fixed his head quarters at Nacogdoches, a printing press was erected, and the first paper ever published in the interior provinces of Mexico was issued in Spanish and English early in May 1813. His party was increased by daily arrivals of fresh volunteers, and he was on the eve of setting out for San Antonio when an express arrived from Don Bernardo ordering him to quit the territory immediately. He complied with this injunction; but having been elected commander-in-chief instead of Don Bernardo, who was compelled to resign his commission, he returned and was duly invested with the command in the month of July. Whilst preparations were making to meet any force which might be sent from the interior, a rumour reached head-quarters that two divisions of Spaniards were advancing upon them from different points, with the intention of concentrating their forces at the distance of three or four days' march from the capital of Texas. In this posture of affairs the choice of two courses remained for the republicans; either to fortify San Antonio and await an attack, or to advance upon the royalists before they were able to form a junction and cut them off in detail. The latter plan was that adopted. Early in August the republican army, consisting of about fifteen hundred men together with a small train of artillery, began its march. But it was soon ascertained that the two Spanish divisions had effected a junction and were advancing upon San Antonio. Under these circumstances it became necessary to alter the plan of operations, and to place the Medina, a deep ravine rather than a river, between the army and the town. Toledo disposed his army in a very skilful manner, his intention being to take the royalists by surprise; but an untoward accident rendered his design abortive. Whilst anxiously waiting for the approach of the royalists a single horseman advanced to within a short distance of the republican lines, apparently without suspicion of finding an enemy there. No sooner did he discover his situation, however, than he wheeled about and effected his escape. The republican army thus discovered, quitted its position which was most advantageous, and advanced to meet the enemy. Two small skirmishing parties having been driven back, the main army was at length discovered drawn up on very favourable ground. Toledo wished to operate only on the defensive; but a majority of the officers declared otherwise, and orders were given to advance and attack the enemy at all hazards. The battle which ensued was contested with great obstinacy, but the republicans were ultimately put to flight, and no quarter was given on the field. It was found impossible to rally the fugitives; and although an attempt was made in the spring of 1814 to renew the enterprise, it totally failed.

We have already alluded to the distracted situation of Mexico after Morelos ceased to direct the operations of the independents. The country was divided into districts, each of which one of his former lieutenants assumed the command; and a brief sketch of the career of the principal chiefs is all that we can afford in this place. Don Nicholas Bravo succeeded in escorting the deputies in safety to Tehuacan, where they were received at first with great respect by General Teran. But disputes soon arose between the civil and military authorities, each becoming jealous of the power of the other, and suspecting designs which were never even contemplated. The person whom the Congress had appointed to manage the public purse, contrived to embroil himself with Teran, by demanding possession of the money and stores which that general had with infinite pains collected. Teran finding himself thus reduced to a state of dependence on the Congress which had just thrown itself upon his protection, resolved to discard its authority altogether, and accordingly dissolved it in December 1815. This step has been generally blamed as at least precipitate. There can be no doubt that it was attended by disastrous circumstances; for from that moment confusion became worse confounded; Victoria, Guerrero, Bravo, Rayon and Teran, confining themselves each to his own separate circle, where they were crushed in turn by the superiority of the common enemy. Teran attempted to establish a government himself, but none would acknowledge it. He continued, however, to prosecute that sort of desultory warfare so characteristic of the time, in which he was commonly successful. But the want of arms cramped his efforts, and to supply the deficiency, he undertook an expedition to the coast, escorted by only three hundred men. His enterprise proved unsuccessful, although conducted in a masterly manner, and he distinguished himself by making a military road, which is allowed to be a very extraordinary work, and by a victory gained over a royalist force consisting of eleven hundred men. Compelled to return to Tehuacan, he fortified himself in Cerro Colorado, where, being besieged by a royalist force of four thousand men, he was forced to surrender on the 21st of January 1817, but on terms more favourable than had ever yet been granted to a revolutionary chief.

During the prosperity of Morelos, Rayon acted as one of his lieutenants, commanding chiefly in the mountainous parts of Valladolid. His principal strong-hold was in the Cerro de Coporo, where, in the early part of 1815, he successfully repulsed a very formidable attack of the royalists; but this fortress was ultimately carried during his absence, and Rayon himself was soon afterwards taken prisoner, and confined in the capital until the year 1821. The fate of Don Nicholas Bravo was exactly similar to that of Rayon. Guerrero occupied the western coast, and here he maintained himself in the fastnesses of the Sierra Madre, until the year 1821, when he joined Iturbide. But amongst all the insurgent chiefs none harrassed the Spaniards so much, or was so closely pursued by them, as Victoria. Occupying the important province of Vera Cruz, during the years 1814 and 1815, he succeeded in cutting off almost all communication between the capital and the only port through which intercourse with Europe was carried on. The necessity of keeping this channel open, induced the viceroy from time to time, to throw fresh bodies of troops into the province in which it is situated. Victoria was thus gradually driven from his strongholds, yet he maintained the unequal contest for upwards of two years, until the villages refusing him supplies, the last remnant of his followers forsook him, and he was absolutely left alone. Still his courage was unsubdued, and his resolution not to submit to Spanish authority on any terms, remained unshaken. He scorned the offers that were made him, and accompanied by a single attendant, sought an asylum in the depth of the forests. For a time the Indians supplied him with provisions; but the viceroy dreading that he might again emerge from his hiding-place, ordered out a thousand men, in small detachments, literally to hunt him down like a beast of prey. His hair-breadth escapes, and the romantic life which he led, render this part of his history so extraordinary, that its truth might be doubted did not the unanimous testimony of his countrymen confirm the story of his sufferings. Pursued from place to place, he was for several years subjected to every species of pain and privation. For thirty months he never tasted bread, but subsisted chiefly on the fruits of the soil, and occasionally on the flesh of animals, until he accustomed himself to an abstinence of four or five days at a time. During all this time he never saw the face of man, and remained unsheltered, save by the woods, whose thorny brakes tore his clothes to rags, and lacerated his body. In short, when the events of 1821 induced him to quit his fastnesses, the very Indians whom he first met, fled in terror from such a phantom. Such inflexible virtue, and unflinching patriotism, merited public gratitude, and his countrymen showed it to Victoria. He became the first president of the Mexican republic.

Some facts relative to the state of the country require to be mentioned, before we advert to the enterprise of Mina, the only event of importance which occurred prior to the breaking out of the second revolution. The cause of independence had been gradually gaining ground amongst the people, particularly since 1812, when the constitution which was sanctioned by the Cortez of Cadiz, was extended to the transatlantic dominions of the crown. It took effect in Mexico in the autumn of the same year; and for two months during which the liberty of the press was tolerated, so many pamphlets against Spain and Spanish domination, were published, that the tranquillity of the capital was endangered by the excitement thus produced. These political writings created a national feeling, which became everywhere predominant. By the new constitution, several important privileges had been conceded to the natives; amongst the rest, the right of electing the members of the Cabildo, and the deputies to the Cortez. It was in exercising these that the true state of public opinion became apparent. Out of six hundred and fifty-two elective appointments, not one was bestowed upon a European; and most were conferred upon individuals identified with the cause of independence. In law, also, matters underwent so complete a reform, that a creole might now hope for a favourable decision, provided his cause was a good one. Thus by the new constitution, the reverses sustained by the creole leaders in the field, were more than counterbalanced; and it appears from several important documents which were found in the archives of the vice-royalty, after the independence of Mexico had been effected, that for many years the confidential servants of the crown felt the impossibility of maintaining its authority there, unless supported by an overwhelming military force, such as the mother country could not supply, and that any prospect of permanently suppressing the revolution had become hopeless. Under the mild sway of admiral Apodaca, who succeeded Calleja in the vice-regal authority, all was done that could be done to secure the allegiance of the natives. The arrival of fresh troops from the Peninsula, enabled him to extend his military ramifications throughout the whole country, and enforce obedience even at the most distant points. Thus, as we have seen, the revolutionary chiefs were successively crushed; and the facilities afforded to all who had embarked in the enterprise for reconciling themselves with the government by accepting pardon, reduced the number of those actually in arms in 1816, and the three following years, to a very inconsiderable amount.

After her last patriotic chiefs had quitted the open field, Inrod of Mina sought refuge in the mazes of the forests, a deep gloom hung over the affairs of Mexico, which remained for a long time unbroken, save by the sudden inroad of Mina. This remarkable individual landed in Mexico on the 15th of April 1817; at a time most unprompting for the undertaking in which he had embarked. All the independent leaders had disappeared from the scene, except those with whom it was a disgrace to be associated. Such was the infamous Padre Torres, who exercised a despotic sway over the Baxio, which he parcelled out amongst his military commandants, men whose only recommendation was implicit obedience to the will of their chief; and who obtained honour and rewards in the inverse ratio of their humanity and virtue. From a fortress, on the top of the mountain of Los Remedios, Torres proved the scourge of the whole country around, sparing none who had the misfortune to offend him, and laying waste the most fertile portion of Mexico. Robinson mentions several instances of the most wanton barbarity on the part of this man, which do violence to human feeling; yet it was under his auspices that the only shadow of a government, termed the junta of Jauxilla, was still kept up by the insurgents. Nevertheless the feeling throughout the country was so decidedly in favour of independence, that the success of Mina would scarcely have been doubtful, had he not laboured under very great disadvantages. He was not a Mexican, but a Spaniard; and he was against a disunion of the two countries, wishing only for the re-establishment of the constitutional system of 1812. We cannot follow him throughout his short but extraordinary career, but his principal exploits may be narrated. With about two hundred men, he left Soto la Marina, the place of his landing, and pushing forward to the confines of the table land, defeated a body of four hundred royalist cavalry. About the middle of June 1817, he reached the Hacienda de Peotillos, and on a little eminence which commanded the plain, awaited a royal army two thousand strong, with a force of only one hundred and seventy-two men, a small detachment being left in charge of the baggage. Incredible as it may appear, he totally routed the royal troops; and two days afterwards took the town of Pinos by surprise. He continued to penetrate into the interior, until he fell in with the advanced guard of the insurgents of the Baxio, with whom he reached Sombrero on the 24th of June, having in thirty days traversed a tract of country two hundred and twenty leagues in extent, and been three times engaged with an enemy greatly superior in numbers. In conjunction with his new

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1 Don Xavier Mina, a famous Spanish guerilla chief, and nephew to Espoz y Mina, still more celebrated for his patriotic efforts in Spain. Don Xavier was driven from his native country after an unsuccessful attempt to create a rising in favour of the Cortez at Pamplona, subsequently to the dissolution of that assembly by the king; but not discouraged by his first failure, he repaired to the New World, a wider theatre of action. allies, and some recruits, by whom his force was swelled to about four hundred, he advanced upon San Juan de los Llanos, and on the 29th of June totally defeated the royalists under general Castaño. Of seven hundred men whom the latter led into the field, only one hundred and fifty effected their escape, all the rest being either killed, wounded, or taken prisoners; and amongst the slain was Castaño himself.

