IRELAND

IRELAND, one of the Britannic islands, situated between the 5th and 10th degrees of west longitude, and between the 51st and 56th of north latitude, extending in length about 300 miles, and about 150 in breadth.

The ancient history of this island is involved in so much obscurity, that it has been the object of contention among the antiquarians for upwards of a century and an half. The Irish historians pretend to very great antiquity. According to them, the island was first inhabited about 322 years after the flood. At that time Partholanus the son of Scara landed in Munster on the 14th of May with 1000 soldiers, and some women, from Greece. This voyage he had undertaken on account of his having killed his father and mother in his native country. The same historians inform us, that a great number of lakes broke out in Ireland during the reign of Partholanus, which had no existence when he came into the island, with many other particulars not worth mentioning; but the most surprising circumstance is, that about 300 years after the arrival of this Grecian colony, all of them perished by a plague, not a single person remaining to tell the fate of the rest; in which case, it is wonderful how the catastrophe should have been known.

After the extinction of this first colony, Ireland remained a perfect wilderness for 30 years; when ano-

ther colony arrived from the east, under the direction of one Nemedius. He set sail from the Euxine sea with 30 transports, each manned with 40 heroes; and at last arrived on the coasts of Ireland, after a very tedious and strange navigation. During his reign also many lakes were formed in the country, which had no existence before; the most material circumstance, however, was an unsuccessful war in which he was engaged with some African pirates, who in the end enslaved his people. The victors proved such insupportable tyrants, that the Irish found themselves under a necessity of quitting the island altogether. They embarked on board a fleet of 1130 ships, under the command of three grandsons of Nemedius, viz. Simon Breac, To Chath, and Briatan Maol. The first returned to Greece, the second failed to the northern parts of Europe, and the third landed in the north of Scotland, and from him the island of Britain is said to have taken its name, and the Welsh their origin.

About 216 years after the death of Nemedius, the descendants of Simon Breac returned from Greece into Ireland. They were conducted by five princes of great reputation, who divided the island into five kingdoms, nearly equal in size. These kingdoms were called Munster, Leinster, Connaught, Meath, and Ulster; and the subjects of these kings are called by the Irish historians, Firbolgs.

The Firbolgs were in process of time expelled or totally subdued, after the loss of 100,000 men in one battle, by the Tuath de Dannans, a nation of necromancers who came from Attica, Bœotia, and Achaea, into Denmark; from Denmark to Scotland; and from Scotland to Ireland. These necromancers were so completely skilled in their art, that they could even restore the dead to life, and bring again into the field those warriors who had been slain the day before. They had also some curiosities which possessed a wonderful virtue. These were a sword, a spear, a cauldron, and a marble chair; on which last were crowned first the kings of Ireland, and afterwards those of Scotland. But neither the powerful virtues of these Danish curiosities, nor the more powerful spells of the magic art, were able to preserve the Tuath de Dannans from being subdued by the Gadelians when they invaded Ireland.

The Gadelians were descended from one Gathelus, from whom they derived their name. He was a man of great consequence in Egypt, and intimately acquainted with Moses the Jewish legislator. His mother was Scota, the daughter of Pharaoh, by Nial the son of a Seythian monarch contemporary with Nimrod. The Gadelians, called also Scots, from Scota above-mentioned, conquered Ireland about 1300 B. C. under Heber and Heremon, two sons of Milesius king of Spain, from whom were descended all the kings of Ireland down to the English conquest, and who are therefore styled by the Irish historians, princes of the Milesian race.

From this period the Irish historians trace a gradual refinement of their countrymen from a state of the grossest barbarity, until a monarch, named Ollam Fodla, established a regular form of government, erected a grand seminary of learning, and instituted the Fes, or triennial convention of provincial kings, priests, and poets, at Feamor or Tarah in Meath, for the establishment

ment of laws and regulation of government. But whatever were the institutions of this monarch, it is acknowledged that they proved insufficient to withstand the wildness and disorder of the times. To Kimbath, one of his successors, the annalists give the honour of reviving them, besides that of regulating Ulster, his family-province, and adorning it with a stately palace at Eamann near Armagh. His immediate successor, called Hugony, is still more celebrated for advancing the work of reformation. It seems, that, from the earliest origin of the Irish nation, the island had been divided into the five provincial kingdoms above-mentioned, and four of these had been subject to the fifth, who was nominal monarch of the whole island. These four, however, proved such obstinate disturbers of the peace, that Hugony, to break their power, parcelled out the country into 25 dynasties, binding them by oath to accept no other monarch but one of his own family. This precaution proved ineffectual. Hugony himself died a violent death, and all his successors for a series of ages were assassinated, scarcely with one exception.

