JEFFERSON, THOMAS, one of the founders of American independence, and president of the United States, was born at Shadwell, in Albemarle county, Virginia, on the 2d of April 1743. His ancestors had at an early period emigrated to that province, and his father had been one of the commissioners for determining the boundary between Virginia and North Carolina. Having completed his education at William-and-Mary College, Williamsburg, he became a student of law under George Wythe, afterwards chancellor of the state of Virginia; and upon coming of age, he was admitted to the bar, appointed a justice of peace for the county in which he lived, and soon afterwards returned as one of its representatives in the provincial legislature.

The position of public affairs early led him to contem- plate questions far more comprehensive and important than any of those connected with the administration of his native state. As early as the year 1768 a spirit of opposition to the British government had manifested itself in the province, and continued gradually to increase, until, in 1769, it assumed the shape of a determination not to import articles from the mother country. This resolution Mr Jefferson not only signed, but used all his influence to promote.

In the beginning of 1773, a general system of resistance was first organized, by the formation of committees of correspondence in the different provinces. This plan, devised and matured by Jefferson, was eagerly adopted; and, when the measures of the British government in 1774 showed the increased necessity of opposing them a united and resolute opposition, its benefits became strikingly apparent.

The passing of the Boston port act, and the bills which immediately followed that measure, had, in the opinion of the colonists, filled up the measure of oppression and insult. The breach with the mother country daily became wider; and, as a crisis was evidently approaching, Jefferson's plan served not only to concentrate the general spirit of resistance, but also to give it a suitable direction. About this time he published a Summary View of the Rights of British America, which he intended as an exposition, to be laid before the sovereign, of the wrongs that country had suffered, and the sort of redress she was prepared to demand. For this publication, Lord Dunmore, the governor, threatened to prosecute him on a charge of high treason, and also dissolved the legislature, which by its resolutions had sanctioned similar doctrines. In the following year, when the legislature was again assembled to consider the conciliatory propositions which had been sent out by the British ministry, Jefferson was appointed a member of the committee to whom these were referred, and he drew up the reply which was presented by that body; a document of great importance in the history of the period to which it refers. But he had scarcely completed this task when he was called to perform a part on a wider field of action. The colonies resolved to unite and send delegates to a general congress, and Mr Jefferson took his seat as a member of that body, then assembled at Philadelphia, on the 21st of June 1775, and immediately became one of its most prominent members. In the following summer, when, from the tone of the debates in congress, and the general expression of public opinion, it appeared that the time had arrived for an entire and final separation from Great Britain, a committee was appointed to draw up a declaration to that effect. Of this committee Mr Jefferson was chairman, and, in conformity to the instructions of congress, he prepared the declaration of independence, which, after a few alterations, was adopted on the 4th of July 1776. This is by far the most memorable event in his life.