Soon afterwards Los Remedios, the stronghold of Padre Torres, was invested by a royalist force of five thousand men, under the command of general Linan. Previous to the commencement of the siege, Mina had quitted this place at the head of nine hundred insurgent cavalry, intending to harass the besiegers by keeping up a desultory guerilla war; but his movements were watched by another body of Spaniards, eight hundred strong, so that the necessity of striking a blow elsewhere became apparent. He accordingly advanced by secret marches upon Guanajuato, and on the 24th of October, at nightfall, succeeded in carrying the gates, and penetrating into the very centre of the town. At this critical moment the courage and subordination of his troops failed them; they refused to advance a step farther; and time being thus allowed the garrison to arm themselves, they attacked the insurgents, who, by the general's orders, dispersed with the utmost precipitation. Mina himself was taken prisoner three days afterwards, and sent to the headquarters of Linan, there to remain until intelligence of the manner in which he was to be disposed of, should arrive from Apodaca. The viceroy dispatched orders for his immediate execution, and the sentence was carried into effect on the 11th of November. Mina perished in his twenty-eighth year, and appears to have met his fate with great firmness. He is uniformly represented by those who knew him, as a young man of uncommon talent; uniting, in a remarkable degree, energy and personal courage with coolness and judgment. He was besides untainted with that ferocity which characterised many of the guerilla chiefs of the Peninsula. Not long after his death, Los Remedios was evacuated by the insurgents, and with the exception of Padre Torres and twelve of Mina's division, none of the fugitives escaped. The ferocious commander himself, was a few months afterwards run through the body by one of his own officers. The fort of Jaujilla, the only other stronghold of the Mexicans in the interior, surrendered on the 6th of March 1818. One or two insurgent chiefs attempted to make a stand against the Spaniards, but without success; they gradually disappeared, so that in July 1819, not one remained of those who had taken any lead in the revolution.

The cause of Mexican independence seemed now to have sunk to such a low ebb, that the viceroy wrote in great confidence to the court of Madrid, representing the country as so tranquil and submissive to the royal authority, that he would answer for its safety, without the assistance of a single soldier from Europe. But the appearances on which he relied proved altogether fallacious. The suspension of hostilities afforded the creole troops who had assisted Spain against their country an opportunity of reflecting upon their situation, and the object for which they had shed their blood so profusely. The disbanded insurgents were allowed to mingle freely in their ranks, and proselytes to the principles of the revolution were rapidly made even in the royal camp itself. In private, the bulk of the people were as warmly attached to them as ever, although they did not openly boast of holding such doctrines. About the middle of 1820 accounts arrived in Mexico of the revolution in Spain, occasioned by the revolt of the army in the Isla de Leon; and it soon became public that orders had been sent to Apodaca to proclaim the constitution, which Ferdinand VII. had been compelled to adopt. The era of 1812 was revived, and the public mind thrown into a ferment, which the viceroy, from his restricted powers, found it impossible to allay. Besides, the Mexicans were divided amongst themselves, one party professing a sincere adherence to the constitution, whilst another class was as strongly attached to the old system. Necessity, of course, compelled the viceroy to take the oath to the constitution; but he favoured those who were opposed to it, and took secret measures for effecting its subversion.

General Armijo, who was partial to the constitution, was dismissed from the command of the army stationed between of Iturbide, the capital and Acapulco, and his place supplied by Don Augustin Iturbide, to whom allusion has already been made. This officer, a Mexican by birth, early distinguished himself, and was upon the eve of joining the insurgents, in 1808, when either, as he himself says, disgusted with their projects, or, as they on the other hand assert, having been rejected on account of the exorbitant rate at which he estimated his services, all communication between them was broken off, and he joined the royal standard. Having distinguished himself in the action of Las Cruces, he from that moment rose rapidly. His activity and knowledge of the country recommended him as a fitting agent to execute any dangerous enterprise; and in these he was almost uniformly successful. As a guerilla chief he had displayed uncommon military talent; and when intrusted with a more important command, he inflicted two of the most severe blows which the insurgent cause sustained, in the battles of Valladolid and Puruaran. The lustre of his military exploits was, however, tarnished by a cruelty towards prisoners seldom evinced even amongst the Spaniards. His cold-blooded executions, together with the rapacity and extortion which he exercised in the government of the Baxio, where he commanded, became at last so odious, that the viceroy found it necessary in 1816, to recall him to the capital, where he remained unemployed till 1820. It was at the close of this year that Apodaca had recourse to him as a fit agent for executing his plans against the constitution. He was offered the command of a body of troops stationed upon the western coast, at the head of which he was to proclaim the re-establishment of the absolute authority of the king. The proposal was accepted, and Iturbide left the capital in February 1821, but with intentions very different from those by which the viceroy supposed him to be actuated.

Four years of leisure and reflection had enabled this man to form a proper estimate of the strength of parties in Mexico, and to perceive that the authority of Spain might be shaken off provided the creole troops could be brought to co-operate with the old insurgents. But no suspicion of his real motives was entertained by the viceroy, and the escort of half a million of dollars destined for embarkation at Acapulco was implicitly confided to him. Iturbide, however, having arrived at a town called Iguala, situated about one hundred and twenty miles from the capital, took possession of the money; and on the 24th of February he commenced the second Mexican revolution, by proposing a new government, which is well known under the title of "the plan of Iguala." His force at this time amounted to eight hundred men, who unanimously took the oath of fidelity to the "plan," whilst a copy was transmitted to the viceroy, and to all the governors of provinces. This celebrated document consisted of twenty-four articles, the principal points embodied in which were, a declaration of Mexican independence; the recognition of the Catholic religion as the national creed; the establishment of a constitutional monarchy; the formation of a junta of government; an offer of the crown to Ferdinand VII., and in the event of his refusal to the Infantes Don Carlos and Don Francisco de Paula, provided any of them would consent to occupy the throne in person; an abolition of castes, and of the despotism of military commandants; the formation of an army for the support of religion, independence, and union; and for guaranteeing these three principles, whence it was to be called the army of the three guarantees; When the viceroy learned the defection of Iturbide, and the system of government which he had concocted, he concentrated a force upon the capital for the purpose of defending it, and frustrating the plans of the revolutionists. But hesitating to put himself at the head of the troops, the Europeans became alarmed at his indecision and delay, and without further ceremony deposed him, as they had done Iturrigaray, placing at the head of affairs, Novella, an officer of artillery. By this unwise proceeding a schism was created in the capital, which afforded Iturbide an opportunity of prosecuting his scheme without interruption. He effected a junction with general Guerrero, and from this moment his success became certain. On his route to the Baxio, great numbers of men and officers joined his standard, and whilst both the clergy and the people declared in his favour, the most distant districts gave in their adhesion to his "plan" of government. Before the month of July the whole country had recognised his authority, with the exception of the capital, where the viceroy had shut himself up with the European troops. On his march to invest the city of Mexico, intelligence reached Iturbide that the new constitutional viceroy and political chief, O'Donoju, had arrived at Vera Cruz. He immediately requested an interview with this functionary, and allowed him to advance as far as Cordova, where a meeting took place. The adoption, by treaty, of the plan of Iguala was proposed to O'Donoju, and by him agreed to. In the name of his master the viceroy recognised the independence of Mexico, and gave up the capital to the army of the three guarantees. Such was the treaty of Cordova, which was signed by Iturbide, "as the depository of the will of the Mexican people," and by O'Donoju, as the representative of Spain, on the 24th of August 1821. By virtue of this treaty, Iturbide obtained possession of the capital, which he entered in triumph on the 27th of September. Novella and such of the Europeans as chose to leave the country, were allowed to quit the Mexican territory, and private property was strictly respected. The junta proposed in the plan of Iguala was installed without loss of time. It was composed of thirty-six persons, who elected a regency, consisting of five individuals, with Iturbide at their head. He was at the same time created generalissimo and lord high admiral, and had assigned to him a yearly salary of one hundred and twenty thousand dollars.

The career of Iturbide had hitherto been triumphant, and to all appearance the country had gone along with him. As far as concerned the separation from Spain, this was really the case; but when the details of the future government came to be discussed, matters very soon took a different turn. By one rash, if not despotic step, the power of Iturbide was overthrown. In assembling the National Congress, he suggested the necessity of the deputies pledging themselves to his plan, by swearing to observe it before they took their seats in the congress. This displeased many of the old insurgents, particularly those who had acted a conspicuous part in the cause of independence, such as Victoria, Bravo, and Guerrero. The first Mexican Cortes met on the 24th of February 1822, and its members soon split into three distinct parties: first, the Bourbonists, or those who adhered to the plan of Iguala, and wished to establish a constitutional monarchy, with a prince of the house of Bourbon at its head; secondly, the Iturbidists, who adopted the plan of Iguala, with the exception of the article in favour of the Bourbons, wishing to elevate Iturbide himself to the throne; and, thirdly, the republicans, who denied the right of the army to pledge the nation to the plan of Iguala, and desired a central or federal republic. Amongst the Bourbonists were many honourable and enlightened men; but they soon ceased to exist as a separate party, the Cortes of Madrid having declared the treaty of Cordova "to be illegal, null and void, in as far as the Spanish government and its subjects were concerned." They formed a junction with the revolutionists whenever it was necessary to check the growing power of Iturbide, whose ambitious projects now became more and more conspicuous. A protracted contest ensued; the Congress meeting the demands of the regency for money with a charge of wasteful expenditure, whilst the president loudly denounced the Congress, accusing them of wilfully exposing the army to the greatest privations, and the country to the most imminent danger. Of the multifarious contentions which followed, it is unnecessary to give any detailed account. Iturbide strenuously urged the necessity of augmenting the army; but the Congress, instead of aiding to the regular troops, brought forward a measure for reducing the army from sixty to twenty thousand men, the deficiency to be supplied by calling out an auxiliary force of thirty thousand militia; and notwithstanding all the exertions of Iturbide, this proposal was carried by a large majority. The friends of the president now saw that his influence was on the wane, and that if they wished to raise him to the throne, the attempt must be made before the memory of his former services was obliterated. Their measures were concerted accordingly. Upon this occasion none of the commissioned officers was employed. The sergeants of three regiments then in garrison in the capital, which were known to be much attached to Iturbide's person, were the instruments selected for carrying into execution their designs. On the night of the 18th of May, having assembled the soldiers, they marched out of their quarters, and followed by a motley group of leperos or lazzaroni, drew up in front of Iturbide's house. At ten o'clock commenced the shouts of "Long live Iturbide, Augustin the First, Emperor of Mexico;" and the cries and firing continued during the whole night. Next day the Congress assembled to discuss his title to the crown; and although many were opposed to the measure, the galleries and places leading to the hall were so crowded with the armed partisans of Iturbide, that the Congress was under the necessity of consenting to the wishes of the soldiery, and of a blind infuriated mob, the worst perhaps in the world. Iturbide had recourse to the old and stale manoeuvre of pretending to consent with reluctance to the will of the people; he was accordingly proclaimed emperor, with the sanction of the National Assembly; and the choice was ratified by the provinces without opposition.

Had the new emperor confined his authority within constitutional bounds, and endeavoured to conciliate the Congress, he probably might have remained in quiet possession of the throne of Mexico. The limits of the imperial prerogative, and the authority of the legislative body had yet to be defined, and before this could be accomplished they required to be discussed. The privileges demanded by the emperor were quite inconsistent with anything like regulated freedom. He wished to have the right of appointing and removing at pleasure the judges of the supreme court; he claimed a veto upon all laws, not excepting the articles of the constitution, then under discussion; and he recommended the establishment of a military tribunal in the capital, with powers very little inferior to those exercised by the Spanish commandants during the revolution. Some of his former demands the Congress had agreed to concede, but this last attack upon their liberties they indignantly repulsed. Such decisive conduct led at once to an open rupture. Upon the night of the 26th of August, fourteen deputies of liberal principles were by the emperor's orders arrested, and thrown into prison. This bold step was followed by a series of reclamations and remonstrances on the part of the Congress, which only tended to widen the breach, and to render an accommodation impossible. Iturbide determined to end the dispute, as Cromwell had done under similar circumstances. He sent an officer to the hall of the Congress with a simple notification that the assembly had ceased to exist, and an order to dissolve it by force should any resistance be offered. The old Congress was immediately convoked; a provisional government was established; and an executive, composed of three persons was appointed. These were Generals Victoria, Bravo, and Negrete, the two former being representatives, and the latter a European of distinguished talents.