About 100 B. C. the pentarchal government was restored, and is said to have been succeeded by a considerable revolution in politics. The Irish bards had for many ages dispensed the laws, and the whole nation submitted to their decisions; but as their laws were exceedingly obscure, and could be interpreted only by themselves, they took occasion from thence to oppress the people, until at last they were in danger of being totally exterminated by a general insurrection. In this emergency they fled to Convocar-Mac-Nessa, the reigning monarch, who promised them his protection in case they reformed; but at the same time, in order to quiet the just complaints of his people, he employed the most eminent among them to compile an intelligible, equitable, and distinct, body of laws, which were received with the greatest joy, and dignified with the name of celestial decisions. These decisions seem to have produced but very little reformation among the people in general. We are now presented with a new series of barbarities, murders, factions, and anarchy; and in this disordered situation of affairs it was, according to the Irish historians, that the chieftain mentioned by Tacitus addressed himself to Agricola, and encouraged him to make a descent on Ireland. This scheme happened not to suit the views of the Roman general at that time, and therefore was not adopted; and so confident are these historians of the strength of their country even in its then distracted state, that they treat the notion of its being subdued by a Roman legion and some auxiliaries (the force proposed to Agricola), as utterly extravagant; acquainting us at the same time, that the Irish were so far from dreading a Roman invasion, that they failed to the assistance of the Piets, and having made a successful incursion into South Britain, returned home with a considerable booty.

In the same state of barbarity and confusion the kingdom of Ireland continued till the introduction of Christianity by St Patrick, about the middle of the fifth century. This missionary, according to the adversaries of the Irish antiquity, first introduced letters into Ireland, and thus laid the foundations of a future civilization. On the other hand, the advocates for that

antiquity maintain, that the Irish had the knowledge of letters, and had made considerable progress in the arts, before the time of St Patrick; tho' they allow, that he introduced the Roman character, in which his copies of the Scripture and liturgies were written. To enter into this dispute would be contrary to our plan. It is sufficient to observe, that, excepting by some of the Irish themselves, the history already given is generally reckoned entirely fabulous, and thought to have been invented after the introduction of Christianity. An origin of the Irish nation hath been found out much nearer than Asia, Greece, or Egypt; namely, the island of Britain, from whence it is now thought that Ireland was first peopled. A dispute hath arisen concerning the place from whence the first emigrants from Britain set sail for Ireland. The honour of being the mother-country of the Irish hath been disputed between the North and South Britons. Mr Macpherson has argued strenuously for the former, and Mr Whitaker for the latter. For an account of their dispute, however, we must refer to the works of these gentlemen. Mr Whitaker claims the victory, and challenges to himself the honour of being the first who clearly and truly demonstrated the origin of the Irish.

The name of Ireland, according to Mr Whitaker, is obviously derived from the word Iar, or Eir, which in the Celtic language signifies "west." This word was sometimes pronounced Iver, and Hiver; whence the names of Iris, Ierna, Iuverna, Iverna, Hibernia, and Ireland; by all of which it hath at some time or other been known.

About 350 B. C. according to the same author, the Belgæ crossed the channel, invaded Britain, and seized the whole extended line of the southern coast, from Kent to Devonshire. Numbers of the former inhabitants, who had gradually retired before the enemy, were obliged at last to take shipping on the western coast of England, and passed over into the uninhabited isle of Ireland. These were afterwards joined by another body of Britons driven out by the Belgæ under Divitiacus, about 100 B. C. For two centuries and a half afterwards, these colonies were continually reinforced with fresh swarms from Britain; as the populousness of this island, and the vicinity of that invited them to settle in the one, or the bloody and successive wars in Britain during this period naturally induced them to relinquish the other: and the whole circuit of Ireland appears to have been completely peopled about 150 years after Christ; and as the inhabitants had all fled equally from the dominion of the Belgæ, or for some other cause left their native country, they were distinguished among the Britons by one general and very apposite name, viz. that of Scuites, or Scots, "the wanderers, or refugees."