During the summer of this year, Mr Jefferson took an active part in the public business; but being obliged in the autumn to return to Virginia, he was, in his absence, appointed, in conjunction with Dr Franklin and Mr Deane, a commissioner to the court of France, for the purpose of arranging with the government of that country treaties of alliance and commerce. Owing to ill health, and other causes, however, he declined the appointment, and shortly afterwards resigned his seat in congress; but being elected to the first legislature assembled under the new constitution of Virginia, he applied himself to introduce various changes and amendments into the laws and institutions of that state, particularly enactments for preventing the importation of slaves, destroying entails, abolishing the right of primogeniture, overthrowing the church establishment, and remodelling the whole of the statutory law. In June 1779 he was elected governor of Virginia, and re-elected the following year. This was a season of imminent peril. The state, invaded on the north and the south, was ravaged by the troops of Tarleton and Arnold, and he himself was the object of especial pursuit. But amidst all the difficulties with which he was surrounded, Jefferson conducted the affairs of the state with so much prudence and energy, that, after the expiry of his term of service, the legislature passed an unanimous resolution, expressive at once of their gratitude, and of the high sense they entertained of his prudence, ability, and integrity. In June 1783, Mr Jefferson was again sent to congress as the delegate of Virginia, and as a leading member of that body, was intrusted with the preparation of the address made by congress to General Washington, when he resigned his commission and withdrew from public life. In May 1784, congress having decided that, in addition to Mr Adams and Dr Franklin, another minister plenipotentiary should be appointed, for the purpose of negotiating treaties of commerce with the French government, Mr Jefferson was immediately elected to this office, and in the month of July sailed for France, where he arrived on the 6th of August. He remained in Europe until the 23rd of November 1789, and, during his stay, visited Holland, the N. of Italy, and the principal seaports on the southern and western coasts of France. He also crossed over to England, and, in concert with Mr Adams, endeavoured to negotiate a commercial treaty with the British government; but their efforts were unavailing, and, after a fruitless visit of seven weeks, he returned to Paris. During Mr Jefferson's residence in France, he was not only engaged in various diplomatic negotiations of importance to his own country, but was received with marked kindness by men of letters, science, and political distinction. He was likewise an eye-witness of the extraordinary occurrences in public affairs which took place in rapid succession towards the close of his sojourn in the French capital; he had become acquainted with many of the leading men of the National Assembly, who were disposed to seek his advice, and place confidence in his opinions; and, as the representative of a free nation, he was an object of interest and attention to the principal actors in the new scenes which had opened upon France.

But his stay was not protracted till that fatal period which was darkened by the sanguinary excesses of popular frenzy; and the interest which he took in the French Revolution was consequently warmed by the hope that a great people were about to shake off their fetters, and, by a peaceful but decisive effort, to establish rational liberty upon the solid foundation of improved institutions. In November 1789 he returned on leave of absence to the United States, and there accepted the office of secretary of state offered him by General Washington, instead of resuming his post as minister at the court of France. Whilst in the department of the state, Mr Jefferson laid down those general maxims relative to foreign intercourse, which have ever since been regarded with approbation by the American people, and developed those principles which, in his estimation, ought to govern the conduct of a neutral nation. He understood the true interests of his country; he felt that she required time to consolidate her new institutions, and to strengthen the foundations of the freedom she had conquered; and he laboured assiduously to impress his convictions on the minds of his countrymen. In December 1793, Mr Jefferson resigned his office, and having retired to private life, devoted himself to the education of his family, the cultivation of his estate, and the pursuit of those studies which he had long abandoned, but now resumed with fresh ardour. But he was not long permitted to enjoy the tranquillity of retirement. In September 1796, General Washington made known to the people his wish not again to be a candidate for the presidency; and the two parties which had gradually grown up in the republic found it impossible to unite, as in the case of Washington, in the choice of one individual to whom the administration of public affairs might by com- mon consent be committed. Mr Adams was selected by the federalists, and Mr Jefferson by the democratic party, as their respective candidates; and upon counting the votes, the former, in whose favour there appeared the higher number, was declared president, and the latter vice-president. At the next election, however, when again put forward as the popular candidate, he proved successful in his opposition to Mr Adams; and, although an accidental equality of votes between him and the person simultaneously chosen as vice-president raised a question which had not been provided for by the constitution, and thus gave his opponents an opportunity of contesting the validity of his election, yet, after a severe struggle, he was declared duly elected, and, on the 4th of March 1801, entered upon his first presidential term. The administration of Mr Jefferson embraced a long and interesting period in the history of the United States, and was distinguished by important measures, which contributed, in no inconsiderable degree, to promote the prosperity and increase the happiness of the free nation at the head of which he was placed. Under it various aggressions were promptly classified; the attempt made by the agents of the Spanish government to obstruct the free navigation of the Mississippi was repelled; and the vast territory of Louisiana, affording an independent outlet for the western states, was purchased, and placed under the republican institutions of America. During the same period the internal policy of the United States underwent important changes. Measures were adopted for liquidating the public debt; the judicial system was improved; a rigid economy controlled and regulated the public expenditure; all useless offices were abolished; and the president himself set the example of voluntarily relinquishing unnecessary power and patronage. The public approbation formed the best reward of these sacrifices; and hence, when Mr Jefferson's term of service had expired, he was again elected by a majority which had increased from eight votes to one hundred and forty-eight. In his inaugural address, delivered on the 4th of March 1805, he declared his firm determination to continue to act upon those principles on which he believed it to be his duty to administer the affairs of the commonwealth, and which had already been sanctioned by the unequivocal approbation of the country. But he had scarcely entered upon office when an event occurred which seemed calculated to disturb the domestic tranquillity of the United States, if not to endanger the stability of the union itself. This was the conspiracy of Colonel Burr, a man of an ardent and ambitious character, who, disappointed formerly in attaining the first office of the government when it seemed within his grasp, and afterwards superseded in the second by the election of Mr Clinton, now sought, by desperate means, either to establish a new republic in the Spanish provinces of the west, or to break up the federal union in his own country. But his scheme was discovered, and although, when apprehended and brought to trial on a charge of treason, he obtained a verdict of acquittal, yet enough came out in evidence to show the government the extent of its danger, and to indicate the measures necessary to prevent its recurrence. At this period, too, the foreign relations of the United States became greatly embarrassed in consequence of the war which raged in Europe. Nearly the whole of their revenue depended on commerce, and on this serious aggressions had been made by both the belligerent powers, France and Britain; whilst the right of search claimed by the latter was resented as at once contrary to the public law of nations, insulting to the American flag, and inconsistent with free navigation. In this view, the natural and obvious remedy was a declaration of war. But, as it was conceived that the interests and situation of America required the previous trial and failure of all other means of obtaining justice, an embargo was resorted to, and a measure for establishing one passed congress on the 22d of December 1807, in consequence of the recommendation of the president. After this embargo had existed a year, however, overtures were made by the British government, indicating a disposition to abate somewhat of its pretensions; and as these had been preceded by the recall of some of those orders in council to which the Americans most strongly objected, an accommodation was effected without difficulty, because, in fact, the non-intercourse system had proved more prejudicial to the commercial interests of the United States than to those of Great Britain.