They conducted the affairs of the country until a new Congress was assembled in August 1823; and in October 1824, the federal constitution was definitively settled by the latter. But before alluding to this subject, we shall here briefly notice an event which again placed the tranquillity of the country in jeopardy. Iturbide the ex-emperor had proceeded to Leghorn by a ship freighted to convey him thither. He subsequently visited London, whence, on the 11th of May 1824, he embarked with his family for Mexico. In taking this step he seems to have acted under the impression that a little time would prove as fatal to the popularity of his rivals as it had been to his own; and that the eyes of his countrymen would then be directed to himself, as the only means of preserving them from anarchy. A decree of Congress, dated the 28th of April preceding, had declared him a traitor, and placed him out of the protection of the law, in the event of his again appearing in Mexico. Disregarding this denunciation, he landed about the middle of July, at Soto la Marina, where he introduced himself in disguise and under a signed name. But he was apprehended by General Garza, and shot a few days afterwards; a measure, the severity of which has been justified by the impossibility of otherwise avoiding a civil war.

The form of government adopted by the representatives of Mexico, was that of a Federal Republic, upon the plan of government that of the United States, the deviations being few and unimportant. Nineteen states and four territories, each of which manages its own internal concerns, compose the confederation; whilst the whole are cemented into one body politic, by certain general laws and obligations, contained in the federal constitution of the 4th of October 1824, of which an outline will be afterwards given. For some months Generals Victoria, Guerrero, and Bravo, exercised the supreme executive power; but it soon became necessary to elect a president, and the choice fell upon Victoria, whilst Bravo obtained the vice-presidency. The devoted patriotism of Victoria, and the eminent services rendered by him to his country in its struggle for independence, gave assurances of tranquillity and freedom; and the first Congress of Mexico under its new constitution, assembled on the 1st of January 1825. It is worthy of remark, that about the same time the independence of Mexico and that of some of the south American republics was recognised by the British cabinet.

But the hopes which had been formed regarding the peace and prosperity of Mexico, have proved altogether fallacious, disorders since the above period repeated revolutions have disturbed and agitated the country. From the moment at which the war of independence commenced, the nation became divided into two parties; natives, and guachupines, or European Spaniards. The former consisted of those who wished to establish the independence of Mexico; the latter were warmly attached to the dominion of Spain. To these two parties, succeeded the Imperialists and Republicans; and, lastly, came the Centralists and Federalists, which, under the sobriquets of Escosses and Yorkinos, appellations derived from two masonic societies, have for several years divided the republic.

Since the success of what has been called the plan of Iguatrigues of la, every new project or scheme of reform, either in the Rivero, and organic laws, or in their administration, has been styled "others."

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1 The term Escosses is synonymous with aristocrat, and that of Yorkinos with democrat. The first society, which is supposed to be of Scotch origin, is composed of many of the largest proprietors in the country, particularly those who possessed titles of nobility before the revolution; besides a number of officers of distinction, and wealthy individuals belonging to different professions. The members of this association are mostly men of moderate principles, and opposed to violent changes, although sincerely attached to the cause of independence. They were the advocates of conciliating measures, and would have been contented with a prince of the royal blood of Spain, as constitutional king of Mexico; and on this account their adversaries the Yorkinos, charge them with "Bourbonism." Until 1825, the Yorkinos did not exist as a party; but in the summer of that year, a number of individuals not connected with the Escosses, though not violently The first of these which seriously disturbed the administration of Victoria, was set on foot in 1827 by Montano, at Ottumba. The document which he published, proposed the total suppression of all secret societies, an entire change in the administrative functions of the government, and the expulsion of the resident minister of the United States, who, as we have seen, was an active agent in the formation of the Yorkino lodge; and the blow aimed at him must doubtless be attributed to that circumstance. Early in January 1828, Colonel Rivero attempted to excite an insurrection against the government in support of Montano, but he was put down by a proclamation declaring Montano guilty of treasonable designs. The vice-president became involved in the intrigues of the time, and went so far as to accuse the president of acting under Yorkino influence, and sanctioning schemes highly injurious to the country. Bravo suddenly left the capital, and, stationing himself at Zalancingo, published a manifesto, in which, notwithstanding his relation to the Escosses, he declared himself in favour of the plan of Montano. This conduct on the part of Bravo, completely changed the position in which he and his friends had formerly stood. The advocates of order and moderation appeared in the character of enemies to the established system, whilst the executive was compelled by their aggression to throw itself into the arms of the Yorkinos, whose chief, General Guerrero, assumed the command of the government troops. Bravo was proclaimed a traitor, and although at the head of a considerable military force, he surrendered without any serious opposition to Guerrero, whom Victoria had despatched to suppress the revolt. The Congress found Bravo guilty of treasonable designs against government; and by a decree dated the 15th of April 1828, he was banished from the country for a period of seven years.

The time was now approaching, when it became necessary to find a successor to Victoria as president of the republic; and from the blow which the Escosses had received in the banishment of their chief, their advocates confidently anticipated a triumph in the elevation of Guerrero. But the period fixed by the constitution was still distant, and before its arrival, another candidate was brought forward to oppose the Yorkinos. This was General Gomez Pedraza, at that time minister of war and marine, and a very efficient member of the Mexican cabinet. The whole of the Escosses party, together with a portion of the more moderate Yorkinos, united in his favour; and the canvass was conducted with the greatest zeal, nay even rancour. After an arduous contest, Pedraza was elected president by a majority of two votes; and the Escosses looked forward to a long period of tranquillity under his firm and vigorous administration. But unhappily these sanguine anticipations were not realized. The disappointed party was loud in its denunciation of the successful candidate. His friends were accused of bribery and corruption, and even charged with procuring the interference of the military in some of the states. By a singular anomaly in the constitution of Mexico, a period of nearly seven months is allowed to elapse, before the president who has been elected, can take possession of the government; so that time was thus afforded the defeated party to collect its strength, and prepare for a vigorous effort to annul the election by an appeal to arms.

It was at this time that General Santa Anna, whom we have already had occasion to mention, began to play a distinguished part in public affairs. He exercised great influence over his troops, with whom, as well as with the people, he was very popular. He had previously been driven from the office of vice-governor of Vera Cruz and had taken refuge in Jalapa. As soon as he learned the result of the general election he gained over the troops in that place, and seizing upon the military chest and stores, he marched early in September to Perote, which he took possession of at the head of about eight hundred men. There he published a manifesto in the shape of an address from the liberating army to the people of Analusac. In this document he denounced the legislature as the secret abettors of the plan of Montano, and as intriguing against the liberties of the people in favour of a Bourbon prince. He charged Pedraza with having shewn himself inimical to the interests of the people, and with having succeeded in his election by fraudulent means, contrary to the wishes of the majority; and he declared it to be the will of the people that Guerrero should assume the reins of government. It was further proposed that the people and army should annul the election of Pedraza; that the Spanish residents should be banished, on the assumption that they were the primary cause of the grievances from which the Mexicans suffered; that Guerrero should be declared president; and that the legislature should proceed to a new election. This audacious "plan" was vigorously protested against by Victoria; and addresses reprobating the conduct of Santa Anna poured in from all quarters. Perote was invested by a government force, and the refractory general was compelled to make a precipitate retreat in the direction of Oaxaca. In the capitalsome of the Yorkinos, and amongst others one of the chief leaders, Zavala governor of the state of Mexico, evinced a disposition to make common cause with Santa Anna; and Zavala, upon his being denounced to the Congress as a correspondent of that general, confirmed the accusation by flight. The mass of the population, however, remained undisturbed, and Guerrero himself resolved quietly to await the course of events.

From a feeling of hostility towards the natives of the Peninsula, which prevailed pretty generally throughout Mexico, matters were very speedily brought to a crisis. On the Spanish night of the 30th November 1828, a battalion of militia, headed by the ex-Marquis of Cadela, and assisted by a regiment under colonel Garcia, took possession of the artillery barracks at the Accordada, surprised the guard, seized the guns and ammunition, and intimated to the president their determination either to compel the Congress to issue a decree for the banishment of the Spanish residents in the course of twenty-four hours, or to carry this resolution into effect in a more summary manner by massacring all who should fall into their hands. The military force at the immediate disposal of the president was too small to make any effectual resistance, and the night was wasted in fruitless attempts at negotiation. Next morning the insurgents were joined by general Lobato, a partisan in the revolutionary war, Zavala, the ex-governor of Mexico, the Yorkino deputy Cerecerro, a party of militia, and a number of officers, together with a vast multitude of leperos, who were promised the pillage of the capital as the reward of their services. Guerrero was immediately proclaimed; and the general, after haranguing the populace, quitted the metropolis with a small retinue, and took up a position about three leagues from the gates, where he actively employed himself in collecting a force to support the measure of his partizans. Unfortunately for the executive, the president became suspected of favouring the Yorkinos; and the Congress not only refused to entrust general Victoria with extraordinary powers, but thought it necessary repeatedly to call upon him to assert his authority by making a vigorous use of those with which he was opposed to them, were united as a rival sect under the above designation, because they derived their origin from the masonic lodge of New York, which transmitted through Mr. Polenset, the American Minister, the diplomas and insignia requisite for the establishment of an affiliated lodge in the capital of Mexico. They are the firm-federalists, or democrats of Mexico, and profess the most violent hostility to Spain and Spanish residents, whom the Escosses protected after their power to injure the country had ceased. At the head of the Escosses lodge was General Bravo; whilst the grand master of the Yorkinos was General Guerrero; and an opportunity was soon afforded nor putting to the test the strength of the adverse parties. But Victoria does not appear to have acted with his usual decision and promptitude, probably from an aversion to shed Mexican blood. By the second of December the insurrection had made alarming progress, the doors of the prisons having been forced open and the criminals allowed to escape. The government now hazarded an appeal to arms, and succeeded in recovering several important posts from the insurgents; but they were regained on the following day after a severe contest, in which several officers of distinction fell on both sides, besides a great number of men. The ranks of the insurgents were soon filled up, whilst those of the government remained without reinforcement. Indeed they gradually lost ground, and on the night of the 3rd many officers, foreseeing how the struggle would terminate, sought safety in flight. During a suspension of hostilities which took place on the 4th, General Guerrero entered the city with a considerable force, and the appearance of these fresh troops was a signal for the recommencement of firing at every point. But the termination of this calamitous struggle was rapidly approaching. The government troops were gradually driven back towards the palace, and the leperos, spreading themselves like a torrent over the town, committed every species of excess. They directed their vengeance chiefly against the Spaniards; but all who were supposed to possess wealth fell victims to the rapacity of an unbridled mob. These disgraceful scenes continued for two days, and property to a very great amount, was destroyed or changed owners. The pillage was at last put a stop to by Guerrero, whom the president had appointed minister of the war department, Pedraza having quitted the capital just in time to save his head. Several provinces eagerly espoused his cause, but he sacrificed his individual rights and personal feelings in order to preserve the peace of his country, and recommended submission to an unconstitutional president in preference to a civil war. The troops scattered throughout the country gradually went over to the victorious party, and state after state, in rapid succession, declared in favour of the expulsion of the Spaniards and the presidency of Guerrero. Pedraza formally resigned his office, and was allowed to quit the territories of the republic. A new congress having assembled on the first of January 1829, Guerrero was declared duly elected, and General Anastasio Bustamante, a distinguished Yorkino leader, was associated with him as vice-president, whilst other offices of government were filled by members selected from the Yorkino body. It is not a little remarkable that Santa Anna, the prime mover of this "plan," was not permitted to take an active part in its execution. He remained closely besieged in a convent in the vicinity of Oaxaca, and was forced to surrender at discretion to General Calderon on the 14th of December. But before that time the fate of Mexico had been decided, and any partial success which might have attended the government forces would have been of little avail. Santa Anna laid down his arms only to be invested with the supreme military command of the republic twenty-four hours afterwards.