Mr Whitaker also informs us, "that in the times of the Romans Ireland was inhabited by 18 tribes; by one upon the northern and three on the southern shore, seven upon the western, six on the eastern, and one in the centre."

"Along the eastern coast, and the Vergivian or internal ocean, were ranged the Damnii, the Voluntii, and the Eblani, the Caucii, the Menapii, and the Coriondii. The first inhabited a part of the two counties of Antrim and Down, extending from Fair-head, the most north-easterly extremity of the island, to Isamnum

Ireland. Promontorium, or the point of Ardglais haven in the county of Down; and having the Logia or Lagan, which falls into Carrickfergus Bay, within their possessions, and Dunum or Down-patrick for their capital. The Voluntii possessed the coast from the point of that haven to the river Buvinda or Boyne, the remainder of Down, the breadth of Ardagh, and all Louth; having the Vinderus or Carlingford river in their dominions, and the town of Laberus near the river Deva (Atherdee in the county of Louth) for their metropolis. And the Eblani reached from the Boyne to the Læbius, Læv-ui, or Liffy; residing in East-Meath, and in the large portion of Dublin county which is to the north of this river; and acknowledging Mediolanum, Eblana, or Dublin, for their principal town. The Caucii spread from the Liffy to the Letrim, the Oboca of the ancients; had the rest of Dublin county, and such parts of Wicklow as lie to the north of the latter; and owned Dunum or Rath-Downe for their chief city. The Menapii occupied the coast betwixt the Letrim and Cancarne-point, all the rest of Wicklow, and all Wexford to the point; their chief town, Menapia, being placed upon and to the east of Modona, Slanus, or Slane. And the Coriondii inhabited at the back of the Caucii and Menapii, to the west of the Slane and Liffy, and in all Kildare and all Catherlogh; being limited by the Boyne and Barrow on the west, the Eblani on the north, and the Brigantes on the south.

"Upon the southern shore and along the verge of the Cantabrian ocean, lay the Brigantes, the Vodiæ, and the Ibernii. The first owned the rest of Wexford and all Waterford: extending to the Blackwater, Aven-More, or Dabrona, on the south-west; having the great mouth of the Barrow with their territories, and Brigantia, Waterford, or some town near it, for their first city; and giving name of Brigas to the Suir or Swire, their liminary stream on the north, and the appellation of Bergie to their own part of the county of Wexford. The Vodiæ possessed the shore of Corke from the Blackwater to the Ban, the river of Kinale, and the Dobona or Dubana of the ancients; and affixed the name of Vodium Promontorium to the point of Ballycotton island. And the Ibernii inhabited the remainder of Corke, and all that part of Kerry which lies to the south-east of Dingle-found; having Rufina or Ibane for their capital, the Promontorium Austrinum or Misfen-Head about the middle of their dominions, and the river Ibernus or Dingle-found for their northern barrier; and leaving their names to the three divisions of Ibane, Beare, and Iveragh.

"Upon the western shore of the island and along the Great Britannic or Atlantic ocean, were the Lucanii or Lucenii, the Velaborii, and the Cangani, the Auterii, the Nagnatæ, the Hardinii, and Venienii. The Lucenii inhabited the peninsula of land that lies along the river Ibernus or Dingle-found, and perhaps some adjoining parts of Kerry. The Velaborii ranged along the small remainder of the latter, and over the whole of Limerick to the Senus or Shannon; having the Durus or Casheen flowing through their dominions, and Regia, Limeric, or some town near it, for their metropolis. And the latter was probably that city near Limerick, the site of which is still famous, and retains the appellation of Cathair, or the fortress; and where the remains of streets, and other marks of a town, may yet be traced. The Cangani lived in the county of Clare: Macolicum near the Shannon, perhaps Feakle or Melic, being their principal town; a headland in the Bay of Galway, near Glaniny, being denominated Benifannum Promontorium; and the adjoining isles of Arran, called Insulae Cangane. The Auterii were settled in the county of Galway; winding along the deep recess of the Sinus Auloba or Bay of Galway; stretching towards the north as far as the Libnius, or the river that bounds the shire in that part; and possessing the small portion of Mayo, which lies to the south of it. And these were subject to Auterium, anciently Aterith, and now Athenree; and have left their name to the division of Athenree. The Nagnatæ occupied the rest of the large county of Mayo, all Sligo and all Roscommon, all Letrim as far as Loch Allin on the south-east, and all Fermanagh to Ballyhannon and Loch Erne; being bounded by the Rhebius or river of Ballyhannon, and the Lake Rhebius or Loch Erne; having a deep bay, called Magnus Sinus, that curves along Mayo, Sligo, and Letrim counties; and acknowledging Nagnat, Neemaht, or Alneemaht, the town of the Nagnatæ, for their capital. And the Hardinii and Venienii were confederated together under the title of the Venienian Nations, extended from Ballyhannon to the North-Cape, and possessed all Donegalle, except the two whole divisions of Raphoe and Enis-Owen, and the eastern part of Killmacrenen. The Venienii lay along the immediate margin of the shore, giving name to the Promontorium Venienium or Cape Horn, and to the Insula Venienia or North-Arran Island. And their metropolis Rheba was seated upon the lake Rhebius, and in the country of the Hardinii on the south-east.