Affairs were in this situation when, on the 3d of March 1809, Mr Jefferson's second term of office expired, and with it also terminated his political career. He had now attained the sixty-fifth year of his age, and had for forty years been, almost without interruption, engaged in the most arduous public duties. He had passed with honour and credit through the various stations to which the service of his country had called him, and he now resolved to quit the scene where he had so long acted a prominent part while still unoppressed by the infirmities of age, and to pass the evening of a busy life in the calmness of domestic retirement. From this time until his death, which took place on the 4th of July 1826, he resided chiefly at his favourite retreat, Monticello; sometimes occupying his time with publications of his private correspondence, and at others connecting himself with rising institutions formed to promote the advancement of science, literature, or taste. He was sought out in his retirement by strangers of all nations who visited America, and also by the natives of every part of his own country, who regarded him as "their guide, philosopher, and friend." His residence was the abode of dignified ease and unostentatious hospitality; in the calm enjoyments of Monticello he forgot both the toils and the dangers of his long political career; he took the deepest interest in everything which seemed calculated to advance the improvement or increase the happiness of his country. Amongst his labours of this kind the most prominent consisted in the exertions he made for the improvement of education in Virginia, by the establishment of an university at Charlottesville, a town at the foot of the mountain where he resided. This institution, commenced by his own private donations and those which he succeeded in obtaining from his friends, received the sanction of the legislature. His plans, having for their object to combine elegant learning with strictly useful knowledge, were approved of; he himself was appointed rector of the new university; and from this time forward he devoted himself to consolidate the establishment which he had founded. Indeed, all his thoughts and means were employed to insure its success.