The success with which this daring revolt was crowned cannot be otherwise regarded than as a most unfortunate circumstance. The interference of the military to reverse the decree of the people in the case of a general election is always a fatal precedent, and one entirely subversive of civil rights. The first event which disturbed the country after the elevation of Guerrero was its invasion by Barradas in the summer of 1829. This general having collected a considerable number of troops in the island of Cuba, for the purpose of making a last effort for the recovery of Mexico, transported his force to Tampico, and immediately commenced warlike operations. In the meanwhile the president was invested with extraordinary powers, a step which the legislature considered as fully justified by the occasion. Santa Anna was dispatched to repulse the invading force, in which he completely succeeded, at the same time taking Barradas himself prisoner. But Guerrero was now destined to taste the cup which he had mixed for his predecessor and rival. His alleged reluctance to lay down the powers of dictator, which had been conferred on him in the above emergency, led to various revolts and insurrections in various parts of the republic. The state of Yucatan declared against the federal government and in favour of the central system. Early in December 1829, Bustamante, the vice-president, flew to arms, and having placed himself at the head of the army of Mexico, which was stationed in the state of Vera Cruz, he advanced upon the capital, everywhere denouncing the abuses and usurpations of Guerrero. Santa Anna issued a proclamation in support of the government; but long before he could reach the capital the revolution had been completed. Guerrero first resigned his dictatorial powers, and then convoked the Congress and appealed to it for support; but it was all in vain; he was ultimately compelled to abdicate. The army then elected Bustamante as his successor, whilst Santa Anna, following the example of Guerrero, retired to his estates, and tranquillity was soon restored.

At this period it required no great gift of prophecy to predict that even the shadow of the constitution of 1824 would not long survive. Mexico was now beyond all doubt subject to a military despotism; and a pretext or cause for pros- trating Bustamante in his turn, could not long be wanting. It was enough that the daring, crafty, and cruel Santa Anna, the conqueror of Barradas, was living in retirement and disgrace, hatching new schemes of revolt. From that period, Mexico has presented a kaleidoscopic exhibition of factions and parties. It would require volumes to detail the series of manoeuvres, of gritos and insurrections, which seated Santa Anna ultimately in power, and made him the representative of that amalgam of all parties which has been designated by a cant term in which the most incongruous ideas are jumbled together. In July 1832, the Ayuntamiento and people of San Felipe de Austin, unanimously gave in their adherence to the plan of Vera Cruz, and to the principles of the republican party, headed by General Santa Anna. This example was followed by other states, and Santa Anna assumed the reins of government. In April following he drove out the Congress; and in 1835, Gomez Farias, who had been elected vice-president, was driven into exile. Santa Anna was now undisputed master of the destinies of Mexico, for all the effective power of the republic had been confided to him. During the summer his attention was engaged in the alteration of the government, from a federal to a central form; from a coalition of several states, to the concentration of the powers of all in one point. He was again successful in this new "plan," and centralism with a de facto dictatorship succeeded to the federal republic. The states were converted into departments, and the legislature cut down to a council of five. This new order of things was acknowledged by the whole country, with the exception of Texas, which was warmly attached to federalism. But in order to understand the true position of affairs in that state, and also the causes of the events which have recently taken place there, it will be necessary to trace back the history of its settlement.

The colonies of Texas owe their existence to a colonel Texas: Austin, who in the year 1821 was authorised by the Mexican government to introduce and settle three hundred families upon favourable conditions. The first settlement was made on the river Brazos, in December 1821. The original grant was confirmed by the new government in 1824; and since that period, several new contracts for the establishing of colonies have been entered into. All the other grants in Texas, excepting a few in favour of Mexican citizens, were modelled upon those of Austin. The Mexican government drew up a number of colonization laws, by which, in as far as they had reference to Coahuila and Texas, it was stipulated that Catholicism should be maintained as the estab- blished religion of the country; that all foreigners, provided they were married and followed a profession, should be considered as naturalized in three years; and that Coahuila and Texas together should constitute one of the united federal states of Mexico, whilst the colonists should be considered as Mexicans, and governed like the other inhabitants of the republic. The nominal grantee of the land is called the empresario; and according to the terms of the contract, he is considered merely as a trustee of the government, having no title himself to the land within the limits of his colony, excepting upon the condition of settling a certain number of families in a given time. The settlers themselves receive a title for each family to a square league, upon the express condition of settlement and cultivation, and the payment of certain trifling charges within a limited period. These conditions constituted the basis of all the land titles in Texas, but were coupled with the provision, that all right and title would be forfeited, if the grantee should abandon the country, or sell his land before having cultivated it. These privileges were conceded to a great number of empresarios; and many of them, forgetting the contingent character of their own rights to the soil, and the conditions upon which their future colonists were to receive allotments of land, proceeded at once to make out scrip, or lots of land, which was sold in the United States, to a considerable amount. A regular company, called the Galveston Bay and Texas Land Company, was formed in New York, for the purpose of facilitating the disposal of tracts of country, to which no one had as yet acquired the smallest title. Many respectable individuals, eager to obtain such extensive grants of land for the trifle at which they were advertised for sale, made extensive purchases; but when they emigrated to Texas for the purpose of taking possession of their vast estates, they found to their mortification and surprise, that they had no more claim to them than any other person who might have come to Mexico from a foreign country. So flattering, however, did the prospects to emigrants appear, that great numbers flocked to Texas from the United States; indeed the country may be said to have been peopled from that quarter.

Various causes have contributed to create a misunderstanding between the inhabitants of Texas as an individual state, and the executive of the Mexican republic. The administration of Bustamante, was regarded by them as a military despotism; and the arbitrary acts which were committed by the military subalterns of the republic, became at last so oppressive, that they had recourse to arms, and took Fort Velasco on the 27th of June 1832. On the 16th of July following, Colonel Mexia, second officer of the second division of the liberating army as it was then called, of Montezuma, anchored off the mouth of the Brazos, with his fleet of five sail, and a force of four hundred men. He had been informed by the military commandants of Fort Velasco, Anahuac, and Nacogdoches, that the movements which had taken place there had for their object the separation of Texas from Mexico; and the object of his expedition was to crush the insurrection before it proceeded any farther. On his arrival, the civic authorities of Brazoria, presented to him a statement of their case, in which they inveighed against the arbitrary and unconstitutional measures of Bustamante; and declared their unabated attachment to their adopted country, and particularly to its distinguished chieftain Santa Anna." This was quite satisfactory to colonel Mexia, who being in the interest of Santa Anna, was desirous to gain adherents to the plan of Vera Cruz, and to the principles of the republican party, of which Santa Anna was the head. The troops of the government still held out in some parts of Texas; but they were finally reduced, and about the beginning of September, the warlike commotions had ceased in these colonies. Could the inhabitants of Texas have foreseen what the revolt of Santa Anna was to lead to, they would have displayed less eagerness in professing their attachment to him.

At a meeting of the people of Texas in 1833, there was drawn up a constitution, in which, amongst other important matters, they pointed out the necessity of a separation from Coahuila, and affirmed their resolution to form themselves into a full and independent state of the Mexican confederacy, by the name of the state of Texas. The chief reasons assigned by this general convention for the contemplated disunion, were, the dissimilarity between Coahuila and Texas, in soil, climate, and productions, in common interests, and partly in population, so that laws happily constructed for the benefit of Coahuila, and conducive to its best interests, might be ruinous to Texas. The seat of government was also stated to be too remote, being fixed at Saltillo, and the inhabitants of that part of the state were almost exclusively of Spanish descent. From this circumstance alone, it is obvious that the union of Coahuila and Texas as a single state of the Mexican federal republic, must from the first have been odious to the colonists of American origin; and it was likely to become more so, in proportion as fresh supplies of emigrants poured in from the United States. With the increase of their numbers, the Americans began to think and to feel, that they were strong enough to manage their own state affairs in their own way. Hitherto they had been treated with great liberality and indulgence, and had been entrusted with the administration of their own laws, which were anything but the ancient laws of Mexico. Colonel Austin, who had for many years been member of Congress for Texas, was in the spring of 1833 chosen once more to represent the country. He was also charged with the duty of submitting to the general government in Mexico, the new constitution which had been formed; but finding it difficult or impossible to effect his object, he wrote a letter to some of his friends in Texas, in which he did not conceal his sentiments as to the necessity of Texas taking matters into her own hands; and doing herself justice. This letter was intercepted by government, in consequence of which Austin was imprisoned upon a charge of entertaining treasonable designs. He was ultimately released; but there can be no doubt that the circumstance awakened the jealousy of the Mexican government.

Before proceeding to narrate the leading incidents of the struggle with Mexico, it is necessary to premise, that the un-restoration appropriated lands, although state property, cannot be granted with Mexico to any one without the sanction of the general government. We have already noticed the great rage for land speculation which existed not only in Mexico, but in the United States. It became at last insatiable, and an extensive system of fraud was the consequence. In 1834, a company of these speculators induced the legislature of Coahuila and Texas, to grant them four hundred square leagues of public land, in consideration of a payment of twenty-thousand dollars. This transaction was, of course, disavowed, and the grant annulled by the Mexican government; but it led to the dispersion of the legislature, and the imprisonment of the governor Viessa. Yet, so far from putting a stop to the system of fraudulent dealing, it seems only to have increased it; for according to the best information which has been obtained, the four hundred leagues became in the hands of the speculators, nearly as many thousands. This interest in the soil of Texas, so widely diffused amongst a speculative people extending from Boston to New Orleans, could scarcely fail to create a sympathy, which, in the event of another rupture between the colonists and the government of Santa Anna, might compromise the neutrality of the United States. Such a rupture actually soon took place, and the colonists flew to arms. But as partial statements cannot be trusted, it would be premature to give any thing like a history of recent events; and we shall therefore confine our- Amongst a number of petitions which accompanied the plan of the new constitution prepared by the convention, there was one regarding the tariff, to which the attention of the general congress was particularly called. The prayer of the petitioners was, that there should be granted them for three years, the privilege of introducing, free of duty, such articles as were indispensable to the prosperity of Texas. An exemption from payment of duties for two years was obtained, at the expiration of which period, an attempt to establish customs was forcibly resisted by the colonists. This, together with a demand for the persons of those who had been concerned in the grant of the four hundred leagues of land, were the immediate precursors of hostilities. But before these events occurred, the conduct of Santa Anna had begun to be suspected in Coahuila and Texas; and the consequence was, that the state government, which had been removed to Manclova, a more central position, denounced his conduct as unconstitutional. This produced a counter declaration from Saltillo, in which a number of persons avowed themselves favourable to Santa Anna's measures, and threw themselves under his protection. They elected an officer of the permanent army governor of the state, took possession of the hall of Congress, and disannulled all the decrees passed by the constitutional state congress, from the first of January 1823, to July 1834. The contentions of the two factions which had thus sprung up, tended more and more to spread anarchy and confusion throughout the state, and to distract the minds of the people. The American colonists, whose partiality to a federal republic is well known, were loud in their censure of Santa Anna, who was now close at hand, quelling an insurrectionary movement in Zacatecas. Many refugees from that state arrived in Texas, and contributed to increase the alarm by stating, that the orders of Santa Anna were to cut down all Americans. Viesca collected another state government, in which were many members of the last legislature; and he issued proclamations and addresses, calling the inhabitants of the state to arms, against the encroachments of that military power, which, he said, threatened their very existence, not only as a state, but as a people. The press groaned under conflicting statements. Santa Anna was stigmatised as a dictator, and death was denounced against all his supporters who should enter Texas. Taxes were refused; the custom-house officers were expelled; the custom-houses were shut up; and the laws of Mexico were set at defiance. In these circumstances, Santa Anna, who had succeeded in gaining all the other states of the republic, found it necessary to turn his attention to Texas, which had not only refused to acknowledge a central government, but was in absolute rebellion against it.