"Upon the northern shore and along the margin of the Deucealedonian ocean, were only the Robogdii; inhabiting the rest of Donegalle, all Derry, and all Antrim to the Fair-Head, and the Damni; and giving their own name to the former and the division of Raphoe. And they had the rivers Vidua or Ship-harbour, Argita or Loch Swilly, Darabouna or Loch Foile, and Banna or Ban, in their territories; and acknowledged Robogdium, Robogh, or Raphoe, for their chief city.

"The central regions of the island, all Tyrone, the remainder of Fermanagh and Letrim, all Monaghan, and the rest of Ardagh; all Cavan, all Longford, and all West-Meath; all the King's and Queen's county, all Kilkenny, and all Tipperary; were planted by the Scoti. The Shannon, Loch Allin, and Loch Erne, were their great boundaries on the west; the Barrow, Boyne, and Loch Neagh, on the east; the Swire and Blackwater on the south; and a chain of mountains on the north. And the two greatest of their towns were Rheba, a city seated, like the Rheba of the Venienians, upon the lake and river Rhebius, but on a different part of them, and somewhere in the north of Cavan; and Ibernia, a town placed a little to the east of the Shannon, and somewhere in the county of Tipperary."

But whether we are to receive as truth the accounts given by Mr Whitaker, those of the Irish annalists, or any other, it is certain, that, till little more than a century ago, Ireland was a scene of confusion and slaughter.

Ireland. slaughter. The Irish historians acknowledge this, as we have already seen. Very few of their monarchs escaped a violent death. The histories of their kings indeed amount to no more than this, viz. that they began to reign in such a year, reigned a certain number of years, and were slain in battle by the valiant prince who succeeded to the throne. The introduction of Christianity seems to have mended the matter very little, or rather not at all. The same wars between the chiefs continued; and the same murders and treacheries took place among the inhabitants, till they were invaded by the Danes or Normans, about the end of the eighth century. At this time, we are told,

that the monarchical power was weak, by reason of the factious and assuring disposition of the inferior dynasties; but that the evils of the political constitution had considerably subsided by the respect paid to religion and learning. The first invasions of the Danes were made in small parties for the sake of plunder, and were repelled by the chieftain whose dominions were invaded. Other parties appeared in different parts of the island, and terrified the inhabitants by the havoc they committed. These were in like manner put to flight, but never failed to return in a short time; and in this manner was Ireland harassed for the space of 20 years, before the inhabitants thought of putting an end to their intestine contests, and uniting against the common enemy. The northern pirates, either by force or treaty, gradually obtained some small settlements on the island; till at length Turgesus, or Turgesius, a warlike Norwegian, landed with a powerful armament in the year 815. He divided his fleet and army, in order to strike terror in different quarters. His followers plundered, burned, and massacred, without mercy, and persecuted the clergy in a dreadful manner on account of their religion. The Danes already settled in Ireland, flocked to the standard of Turgesus, who thus was enabled to seat himself in Armagh, from which he expelled the clergy, and seized their lands. The Irish, in the mean time, were infatuated by their private quarrels; till at last, after some ill-conducted and unsuccessful efforts, they sunk into a state of abject submission, and Turgesius was proclaimed monarch of the whole island, in 845.