Thus," says an American biographer, "glided on the evening of Mr Jefferson's patriotic and benevolent life; as age wore gradually away the energies of his body, his mind shone with intelligence undiminished; and his efforts and desires for the progress of human happiness and knowledge knew no change. Years, however, had crowded upon him; and when the increase of infirmities at length prevented him leaving his chamber, he remarked to the physician who sought to assist him by the aid of his art, that 'the machine had worn out, and could go on no longer.' During the spring of 1826 he had suffered from increasing debility, but it was not until the 26th of June that he was obliged to confine himself to his bed. The strength of his constitution and freedom from bodily pain for a short time encouraged the hope that this confinement would be only temporary; but his own conversation showed that he did not himself so regard it. 'Do not imagine,' he said to those around him, 'that I feel the smallest solicitude as to the result. I do not, indeed, wish to die; but I do not fear to die.' His temper retained all its usual cheerfulness and equanimity; his only anxiety seemed to be for the pros- Jefferson's perity of the university, and he expressed strongly his hopes that the state would not abandon it; he declared that if he could see that child of his old age fairly flourishing, he was ready to depart,—to say "nunc dimittis, domine," a favourite quotation with him. On the 2d of July he appeared free from disease, but his weakness was such that his physicians expressed a doubt whether his strength would prove sufficient to restore him. Conscious himself that he could not recover, and without any bodily or apparently mental pain, he calmly gave directions relative to his interment, which he requested might be at Monticello, without parade or pomp. He then called his family around him, and conversed separately with each of them. To his beloved daughter, Mrs Randolph, he presented a small morocco case, which he requested her not to open till after his death. When the sad limitation had expired it was found to contain an affectionate poetical tribute to the virtues of her from whom he was thus torn away. He desired, if any inscription were placed on his tomb, he should be described only as "the author of the declaration of independence, of the statutes of Virginia for religious freedom, and the father of the university." On Monday, the following day, he inquired of those around him with much solicitude what was the day of the month; they told him it was the 3d of July. He then eagerly expressed his desire that he might be permitted to live to another day, to breathe the air of the fiftieth anniversary of the declaration of independence. His wish was granted; the morning of the 4th of July 1826 found him still living; and after declaring himself gratified by the affectionate solicitude of his family and servants, and having distinctly articulated these words, "I resign myself to my God, and my child to my country," he gradually expired without a murmur or a groan.

At the time of his death Mr Jefferson had just entered the eighty-fourth year of his age. In person he was above six feet in height, and, though thin, erect and well formed. His complexion was fair, his forehead broad, and his face of a square form, with a thoughtful expression. His address was cordial, and his manner simple, cheerful, and unassuming, yet mingled with a certain degree of native dignity; in his disposition he was full of liberality and benevolence; in his temper he displayed the greatest equanimity, never being known to give way to passion, nor, even during the excitement of political contentions, to indulge in angry or vindictive feelings. His attachment to his personal friends was warm and steadfast; to them he communicated without reserve all that he thought or felt; in regard to them he exercised no diplomatic caution, nor entertained any ungenerous distrust; and he had his reward in that unflinching support which he received from them on every emergency. His application was constant and severe; and his habits were so exact, that in a cabinet abounding with papers, all were arranged in such a manner that any one might be instantly found. Considered intellectually, however, Mr Jefferson does not appear to us to occupy the distinguished rank which has been generally assigned to him by his countrymen, particularly by his eloquent eulogist Mr Webster. On the contrary, he seems to have been one of those men of plain, practical good sense, calm temperament, methodical habits, and persevering application, who make the most of their faculties, and are, upon the whole, much better fitted to excel in the conduct of business than to obtain distinction in pursuits of a higher order, or to stamp the impression of their genius upon the science, the literature, the philosophy, or the legislation of their time. Jefferson was perhaps at the head of the class to which he belonged, but that class was not a high one; and, in truth, he had always been more remarkable for the share which he took in the early formation of the American republic, than for any very predominant superiority of understanding. (American National Portrait Gallery, part xxiii.; Jefferson's Memoirs, vol. i.; Edinburgh Review, vol. xxxi., p. 139; North American Review, No. 86.)