In September 1835, General Cos, the confidential friend and brother-in-law of the central chief, landed at Campano at the head of four hundred men, destined to reinforce the garrison of San Antonio de Bejar. He issued a proclamation, stating that the objects of his mission were, the enforcement of the laws, the collection of the revenue, the punishment of fraudulent speculators, and the disarming of the insurgents. He thus disclaimed any intention of disturbing the great body of the colonists; but his proceedings roused them to arms, and the war commenced in earnest. The Mexican troops succeeded in reaching San Antonio, although it seems to have been the intention of the Texians to prevent the intended junction of the forces. General Cos immediately prepared for the defence of the capital, by establishing barricades and other works; but the Texians, notwithstanding their inferiority of numbers, succeeded in reducing the place in October, when the Mexican general and his troops were permitted to retire from the province. After the fall of the capital and the expulsion of Cos, the victorious party quarrelled amongst themselves, and violent party dissensions broke out. Some advocated the formation of a coalition with the northern Mexican states, whilst others determined on attempting an independent government. A declaration of independence was published in December, by about ninety Americans, who, acting not in a representative capacity, but for themselves individually, called upon their fellow-citizens to follow a similar course. Early in March 1836, a convention of delegates from the various settlements of Texas, having assembled at a place called Washington, issued a more formal declaration of independence, setting forth the grievances which impelled the people to take that step. This declaration was signed by forty-four delegates, of whom only three or four were Mexicans by birth. The convention, in their detail of grievances, enumerate as such, the overthrow of the federal constitution by Santa Anna, to uphold which, they considered the Mexican government as pledged; the refusal to secure on a firm basis trial by jury, and to separate Coahuila from Texas; the forcible dispersion of the legislature; the imprisonment of Colonel Austin; and the tyranny and oppression of the military commandant. They complained that the government had demanded the surrender of a number of citizens, and had ordered military detachments to secure and convey them into the interior for trial; that it had not only made piratical attacks upon their commerce, but had demanded a surrender of their arms; that their country was attacked both by land and by sea; and that attempts had been made to excite the Indians to massacre the defenceless inhabitants of the frontiers. With respect to the justice of these complaints, it would be rash to offer any opinion, until the restoration of peace and order shall have afforded the historian an opportunity of collecting all the facts of the case, and from ascertained data, drawing dispassionate conclusions. If the people of Mexico preferred another form of government to that established in the year 1824, they had the right to effect this change, because it is generally admitted, that in a republic the majority must govern. The Texians have no just ground for asserting their independence upon that account; but they have an unquestionable right, if they choose to abide by the consequences, to try the strength of parties upon so momentous a question, as whether Mexico shall be a central or a federal republic. They acknowledge themselves citizens of Mexico; and as there seems to be nothing in the colonization laws which promises to colonists in particular the perpetuity of the constitution of 1824, their argument for independence on that head falls to the ground. They complain, also, of being subjected to the despotism of the priesthood; but by the colonization laws it was declared, that the Catholic religion alone should be tolerated, and thus another of their arguments is disposed of. Lastly, with regard to trial by jury, it is a thing quite unknown in Mexican jurisprudence; and in respect to the separation of Texas from Coahuila, and the other grievances complained of, it is impossible at present to offer any satisfactory opinion. But whether reasonable or not, these complaints, and the redress demanded, were soon to be enforced by an appeal to arms.

In their first declaration of independence the people of Texas undoubtedly supposed that the internal divisions of the country would afford sufficient employment for the arms of Santa Anna; forgetting that there existed in Mexico an inveterate prejudice against the American colonists, which might induce them to overlook for a time all minor differences, and unite as against a common enemy. Hence the defeat of Cos actually extended the authority and influence of Santa Anna, and he was thus enabled to bring nearly the whole resources of Mexico to bear upon Texas. It soon became apparent, also, that from the strict alliance which existed between Santa Anna and the Catholic clergy, religious intolerance was mixed up with political animosity against the American colonists; and that thus they had every reason to expect a furious and desperate conflict. Yet they made little preparation for the approaching contest, and their early operations were both feeble and ill-advised. It was soon ascertained that Santa Anna was on his march, at the head of a powerful army, advancing towards the Rio del Norte; and early in February 1836, he established his head-quarters on the Nueces, to the eastward of that river. Here he issued a proclamation, in which he denounced the insurgents as a mob of ungrateful adventurers, on whom the authorities of Mexico had incautiously lavished favours which they had failed to bestow on Mexicans, and who had raised the standard of rebellion, in order that that extensive and fertile department which they inhabited might be detached from the republic. By his plan of operations he proposed to advance in two columns, one directed against San Antonio, and the other against La Bahia, which place was lower down the coast; intending by this means to intercept all communication between the Americans and the Gulf. His effective force has been variously estimated from five to ten thousand men, including a fine corps of cavalry. Upon the 23rd of February, the Mexicans, four thousand strong, attacked the fort of Alamo, in San Antonio, but were gallantly repulsed. The invading army was more successful in its assault on Bejar, which, after sustaining a siege of two weeks, was taken by Santa Anna. The garrison, consisting of one hundred and eighty-seven men, were all slain in the siege, or put to death afterwards; and the loss of the Mexicans in storming the place was estimated at one thousand killed or mortally wounded. The second division of the Mexicans advanced towards La Bahia, or Goliad. This town was occupied by Colonel Fanning, who, conscious of the inadequacy of his force to defend the place, evacuated it, but not till it had been committed to the flames. In his retreat, however, he was intercepted by the Mexican army, which was about three times as numerous as his own, and after a severe conflict forced to surrender. The commander, along with about five hundred Texians, were cruelly put to death by the Mexicans, who still remembered their old system of treating prisoners of war.

This military execution caused much excitement, and instead of deterring the Texians from prosecuting their purposes, it exasperated them in the highest degree. For some time a panic seemed to prevail, and the colonists fled, leaving all kinds of property behind them. The retreat of the Texians suddenly ceased, and General Houston having rapidly counter-marched a distance of about sixty miles, came up with Santa Anna. On the 21st of April, near the banks of the San Jacinto, a fierce and sanguinary conflict took place between the Mexicans and Texians, in which the former were defeated with great slaughter, and above seven hundred taken prisoners, amongst whom was the commander-in-chief himself. A great quantity of arms, and about twelve thousand dollars, likewise fell into the hands of the victors. This unexpected event totally changed the aspect of affairs; and the success of the Texians, which had at one time appeared impossible, became at least probable. Their rising fortunes stimulated their zeal and activity. Many of the more pacific of the colonists had sought refuge in the neighbouring states; but their place was speedily supplied by numerous adventurers from the United States. On the 15th of May, a convention was held at Velasco, in Texas, where it was stipulated that hostilities should cease; that the Mexican army should quit Texas; and that Santa Anna should be sent to Vera Cruz, upon condition of his agreeing neither to take up arms against the Texians, nor to exercise any influence to cause them to be taken up during the struggle for independence. This agreement was disapproved of by the president ad interim of Mexico, and General Filasola, who was next in command to Santa Anna, was ordered to give up the command of the army to General Urrea, and repair to Mexico to answer for his conduct. By the latest accounts it appears that a large body of Mexican troops had marched upon Texas; and that by orders of Congress, General Gaines, commander of the United States' army, had crossed the Sabina, and established his head-quarters at Nacogdoches, in Texas, whence, however, they were afterwards withdrawn. The right of the United States to interfere in any shape may well be questioned; but whether they will actually interpose, or what course they will pursue, it is impossible at present to determine. In the meantime, volunteers from that country are crowding to Texas, and by them will the independence of the revolted Mexican province be effected, if this should ever take place.

After what has already been stated, it would be superfluous to discuss the question whether the Texians have any legitimate right to separate themselves from Mexico, and to establish an independent government. In regard to the abstract merits of the case, the Mexicans, as we have already stated, appear to have all the arguments upon their side. Since the majority of the Texians are emigrants from the United States, an opinion very generally prevails that their object in separating Texas from Mexico is to engraft it upon the American Union. There are good grounds for believing that this conjecture is correct; and if it be so, their proceedings must be held as altogether unjustifiable; nor would the conduct of the American Congress be less so, if it should accept them, in the event of the successful issue of their scheme. But such a gross violation of the rights of an independent power is not likely to occur, nor has Congress as yet in the least degree countenanced the revolt.

III.—STATISTICS OF MEXICO.

The republic of Mexico is bounded on the east and south-east by the Gulf of Mexico and the Caribbean sea; on the west by the Pacific ocean; on the south by Guatemala; and on the north by the United States of America. The river San Pedro, which rises near the lake of Peten, and after traversing a considerable tract of country is joined by the stream of Yalchilan, constitutes the greater part of the national boundary of Guatemala and Mexico; the remainder is a chain of mountains, which separate it from the territory of the Mayas, an Indian tribe inhabiting a portion of Peten. The boundary line between Mexico and Louisiana commences with the river Sabina, at the point where it falls into the Gulf of Mexico about 29° north lat., 94° west long., and follows its course as far as its junction with the Red river of Natchitoches. The course of the latter then marks the frontier up to the 100th degree of west longitude, where the line runs directly north to the river Arkansas, which it follows to its source in the 42d degree of north latitude. From this point another direct line is drawn, immediately upon the forty-second parallel, to the coast of the Pacific; thus dividing between the two rival republics the whole continent of North America, with the exception of the British possessions. The frontier, as above defined, was fixed by the treaty of Washington, which was concluded in the year 1819. The exact line of demarcation is at present of little importance, except with regard to the north-eastern frontier, where the valuable province of Texas might prove a source of contention, were the limits of the two countries not definitely fixed. The rest of the boundary line is as imaginary as a parallel of latitude. Between Mexico and the western territories belonging to the American United States, and on either side of the Missouri, a vast tract of country intervenes, inhabited only by Indian tribes, who have never yet been subjugated, and acknowledge no authority.

From the southern extremity of Yucutan, the province which joins Guatemala, to the northern extremity of California, Mexico extends over twenty-seven degrees of latitude, or 187½ English statute miles. In breadth it varies considerably, being only one hundred and twenty-five miles across at its lower extremity. It continues to expand, however, until it joins the United States; and its greatest breadth, which is in the parallel of 30° north latitude, from the Red River of Texas, to the coast of Sonora, Humboldt has estimated at about eleven hundred miles. According to the same great authority, the superficial extent of the Mexican territory is 118,478 square leagues of twenty-five to the degree. There is, besides, a tract of country situated between the northern extremity of New Mexico and Sonora, and the boundary line agreed to by the treaty of Washington, the exact extent of which is not yet ascertained. Of this vast territory about 82,000 square leagues are situated without the tropics, or under the temperate zone; whilst the remaining leagues of surface lie within the tropics, or what is usually entitled the torrid zone.