The new king proved such a tyrant, that he soon became intolerable. A conspiracy was formed against him; and he was seized by Melachline prince of Meath, in a time of apparent peace. An universal insurrection ensued; the Danes were massacred or dispersed; their leader condemned to death for his cruelties, and drowned in a lake. The foreigners, however, were not exterminated, but the remains of them were allowed to continue on the island as subjects or tributaries to some particular chieftains. A new colony soon arrived, but under pretence of peaceable intentions, and a design of enriching the country by commerce. The Irish, through an infatuated policy, suffered them to become masters of Dublin, Limerick, Waterford, and other maritime places, which they enlarged and fortified with such works as had till then been unknown in Ireland. The Danes did not fail to make use of every opportunity of enlarging their territories, and new wars quickly ensued. The Irish were sometimes victorious, and sometimes not; but were never able to drive out their enemies, so that they continued

to be a very distinguished and powerful sept, or tribe, in Ireland. The wars with the Danes were no sooner at an end, than the natives, as usual, turned their arms against each other. The country was harassed by the competitions of the chiefs; laws and religion lost their influence, and the most horrid licentiousness and immorality prevailed. Thus the whole island seemed ready to become a prey to the first invader, when an attempt was made upon it by Magnus king of Norway. This attempt miscarried, through his own rashness; for, having landed without opposition, he advanced into the country without the least apprehension. The consequence of this was, that he was surrounded and cut in pieces with all his followers. His death, however, proved of little benefit to Ireland; the same disorders which had gradually reduced the kingdom to a state of extreme weakness, still continued to operate, and to facilitate the success of the English invasion, which happened in the reign of Henry II.

The first motives which induced this monarch to Henry II. of England meditates an invasion of Ireland. It was supposed that he had been provoked by some assistance which the Irish princes had given to the French; but, whatever might be in this, it is certain that the design was conceived soon after he ascended the throne; and his flatterers soon furnished him with sufficient reasons for considering the Irish as his subjects. It was affirmed, that they had originally possessed themselves of their country by permission of Gurgantius a British king; and that, as descendants of the Britons, they were the natural and rightful subjects of the English monarch. It was also suggested, that the renowned king Arthur, Egfred the Northumbrian prince, and Edgar one of the Saxon kings of England, had all led their armies into Ireland, and there made valuable acquisitions, which their successor was in honour bound to recover and maintain. All these suggestions, however, or whatever else had occurred to himself, seemed yet insufficient to Henry; and therefore he took the most effectual method to ensure his reputation, namely, by an application to the pope. To him he represented, that the inhabitants of Ireland were sunk into the most wretched state of corruption, both with regard to morals and religion; that Henry, zealous for the honour and enlargement of God's kingdom, had conceived the pious design of erecting it in this unhappy country; was ready to devote himself and all his powers to this meritorious service; implored the benediction of the pontiff; and requested his permission and authority to enter Ireland, to reduce the disobedient and corrupt, to eradicate all sin and wickedness, to instruct the ignorant, and spread the blessed influence of the gospel in all its purity and perfection; promising at the same time to pay a yearly tribute to St Peter from the land thus to be reduced to his obedience, and to the holy see. Adrian, the reigning pope, rejoiced at this application which tended so much to the advancement of his own power. A bull was therefore immediately formed, conformable to the most sanguine wishes of Henry, which was sent to England without delay, together with a ring, the token of his investiture as rightful sovereign of Ireland. But whatever inclination the king of England or the pope might at this time (A. D. 1156) have for

for the subjection of Ireland, the situation of the English affairs obliged him to defer it for some time.

The state of Ireland, as we have already observed, was at this time extremely favourable for an invasion. The monarch enjoyed little more than a titular dignity, being harassed by a faction, and opposed by powerful rivals. A number of chieftains who assumed the title and rights of royalty, paid a precarious tribute to their superior, and united, if they were disposed to unite, with him, rather as his allies than his subjects. In Ulster, the family of the northern Hi Nial, as it was called, exercised an hereditary jurisdiction over the counties now called Tirone, Derry, and Donnegal. They also claimed a right of supremacy over the lords of Fermanagh, Antrim, and Argyll, which included the counties of Armagh, Monaghan, Louth, and some adjacent districts: while Dunlevy, prince of Uladh (now Down), disputed the superiority of this family, and affected an independent state. In Munster, reigned the descendants of Brien, a famous sovereign of former times, impatient to recover the honours of their family; but at last, being confined by powerful rivals to the territory of North Munster, they were obliged to leave the family of Mac Arthy sovereigns of Desmond, the southern division. In Connaught, the princes known by the name of O'Connor, were acknowledged sovereigns of the eastern territory. Tiernan O'Ruare, an active and restless military chief, had the supremacy in Breffney, containing the modern county of Leitrim, and some adjacent districts. Meath, or the southern Hi-Nial, was subject to the family of Clan-Colman, Murchard O'Malachlyn, and his successors. Leinster, divided into several principalities, was subject to Dermod, a fierce, haughty, and oppressive tyrant. His father had governed with great cruelty. Seventeen of his vassal lords had been either put to death, or had their eyes put out, by his order in one year; and Dermod seemed to inherit too great a portion of the same temper. His stature and bodily strength made him admired by the inferior orders of his subjects, and these he was careful to protect and favour. His donations and endowments of religious houses recommended him to the clergy; but his tributary chieftains felt the weight of his pride and tyranny, and to them his government was extremely odious.