The most important part of Mexico is that which has been denominated the Table-land. The Cordillera of the Andes, after traversing the whole of South America and the Isthmus of Panama, expands or separates, upon entering the northern continent, into two branches which, diverging to the east and west, but still preserving their northerly direction, leave in the centre an immense platform, or elevated tract of country. The height of the whole is considerable, varying from six thousand to eight thousand feet above the level of the Pacific, and thus equalling that of Mont St. Bernard and other remarkable summits of the Old World. The eastern branch declines as it approaches the north, and about the 26th parallel of north latitude it subsides to nearly a level with the ocean; but on the west the chain continues in an almost uninterrupted line to the frontiers of the United States, where it splits into various ramifications, known chiefly by the name of the Rocky Mountains. The summits of some of the detached mountains penetrate beyond the line of perpetual snow, and attain an elevation almost equal to that of the highest of the Andes. Such are the volcanic peaks of Orizaba, Popocatepetl, and Toluca. But these are merely insulated heights, or inferior chains, which bear no relation of parallelism to the general direction of the Cordillera, and can scarcely be said to interrupt that vast level, as smooth almost as the ocean, which stretches from one extremity of Mexico to the other. Thus the table-land is not as in Quito and other parts of the southern continent, an interval between opposite ridges, but generally speaking, it is the most elevated portion of the ridge itself. In Peru, and other parts of South America, immense transverse valleys continually interrupt the progress of the traveller, and prevent him from proceeding in any other manner than on horseback or on foot; but in New Spain, carriages roll without obstruction, from the city of Mexico to Santa Fé, a distance of above fifteen hundred miles.

Volcanos.—That great chain of volcanic mountains which extends with little interruption from lat. 24° north, to lat. 2° south, appears to commence in Mexico. The most northern volcanic craters occur near the town of Durango in the former degree of latitude; but there are no active volcanos till we reach the parallel of the city of Mexico, between which and the little towns of Cordova and Xalapa, there is a group which rival in elevation the loftiest peaks of the continent. The heights of the principal peaks were measured by M. Humboldt. Popocatepetl, or the Smoking Mountain, called by the Spaniards the great volcano, is 17,968 feet in height; the Iztaccí-Huatl, or the White Woman, the Sierra Nevada of the Spaniards, is 16,000 feet; the Citlal-Tepetl, or Starry Mountain, otherwise called the Peak of Orizaba, is 17,697 feet; and the Nauhcampatépetl, or Coffre de Perote, is 13,633 feet in height. The first of these volcanos is continually burning, but for centuries it has ceased to eject from its crater anything except smoke and ashes. Luminous exhalations, also, constantly irradiate the summit of Orizaba, which is covered with perpetual snow. In 1545, an eruption of this volcano took place, and the crater continued to burn during twenty years. In the same province is that of Tuxtlá, in which a considerable eruption took place in 1793, the ashes of which were carried as far as Perote, a distance of fifty-seven leagues. On the western side of the city of Mexico, are the volcanos of Jorulla and Colima, the latter of which throws up smoke and ashes, but has not been known to discharge lava. Jorulla, which is situated between Colima and the city of Mexico, is of much more recent origin than any of the others. In 1759, according to Humboldt, the plains of Jorulla upon the shores of the Pacific ocean, formed the scene of one of the most tremendous catastrophes that ever shook the globe. In the month of June in that year, subterranean noises of the most frightful description were heard, accompanied with frequent earthquakes, which succeeded one another during fifty or sixty days. In the early part of September, all became tranquil again; but towards the end of that month the same horrible noises recommenced, and a tract of ground from three to four miles square, swelled up like an inflated bladder; flames issued through a thousand apertures, and fragments of burning rocks were propelled upwards to a vast height; whilst through the dense envelope of smoke and ashes, illuminated by volcanic fire, the softened surface of the earth was seen to rise and fall like an agitated sea. The rivers Cuitimba and San Pedro precipitated themselves into the flaming chasms. Thousands of small cones varying from six to ten feet in height, issued from the volcanic ground; and some of these yet retain a temperature equal to that of boiling water. Vapour also ascends to the height of from twenty to thirty feet, and, in not a few of them, subterraneous sounds still startle the traveller. In the midst of these cones six large masses, elevated from three to sixteen hundred feet each above the former level of the plain, arose out of a chasm which ranges from north-north-east to south-south-west. The loftiest of these elevated masses, is the great volcano of Jorulla, which burns continually, and has thrown up upon one side an immense quantity of scoriified and basaltic lavas, containing fragments of primitive rocks. These eruptions continued till February 1760, since which period, they have become less frequent. The active volcanos above noticed, appear to be connected by a chain of intermediate ones, running in a parallel direction, and exhibiting the clearest indications of a similar origin. Farther south, in the republic of Guatemala, the volcanos increase greatly in number; but in this quarter, instead of being placed nearly at right angles to the chain of the Cordilleras, they run parallel to it.

Minerals.—In the Old World granite, gneiss, mica minerals, slate, and clay slate, often form the central ridges of the mountain chains; but in the Cordilleras of America, these rocks seldom appear at the surface, being covered by masses of porphyry, greenstone, amygdaloid, basalt, obsidian, and other rocks of the same class. The granite which here generally forms the lowest stratum, appears at the surface in the little chain that borders the Pacific ocean, and which, on the side of Acapulco, is separated from the mass of high country by the valley of Peregrino. The beautiful port of Acapulco is a natural excavation in granite rocks. As we ascend towards the table-land of Mexico, we see it rise through the porphyry for the last time, between Zumpango and Zapilote. Farther to the east, the mountains of Mixteca and of Zapoteca, in the province of Oaxaca, are formed of the same rock, together with gneiss, traversed by veins of quartz containing gold. The great central plateau of Anahuac, as the tract of country comprehended between the fourteenth and twenty-first degrees of latitude is called, appears like an enormous dyke of porphyritic rocks, distinguished from those of Europe by the constant presence of hornblende, and by the absence of quartz. These rocks contain immense deposits of gold and silver. Basalt, amygdaloid, trap, gypsum, and primitive limestone, form the predominating rocks. The strata succeed each other here in

the same order as in Europe, excepting that syenite alternates with serpentine. The secondary rocks equally resemble those of the Old World; but hitherto no considerable beds of rock-salt or of coal have been discovered in the plateau of Mexico; whilst, on the other hand, these substances, especially the former, appear to exist in great abundance, to the north of the gulf of California. In some parts the porphyry presents itself in gigantic masses, which assume extraordinary shapes, resembling ruined walls, bastions, towers, and the like. The porphyritic traps in columns, which terminate the mountains of Jacal and Oyamel, are crowned with pine trees and oak, which materially add to their picturesque appearance. It is from these mountains that the ancient Mexicans obtained the obsidian, of which they formed their sharp edged instruments. The Cofre de Perote is a porphyritic mountain, resembling an ancient sarcophagus, surmounted by a pyramid at one end. The basalt of La Regla, of which the prismatic columns, an hundred feet in height, have their central parts harder than the rest, form the native decorations of a very beautiful cascade.

Rivers and Lakes.—The rivers of Mexico are unimportant, and the want of water in an agricultural, and of navigable streams in a commercial point of view, are found to be serious disadvantages. The Rio del Norte, indeed, may have a course of about fourteen hundred miles; and that of the Rio Colorado on the west, may be about half that length; but flowing as they do through a part of the country as yet of little commercial importance, although possessed of almost unlimited capabilities, viz., Texas, they do not at present facilitate the trade of the country to any great extent. The Rio Grande de Santiago or Tololotlan, formed by the union of the rivers Lerma and Las Laxas, is likely to become the most valuable. It rises in the very centre of Mexico, and after traversing the Baxio, empties itself into the Pacific near San Blas. In all the equinoctial parts of Mexico, only small rivers are met with; but their estuaries are very broad. The narrow form of the continent prevents the union of a great body of water; whilst the rapid declivity of the Cordillera gives rise to torrents rather than rivers flowing with moderate velocity and capable of being navigated. Amongst the small number of rivers which are found in the southern part of the country, the only streams which are likely to become useful mediums of intercourse with the interior, are the Rio Guascalaco and the Alvarado, both of which are to the south-east of Vera Cruz, and seem well calculated to facilitate communication with the republic of Guatemala. There is also the Rio de Montezuma, which carries the waters of the lakes and valley of Tenochtitlan to the Rio de Panuco. The lakes of Mexico are very numerous, and appear to be the remains of others of vast extent, which formerly covered a much larger portion of the lofty plateau. The principal are the great lake of Chapala, in Guadalajara, which covers nearly one hundred and sixty square leagues of country; the lakes of the valley of Mexico, which extend over one-fourth of its surface; the lake of Pueblaro, in the province of Valladolid, one of the most picturesque spots on the globe; and the lakes of Mextitan and Parras.

The whole of the eastern or Atlantic coast of New Spain, may be viewed as an immense wall, against which the tradewinds, and the perpetual movement of the waters from east to west, heave up the sand which the agitated ocean holds in suspension. An immense current rushes in from the southern Atlantic ocean, and after sweeping through the Gulf of Mexico, issues by the Bahama channel or Gulf of Florida. The sand accumulated by the revolving waters from the peninsula of Yucatan to the mouth of the Rio del Norte, insensibly contracts the basin of the Gulf of Mexico, by adding to the breadth of the continent. The rivers which descend into the Caribbean sea materially contribute to fill up and elevate the bottom. The whole of the eastern coast, from the eighteenth to the twenty-sixth degree of latitude, is thus obstructed by bars, so that none but vessels drawing little water can venture to cross them without danger of striking. The violent storms which prevail during several months, both on the eastern and western coasts of the isthmus, are also serious obstacles to navigation. From the autumnal equinox to the spring, north-west winds prevail in the Gulf of Mexico; they are at their greatest height in the month of March, but during September and October they are generally mild. On the eastern coast the navigation is very dangerous in the months of July and August, when the dreadful tornadoes from the south-west prevail. At this time, and even at a much more advanced period of the season, the anchorage in San Blas, Acapulco, and all the ports of the central republic, are exceedingly unsafe. During the fine part of the year, from October till May, the calmness of the ocean is again disturbed in these roadsteads by the furious winds from the north-east and north-west, known by the names of Papagayo and Telentupec.

Climate.—The climate of Mexico comes next to be considered; and here it may be stated generally, that in a country so extensive as Mexico, and distinguished by such remarkable physical peculiarities, any theory that may be proposed on this subject must be liable to great exceptions. An exposed situation, or one sheltered from the winds of the northwest, which occasionally sweep the country with incredible violence; proximity to the Pacific, where the air is milder; the want or abundance of water, and the like—all these are circumstances which affect the temperature in the most opposite manner, even at the same height and in the same parallel, and render it impossible, by the standard of elevation alone, to form any exact idea of the climate of the table-land. Humboldt gives 75° of Fahrenheit as the mean heat of the coast, and 64° of Fahrenheit as the mean heat of the table-land. The same accomplished traveller mentions a striking instance of the local peculiarities by which the temperature is modified, namely, that sugar is successfully cultivated four thousand feet above the degree of elevation assigned by him from previous experiments as productive of the minimum of heat necessary for raising the cane. Indeed, every little break or descent in the surface of the table-land, leads us naturally to an increase of temperature, as the ascent from the coast does to a diminution of it. The transition is sometimes extremely sudden, a deep ravine being sufficient to change the stunted growth peculiar to the central plateau to the luxuriancy of tropical vegetation. It is impossible to proceed either to the eastward or to the westward of the capital, without repeatedly experiencing these transitions in the course of a single day. The natives, without inquiring into their origin, express the fact by styling these hot low ravines, Tierra Caliente, a term uniformly signifying those parts of Mexico in which the heat is sufficient for producing the fruits of the tropics; and, with the exceptions mentioned, they are all situated upon the sea coast on either side of Mexico, the table-land lying between them. Tierra Fria is the term applied to the mountainous districts which rise above the level of the capital, as high as the limits of perpetual snow; whilst Tierra Templada, or temperate region, in its most extensive acceptation, embraces all that is not included under either of the other two divisions. This zone is chiefly situated on the declivity of the Cordillera, at the height of from four to five thousand feet above the level of the sea; and here the genial temperature of spring almost constantly prevails. Intense heat and excessive cold are equally unknown. Unfortunately, however, this medium elevation is nearly the same as that at which the clouds float above the plains adjacent to the sea; and hence these temperate regions, although situated upon elevated ground, are sometimes enveloped in dense fogs. It is to be observed, however, that the terms by which the several zones are dis- tinguished are used in a very arbitrary manner; and thus what is called a temperate country by the inhabitant of one part of Mexico would be considered as a cold country by the denizen of a warmer region.