The chief competitors for the rank of monarch of Ireland, in the mean time, were, the heirs of the two houses of O'Connor, and the northern Hi-Nial. Torlogh O'Connor was in possession; but he was not generally recognized, and was opposed by his rival O'Lochlan: notwithstanding which, he maintained his dignity with magnificence and vigour, till a decisive victory gained by him over O'Brien raised O'Lochlan's jealousy so much, that he obliged him, in a convention of the states, to allow him the sovereignty of the northern division. In consequence of this partition, it was resolved to transfer the territory of O'Ruare to a person more inclined to the interests of the two sovereigns. An expedition was accordingly undertaken; O'Ruare was surprised, defeated, and driven from his dominions. Dermod, who had conceived an unlawful passion for Dervorghal, the wife of O'Ruare, took the opportunity of her husband's distresses, to carry her off in triumph. O'Ruare conceived the most implacable re-

sentment against Dermod; and therefore applying himself to Torlogh, promised an inviolable attachment to his interest; and prevailed on him not only to reinstate him in his possessions, but to revenge the insult offered by Dermod, and to restore his wife. By means of such a powerful ally, O'Ruare found frequent opportunities of harassing his antagonist till the death of Torlogh, which happened in 1156, upon which O'Lochlan succeeded to the sovereignty. Dermod was the first to acknowledge the authority of this new sovereign, by whose means he hoped to be able to revenge himself on O'Ruare. He soon found, however, that he had acted too precipitately. His patron, having treacherously seized and put out the eyes of Dunlevy prince of Down, the neighbouring chieftains took arms, in order to secure themselves from his barbarity. O'Lochlan was defeated and killed; upon which the monarchy devolved on Roderic the son of the late Torlogh O'Connor.

The new prince had acquired the reputation of valour, and was determined to establish this reputation by some remarkable exploit in the beginning of his reign. Having therefore engaged in his service the Ostmen, or descendants of the Danes, he marched against Dermod as the chief partizan of his fallen rival. The king of Leinster was seized with the utmost consternation; and in despair set fire to his own town of Ferns, lest the enemy should have the satisfaction of spoiling it. Roderic still advanced, attended by O'Ruare, Dermod's implacable enemy, and soon over-ran the whole province. All the inferior lords at once acknowledged Roderic's authority. Dermod was deposed, as a man utterly unworthy of his station; another of his family was raised to the throne; and the unfortunate prince, finding it impossible to stay with safety in Ireland, embarked with 60 of his followers for England, and soon arrived at the port of Bristol, with a design to solicit assistance from king Henry.

In England, Dermod's character was unknown, and he was regarded as an injured prince driven from his throne by an iniquitous confederacy. The clergy received him as the benefactor of their order, and entertained him in the monastery of Augustines with great hospitality. Having learned that Henry was then in Aquitaine, he immediately went thither, and in a very abject manner implored his assistance, promising to acknowledge him as his liege lord, and to hold his dominions, which he was thus confident of regaining, in vassalage to Henry and his heirs.

Though nothing could be more flattering to the ambition of the king of England than this servile address, yet the situation of his own affairs rendered it impossible for him at that time to reap from it any of the advantages with which it flattered him. He therefore dismissed the Irish prince with large presents, and a letter of credence addressed to all his subjects; notifying his grace and protection granted to the king of Leinster; and declaring, that whosoever within his dominions should be disposed to aid the unfortunate prince in the recovery of his kingdom, might be assured of his free licence and royal favour.