All the regions denominated cold enjoy a mean temperature of from $52^\circ$ to $56^\circ$ of Fahrenheit, equal to that of France and Lombardy. Still the plants of Europe do not reach the maturity which they attain in their native soil, and vegetation is generally much less vigorous. May not this arise from the rarity of the air, a plentiful supply of the elements of which it consists being essential to vegetables acquiring the highest degree of size and strength of which they are susceptible? On this supposition we can easily account for vegetation being less luxuriant upon the ridge of the Mexican Cordillera than upon the plains to the north of the tropic, even in cases where the mean temperature is lower. In the equinoctial region of Mexico, and even as far as the 28th degree of north latitude, there are only two seasons; that of the rains, which commences in the month of June or July, and ends in September or October; and the dry season, which continues from October till the end of May. The formation of clouds and their precipitation in various forms, generally commences on the eastern slope of the Cordillera. These phenomena, accompanied with thunder storms, extend in succession from east to west, in the direction of the trade winds, so that the rain falls fifteen or twenty days later on the central plateau than at Vera Cruz. From the parallel of $24^\circ$ to that of $30^\circ$, the rain falls less frequently, and continues a shorter time; but the deficiency is compensated by the snow which, from the 26th degree of latitude northwards, is deposited in considerable quantities.

The climate of the provinces denominated internas, and which are situated within the temperate zone, is distinguished by a striking inequality in the temperature of the different seasons; the winters being very cold, whilst the summers are comparatively very warm. To this, as well as to other local causes, must be attributed the aridity which characterises a considerable portion of the plateau of Anahuac. There are few springs in the mountains; and the water, instead of collecting in little subterraneous basins, filters through the earth or porous rocks, and loses itself in crevices formed by volcanic eruptions. The evils arising from aridity have increased since the Europeans first took possession of Mexico. The conquerors not only destroyed trees without supplying their place by young plants, but by artificially drying up extensive tracts of country, they occasioned a still more important evil. The muriates of soda and of lime, the nitrate of potass, and other saline substances, cover the surface of the soil. Still a great part of Mexico may be classed with the most fertile countries of the earth, for there every species of vegetable production is found, or may be successfully cultivated. On the ascent from Vera Cruz, climates, to use an expression of Humboldt's, succeed each other in layers; and the traveller passes in review, in the course of two days, the whole scale of vegetation, from the parasitic plants of the tropics to the pines of the arctic regions. In some parts, however, the climate is very insalubrious. The humidity of the coasts favouring the putrefaction of a prodigious mass of organic substances, originates diseases which attack Europeans and others not familiarised to the climate; indeed, under the burning sun of the tropics, the unhealthiness of the air is almost invariably a sure indication of extraordinary fertility in the soil. Nevertheless, with the exception of some sea-ports, and a few deep and humid valleys, where the natives suffer from intermittent fever, Mexico ought upon the whole to be considered as a singularly healthy country.

The Vegetable Productions of New Spain are infinitely various; and not only are fruits of the most opposite regions assembled there, but they may be frequently met with in singular approximation. From this circumstance, it is nearly impossible to assign to any given article, a particular parallel of latitude, or district of country; and the simplest mode of conveying an idea of the agricultural wealth of Mexico will be to give some account of its most important productions, mentioning the characteristics of each, and the localities where its cultivation has been carried to the greatest extent.

Those which are essential to the subsistence of the inhabitants, first demand our attention; and amongst the most important of these is maize, or Indian corn. This valuable grain is almost everywhere cultivated with success; and in some favourable spots its fecundity is almost incredible, eight hundred fanegas for one sown, having occasionally been obtained. Its growth is more colossal on the low hot grounds on the coast, and on the slope of the Cordillera, than on the table-land. Wherever irrigation is practicable, from three to four hundred for one, is the ordinary ratio of increase; but where the crop depends upon the season, it is more variable, and in some parts, one good year in ten is all that is expected, the intervening years producing only forty or fifty bushels for one sown. Maize flour is used for food in various shapes; but the most common mode of preparing it for the table, is the following: After the grain is bruised, bypassing over it a long stone, something like a rolling pin, which moves in a hollow trough, composed of basalt or lava, a part of the paste thus formed, is taken out and patted skilfully between the hands until it becomes very thin. The cake is then laid on a smooth plate of iron or flat earthenware, placed over incandescent charcoal, or wood embers, where it is allowed to warm through rather than bake, for great care is taken that it be not at all browned. It is served up hot, and eaten with a pungent sauce composed of chile, (a sort of capsicum,) and tomatoes. This unfermented, but nutritious bread, is called arepa, or more generally tortillas; and the manner in which it is now made is precisely the same as that practised previously to the conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards. The price of this grain varies with the year and the distance of the place where it is grown, from the principal markets. In the capital it is seldom lower than two dollars the fanega of one hundred and fifty pounds; and when the crop fails, it sometimes rises to three dollars and a half. In the interior about half a dollar is the ordinary price. A considerable portion of the land which was formerly devoted to the cultivation of maize, has been neglected since 1810; the war of the revolution having caused a suspension of labour in the mining districts, where an enormous quantity was used, not only by the miners themselves, but by the mules employed in the works. Those parts now most abundant in maize are the Baxio, or central part of the table-land; the plains of Toluca; the southern and eastern parts of the valley of Mexico itself; the state of La Puebla; and the vicinity of Aguas Calientes. Various kinds of fermented liquors, known by the general denomination of chicha de maiz, are prepared from maize by the Indians. They are all more or less intoxicating, as is the pulque de maiz, or thalli, which is composed of the saccharine juice or syrup, extracted by pressure from the stalk. Before the conquest, this syrup was condensed by the natives, and used as sugar.

Oats are little known in Mexico, but the wheat and barley of Europe have been naturalised to the soil. The former succeeds well throughout the table-land; but both in Tierra Caliente, and on the eastern and western slope of the Cordillera the ear does not form. The success of the crop on the table-land depends almost entirely upon the timely commencement of the rainy season; for if dry weather continue beyond the middle of June, unless the grounds can be watered by artificial means, drought destroys the crops of wheat, barley, and maize, notwithstanding the extreme fertility of the soil. The great object of the Mexican farmer, therefore, is irrigation; and in the formation of canals, reservoirs, and the like, vast sums have been expended on the

states. Whenever these are established, the corn lands are watered twice in the year; and so well is the importance of this process known, that a situation is seldom chosen for a hacienda de trigo, or farm, where a supply of water cannot be obtained. Humboldt gives twenty-five bushels for one, as the average annual produce of the whole of the corn lands of Mexico. In France the maximum ratio of increase would be as ten, and in England probably as twelve to one. The principal corn lands of Mexico, are those of La Puebla, the Baxio, the valley of Mexico, Poanas in Durango, and the Nuscous in California. These are mere spots of cultivation upon so extensive a surface of country; but the portion of soil appropriated to the culture of the cerealia is quite sufficient for the demand. Maize and bananas are preferred as articles of food; and, besides, so extremely difficult is the communication between the table-land and the country on either side of it, that the eastern and western coasts can be supplied with flour at a cheaper rate from the United States. The soil of the wheat lands is generally composed of tenacious clay, mixed with basalts and amygdaloids, which are difficult to pulverise, yet such land, when brought into a proper state for the purposes of agriculture, is best adapted for the growth of that plant. Rye and barley are raised at higher elevations than wheat, as they are less liable to be injured by cold; but the minimum height at which the proper temperature can be found for bringing the latter to perfection, has not been ascertained. For cattle, barley is in general use, either mixed with maize or by itself.

The potato. The potato for which Europe is indebted to America, is much cultivated in Mexico. It is not an indigenous plant, but was transported from the mountainous parts of Peru, at a very early period after the conquest of that country. It has been generally asserted, that the potato is a spontaneous production of the Andes; but Humboldt and his companion, Bonpland, who diligently examined the vegetable productions from the fifth degree of north to the twelfth of south latitude, found none in a wild state with nutritive roots. They were led to suppose, however, that in the Andes of Chili potatoes are indigenous. In Mexico, they are cultivated on the highest inhabited lands. The natives preserve them for several years, by exposing them first to the frost and then to the heat of the sun. They grow to a large size, some of those found by Humboldt having measured from twelve to thirteen inches in circumference, and are upon the whole superior in quality to any produced in Europe.

The banana is, to the inhabitants of the warm regions, what grain is to the people of the temperate and cold countries. It furnishes them with the principal article of their daily food, and has the merit likewise of producing more nutritious substance in a less space, and with less trouble than any other plant. Humboldt calculates, that one acre of ground planted with the platano arton, is sufficient to support fifty men; whilst an acre of wheat would barely supply the wants of three. Its cultivation requires but little attention; when once the suckers are planted nature does the rest. Within eight months after being set, the banana begins to form clusters, and these may be gathered in the tenth or eleventh month after their growth. When the stalk is cut, some other shoots from it, about two-thirds the height of the parent plant, are left standing, and they bear fruit in about three months thereafter. Thus a plantation is perpetuated, without any other subsequent labour than that of cutting the stalks upon which the fruit has ripened, and occasionally digging and dressing round the roots. The ripe fruit of the banana resembles in appearance the bean pod, but is far larger. When exposed to the sun, it is dried in the same manner as the figs of the south of Europe. The skin then becomes black, and emits a smell resembling that of a smoked ham, in which state it becomes an object of considerable internal traffic. Its taste is agreeable, and it is considered as very wholesome, but the ripe fruit, in its crude state, is found very difficult of digestion by newly-arrived Europeans. The green fruit is frequently cut into slices and dried in the sun, and being thus rendered friable, is reduced to powder, in which state it serves the purposes of flour in many culinary preparations. The facility with which this food is produced, gives it an advantage over every other alimentary substance produced in these regions.

In the same temperature which favours the cultivation of Manioc or the banana, the manioc or cassava is grown, and, like it, is abundantly productive of aliment. There are two kinds of manioc; one, called the sweet, which may be eaten without injury, and the other, the bitter, which is a very active poison in its crude state; but both are made into bread, and the latter is most generally used for that purpose. The root is first dried, then grated, and the juice carefully expressed, by which means a tolerably palatable and wholesome flour is produced. It has the property of keeping for a very long time, and is not liable to be attacked by worms, or other insects. The cultivation of the manioc requires more care than that of the banana, and in some measure resembles that of potatoes; the slips are planted, and in seven or eight months the harvest may be gathered. The consumption of cassava bread in Mexico is not considerable, nor at all likely to increase. Rice is but little cultivated, and not very generally known.

Before the year 1810, the cultivation of the olive was prohibited lest the interest of the mother country should thereby be injured. During the revolution, however, a great number of olive trees were planted, and so favourable is the climate for its growth, and so excellent the oil which they yield, that the importation of that article will soon be rendered unnecessary. The vine was likewise a forbidden fruit during Spanish domination; but as the plant flourishes in many parts of Mexico, the attention of the landed proprietors has been turned to the subject; and there seems little reason to doubt that in course of time a supply of wine sufficient for the wants of the country will be obtained from the native grape. Entire estates on the table-land are devoted to the cultivation of chile or capsicum, and few are more productive, as it constitutes one of the necessaries of life with the Indian and Mestizo population, as well as with the creoles, who use it in great quantities. In addition to the vegetable productions already enumerated, Mexico possesses the yam, which is confined to the Tierra Caliente; tomatas (tomatil) with every variety of garden plants and vegetables. There are abundance of apples, peaches, pears, and other European fruits, together with pines, guavas, chirimoyas, oranges and lemons, limes, plantains, pistachio nuts, melons, and all the usual productions of the tropics.