Dermod returned to England highly pleased with the reception he had met with; but notwithstanding the king's letter, none of the English seemed to be disposed to try their fortunes in Ireland. A month

clapsed without any prospect of succours, so that Dermod began to despair. At last, however, he persuaded, with great promises, Richard Earl of Chepstow, or, as it was formerly called, Strigul; a nobleman of considerable influence in Wales, but of broken fortune, to assist him with a considerable force to be transported next spring into Ireland. Overjoyed at this first instance of success, he advanced into South Wales, where, by the influence of the bishop of St David's, he procured many other friends. Robert Fitz-Stephen, a brave and experienced officer, covenanted with him to engage in his service with all his followers, and Maurice Fitz-Gerald his maternal brother; while Dermod, on his part, promised to cede to the two principal leaders, Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-Gerald, the entire dominion of the town of Wexford, with a large adjoining territory, as soon as, by their assistance, he should be reinstated in his rights.

The Irish prince having now accomplished his purpose, set sail for Ireland in the winter of 1169, and recovered a small part of his dominions even before the arrival of his new allies; but being attacked with a superior force by his old enemies Roderic and O'Ruarc, he found himself obliged to feign submission till the English allies came to his assistance. The expected succours arrived in the month of May 1170, in a creek called the Bann, near the city of Wexford. Robert Fitz-Stephen commanded 30 knights, 60 men in armour, and 300 archers. With these came Harvey of Mountmorres, nephew to earl Richard. He had no military force along with him; but came solely with a view of discovering the nature of the country, and reporting it to his uncle. Maurice of Pendergast commanded 10 knights and 200 archers; and thus the English force which was to contend with the whole strength of Ireland, amounted to no more than 600 men.

Trifling as this assistance may seem, it nevertheless changed the face of affairs almost instantaneously. Numbers of Dermod's subjects, who had abandoned him in his distress, now flocked to his standard. Wexford was immediately attacked, and surrendered in a few days; Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-Gerald were jointly invested with the lordship of this city and its domain; and Harvey of Mountmorres was declared lord of two considerable districts on the coast. After three or four weeks spent in feasting and rejoicing, a new expedition was undertaken against the prince of Ossory, (a district of Leinster), who had not only revolted from Dermod, but put out the eyes of one of his sons, and that with such cruelty, that the unhappy youth expired under the operation. The allied army was now increased to 3000 men, who were opposed by the prince of Ossory at the head of 5000, strongly entrenched among woods and morasses. By the superior conduct of the English troops, however, the Irish were decoyed from their advantageous situation, and thus were entirely defeated. The English were for keeping the field till they had totally reduced their enemies: but Dermod, accustomed only to ravage and plunder, contented himself with destroying the country; and a sudden reverse of fortune seemed ready to take place. The prince of Ossory, though defeated, still appeared in arms, and only waited for an opportunity of again opposing the enemy in the field.

Maurice Pendergast also joined him with his whole troop, being provoked by Dermod, who had refused him leave to return to Wales. This defection, however, was in part supplied by the arrival of Fitz-Gerald with 10 knights, 30 horsemen, and 100 archers. Pendergast in a short time repented of his new alliance, and retired into Wales; so that the prince was obliged to make his submission to Dermod, which the latter with some reluctance accepted.

In the mean time, Roderick having settled all his other affairs, advanced against the allies with a powerful army. Dermod was thrown into despair; but, encouraged by Fitz-Stephen, he encamped in a very strong situation, where he was soon besieged by Roderic. The latter, however, dreading the valour of the English, condescended to treat, first with them, and then with Dermod, in order to detach them from the interests of each other: but as this proceeded evidently from fear, his offers were rejected by both parties; upon which he began to prepare for battle: but at the very time when the engagement should have commenced, either through the suggestions of his clergy, or of his own fears, Roderic entered into a new negotiation; which at last terminated in a peace. The terms were, that Dermod should acknowledge the supremacy of Roderic, and pay him such service as the monarchs of Ireland had usually received from inferior princes; and as a security for his faithful performance of this article, he delivered up his favourite son as an hostage to Roderic: but in order to establish this accommodation on the firmest basis, the latter obliged himself to give his daughter in marriage to the young prince as soon as Leinster should be reduced, and the peace of the island effectually restored. By a secret article, Dermod engaged to dismiss the British forces immediately after the settlement of his own province, and in the mean time not to bring over any further reinforcements from England.