Mexico has likewise the maguey, a species of aloe, from Maguey, which is distilled the favourite beverage of the lower classes in the central part of the table-land. This spirituous liquor is called octli or pulque, and is little known in Europe. In the plantations the plants are arranged in rows having an interval of two or three yards between each. When the head of the plant throws forth the bundle of central leaves, they are cut off, and a hole is scooped in the stalk, which is covered with the leaves. In this hollow the plant seems to deposit all the juice, which, without the excision, would go to form the flowers. It is a real vegetable spring, running for two or three months, and which may be emptied twice or thrice in the day. The plants are extremely productive; indeed a single one will yield annually one hundred and fifty quarts of honey as it is called. It is placed in a situation to ferment, an operation which takes place in a few days, when it becomes fit to be drunk, and is then called pulque. In its taste it is said to resemble cider, but it has a most disgusting smell, which, for a long time, prevents Europeans from tasting it. When accustomed to it, however, people become very fond of it, and account it healthy and nutritive. The cultivation of the plant which produces this liquor is of vast importance, both to the public revenue and to the comfort of individuals. It pays a duty on its introduction into the towns; and in the year 1793 the amount of the tax produced at the gates of the cities of Mexico, Toluca, and Puebla, amounted to nearly L200,000 sterling. By the distillation of pulque, an intoxicating kind of brandy is produced, which is very extensively consumed. The plant from which the pulque is made is also adapted to other valuable purposes. It is used in making ropes, and even paper; it furnishes the inhabitants with a thread, which is called pita; its juice is used as a caustic application for wounds; and its prickles serve the Indians for needles and pins. In the states of La Puebla, Mexico, Guanajuato, and a small portion of Valladolid, are found the principal plantations of maguey. The most celebrated are those in the vicinity of Cholula and in the Llanos de Apam and in the valley of Toluca; but in general, although the plant is found wild in every part of Mexico, no attempt to extract pulque from it is made, excepting in the districts which are within reach of the two great towns of La Puebla and Mexico.

Of those productions which in Europe are termed colonial, Mexico supplies sugar, coffee, tobacco, indigo, chocolate, and cotton, besides vanilla and cochineal, of which nature seems to have given to New Spain the almost exclusive possession. Sugar might be raised to almost any extent, the soil in many parts being remarkably favourable to its growth; but the plantations are at present almost entirely confined to the valleys of Cuautla and Cuernavaca, which are situated within twenty leagues of the capital. Humboldt has endeavoured to determine the maximum height at which the cane may be cultivated in Mexico; and although there are almost insuperable obstacles to the establishing of any general theory, it appears to be very generally admitted, that the produce of a plantation on the coast is superior both in quantity and quality to one of similar extent in a valley on the table-land. The same enlightened traveller states that a hectare of the best land in the province of Vera Cruz produces five thousand six hundred pounds of raw sugar, or exactly double the quantity obtained from the same space of ground in the island of Cuba; from which circumstance the extraordinary fertility of the soil may be inferred. The home consumption is enormous, and enough is hardly grown to supply it. The total produce is not exactly known, but it is considerably less than that of the best years before the revolution, owing to the plantations of Oaxaca, the Baxio, Valladolid, and Guadalajara, having been destroyed during the sanguinary contest for independence. The cane is planted much closer than is customary in Jamaica, but the ground is nevertheless not exhausted by this system; for the extent of his estate enables the farmer to plant only one-fourth of it annually, allowing the other three-fourths to lie fallow until their turn comes round. The sugar of Mexico abounds in saccharine matter, but has a coarse dirty appearance, the art of refining being seldom carried beyond the first stage of the process. From the molasses a considerable quantity of rum is annually distilled, and the trade is considered as a very lucrative one. Any very rapid extension of the cultivation of sugar in Mexico is not to be anticipated, on account of the great expense requisite to construct works on an estate.

This, however, forms no drawback to the extensive cultivation of coffee, since the capital requisite to establish a plantation is comparatively small. Many parts of the country are remarkably favourable for the growth of this plant, and the ordinary produce of good land considerably exceeds that of the Havanna. Coffee, however, has never been exported from New Spain, nor has its use been very general in the interior of the country until of late years. In the years 1818 and 1819, large plantations were laid out near Cordova and Orihuela, to which constant additions have since been made. The cultivation of coffee possesses at present many advantages over that of sugar; and as the Mexican planters have turned their attention to the subject, there can be little doubt that the European market will ere long draw largely from New Spain additional supplies of this article. The quality of the coffee raised in Mexico is in general excellent; in the opinion of the best judges, it is equal to that of any in the world. Tobacco is a government monopoly, and the growth of the plant is confined to a small district in the vicinity of Orizaba and Cordova; it is therefore not likely to become an article of exportation, and is only interesting to European commerce from the quantity of paper used in the cigar manufactories. The quality of the plant is likewise considered as inferior to that of the Havanna. Indigo is in some parts of Mexico a natural production of the soil; but from the preference which is given in Europe to the indigo of Guatemala, and the failure of the native cotton manufactures, its culture has been much neglected. A little is grown on the western coasts, in Yucatan and in Tabasco, and recently it has been introduced on a small scale into the valley of Cuautla. The use of this plant was general amongst the Aztecs previously to the conquest. Cotton was likewise found by the Spaniards amongst the indigenous productions of Mexico, and formed almost the only clothing used by the natives. Its cultivation has since been much neglected; the art of imparting to the cloth the brilliant colours of the Aztecs has been lost; and manufactures are gradually disappearing. Still, however, the raw material might constitute a valuable article of exportation if not of home consumption. The hot country is remarkably favourable to the growth of the plant; and it requires but little attention upon the part of the proprietor. The chief plantations are on the western coast, and in the vicinity of the river Nazas in Durango, whence the cotton-spinners of Zacatecas, Saltillo, and San Luis, are supplied with raw material for their tapalos or shawls, and other domestic manufactures. Cacao, from which chocolate is made, is, like indigo, supposed to have been an indigenous plant; but comparatively little attention is paid to its cultivation. The principal plantations are near Colima, on the western coast, in the isthmus of Tehuantepec, and in the state of Tabasco, where it forms an article of considerable importance. The number of trees under cultivation is not known, but the average annual produce is estimated at about fifteen thousand cargoes of sixty pounds each.

Several valuable drugs are produced in Mexico, as sarsaparilla, jalap, vanilla, snakeroot, and some others, which, however important to the healing art, are of too little consequence to the agriculture or the commerce of the country to deserve detailed notices. Cochineal is, however, a product hitherto exclusively Mexican, and deserves some attention. It was certainly cultivated long before America was known to Europeans. The cultivation of cochineal is at present limited to the intendency of Oaxaca. There are two species of cochineal, called *grana fina* and *grana silvestris*; one the wild, and the other, if we may be allowed the term, the mesticated kind. The wild is found in several parts of the world, but although pains have been taken to introduce the better kind in many countries, they have hitherto been unsuccessful. The wild cochineal is covered with a cottony down, which prevents the rings on its back from being visible; the fine is distinguished by its being covered with a mealy kind of white powder, which does not conceal the wrinkles on its back.

The great consumption of wax in the church ceremonies renders this an article of much importance. Some attention is paid to it in the peninsula of Yucatan, where there are colmenares containing six and seven hundred hives; but still a large quantity is imported principally through New Orleans. In addition to the productions already enumerated, Mexi-

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1 For an account of the cochineal insect, see the article Entomology, vol. ix. p. 207, 208. Statistics. co possesses Tabascan pepper, which grows wild throughout the state of Tabasco, and is collected in the months of July and August. Campeche logwood, mahogany equal to that of San Domingo or Cuba, and a thousand other varieties of timber of the most beautiful and variegated kinds, as also of fruit trees, shrubs and flowers, abound in this country; but the enumeration of these different productions would only be a dry nomenclature of botanical names.

"The total agricultural produce of Mexico," says Mr. Ward, "calculated by Humboldt upon the tithes, on a term of ten years, with an allowance of three millions of dollars for the cochineal, vanilla, sarsaparilla, jalap, and Tabascan pepper, which paid no tithes, and two millions more for the sugar and indigo, upon which the clergy only received a duty of four per cent, was found to amount to twenty-nine millions of dollars, and thus to exceed by four millions the annual average produce of the mines, from which the wealth of the country was supposed to be principally derived. Of the present amount it is impossible to form any correct estimate, from the state of disorganization into which both church and state have been thrown by the civil war. But the produce under less favourable circumstances cannot be objected to as a criterion of what may again be; and should the country continue in a state of tranquillity, I am inclined to think that before the year 1835, the agricultural wealth of New Spain will be fully equal to that of 1803."

The same able writer then states, as the results of his observation, "that Mexico possesses the means of maintaining in abundance a population infinitely superior to the present number of its inhabitants; that although from the peculiar structure of the country, the agricultural wealth of the table-land is not likely to be brought into the European market, it ensures the general prosperity of the interior, while the cotton, coffee, sugar, indigo, cacao, and other productions of the coasts, will form in the course of a few years a very considerable mass of exportable commodities; that these, in conjunction with cochineal and the precious metals, must render the external trade of New Spain highly interesting to Europe, while the amount of the population, and the absence of manufactures, give to the internal consumption of the country, an importance which none of the other new states of America possess. Mexico," he adds, "contains nearly one half of the seventeen millions of inhabitants that are said to compose the population of the former colonies of Spain; and this half possesses, perhaps, the largest share of the mineral and vegetable riches of the New World. It is not, therefore, a mere theory to suppose that the progress of such a country must exercise a considerable influence upon the manufacturing industry of the Old World." Ten years have elapsed since these observations were written; and although from the distracted state in which the country has ever since continued, the hopes therein expressed have not been realized, yet when the re-establishment of internal tranquillity shall permit native industry to develop the almost boundless resources of the country, there can be little doubt that the agriculture of Mexico will rapidly extend itself, and acquire all the importance which it is calculated to attain in so favoured a region.

Zoology.—The zoology of these interesting regions has only been partially explored, and the gleanings which have been made relate chiefly to ornithology. Of one hundred and thirteen species of land birds, hitherto ascertained to be natives of Mexico, sixty-eight appear to be peculiar to that country, eleven are also natives of South America, and thirty-four of North America. The water birds which have been examined possess no novelty, the whole being identified with the species distributed generally over North America. Amongst the wading birds are two very beautiful species of tiger bitterns, hitherto unknown to naturalists, and as yet not regularly described. The quadrupeds, insects, &c., are too little known to admit of any satisfactory account being given of them. The only quadrupeds yet brought to Europe, are a new lynx, the Canadian porcupine, two small monkeys, and a small tiger cat. Deer and antelopes of some unknown species are found on the table-land, whilst the bison in vast herds ranges throughout some parts of the Mexican territory.

Few countries are richer than Mexico in domestic animals of every kind. The horned cattle, sheep, pigs, goats, and horses, introduced by the Spaniards, have flourished in every part of her territory, and multiplied to such a degree that their numbers are now incalculable. In Texas, California, and the Indian country, vast herds run wild in the forests; and even in the interior the number both of horses and cattle kept upon many of the large haciendas is hardly known. The wool of the Mexican sheep is supposed to be of inferior quality; but Mr. Ward is inclined to attribute its defects more to neglect, and the great abundance of the cactus and other thorny shrubs in the plains where the great flocks of the interior are fed, than to any peculiarity in the climate. Wherever due attention is paid to preserve the fleece from injury the quality improves and the price rises. Mules are very abundant particularly in the mining districts.