Thus ended the first British expedition into Ireland; the consequences of which were so little dreaded at that time by the natives, that their historians, though they dwell upon the provincial wars and contests in other parts of the island, speak of the settlement of the Welshmen in Leinster with a careless indifference. But though the settlement of this colony seemed very little alarming to the generality, it could not escape the observation of discerning persons, that a man of Dermod's character would not long keep his treaties; and that on the first emergency he would have recourse to his former allies, who thus would establish themselves more and more, till at last they would reduce the country entirely under their subjection. These reflections, if any such were then made, were in a short time verified. Dermod was scarce settled in his own dominions, when he began to aspire at the sovereignty, and form schemes for dethroning Roderic. He applied to Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-Gerald; by whom he was again directed to apply to Richard Earl of Chepstow, more commonly known by the name of Strongbow, on account of his feats of archery. Richard was very much inclined to accept of his invitation; but thought it incumbent upon him first to obtain the consent of king Henry. The king, however, did not incline that his subjects should make conquests for themselves in any other country, and therefore

Ireland. therefore dismissed Richard with an equivocal answer; but the latter being willing to understand his sovereign's words in the most favourable sense, immediately set about the necessary preparations for his expedition. In May 1711, Raymond le Gros, Richard's domestic friend, and the near relation of Fitz-Stephen and Fitz-Gerald, landed at a place called Donnalf, near Waterford, with 10 knights and 70 archers; and along with them came Hervey of Mountmorres, attended by a small train. The English immediately intrenched themselves, and erected a temporary fort for themselves: which proved a very necessary precaution; for the natives, justly attributing this new debarkation to the practices of Dermod, instantly formed a tumultuous army, and marched to expel the invaders. The English prepared to meet them; but when they perceived the great superiority of the enemy, they thought proper to retire to their fort. Here, however, they must have been totally cut off, had they not luckily collected a numerous herd of cattle from the neighbouring country for their subsistence. These they drove with fury among the Irish, who were thus put into the utmost confusion. The invaders seized the favourable moment; and, falling upon their disordered enemies, put them to flight, and drove great numbers of them into the sea, where they perished. Seventy prisoners were taken, all of them principal citizens of Waterford; who, though they offered large sums for their ransom, and even that the city should be delivered up to the English, were all barbarously put to death. This success and cruelty so intimidated the Irish, that they suffered these merciless invaders to maintain their station un molested, and wait for the arrival of their associates.

Richard in the mean time having assembled his vassals, led them through Wales, where he was joined by great numbers of other adventurers; but, when just on the point of embarking, was surprised by a positive command from the king, to desist from his intended enterprise, on pain of forfeiture of his lands and honours. He was now, however, too much interested in his scheme to retract; and therefore pretended to disbelieve the authenticity of the royal mandate. On the eve of the feast of St. Bartholomew, he landed at Waterford with 200 knights and 1200 infantry, all chosen and well appointed soldiers. They were immediately joined by Raymond and his troop; and the very next day it was resolved to make an attempt upon Waterford. The city was taken by storm, and a dreadful massacre ensued; to which the cruel Dermod had the merit of putting an end. The marriage of Richard with Eva, the daughter of Dermod, was solemnized without delay, and a scene of joy and festivity succeeded the calamities of war.

A new expedition was now undertaken against Dublin; the inhabitants of which had either manifested some recent disaffection to Dermod, or had never been thoroughly forgiven for their old defection. Roderic advanced against the allied army with a formidable body, consisting, as is said, of 30,000 men: but, fearing to come to a general engagement, he contented himself with some slight skirmishes; after which, great part of his vassals forced him to dismiss them, and Dublin was left to its fate. The inhabitants were treated very severely; however, a considerable body of them, with Hesculph their governor, had the good fortune to gain some vessels lying in the harbour, and made their escape to the northern islands. Earl Richard was now invested with the lordship of Dublin; and appointed Milo de Cogan, a brave English knight, his governor; while he himself, in conjunction with the forces of Dermod, over-ran the country of Meath, committing every where the most horrid cruelties. Roderic, in the mean time, unable to oppose them in the field, sent deputies to Dermod, commanding him to retire, and putting him in mind that his son was in his hands, and must answer with his life for the breach of those treaties which his father made so little scruple to violate. Natural affection, however, had very little place in the breast of Dermod. He expressed the utmost indifference about his son; and, with the greatest arrogance, claimed the sovereignty of all Ireland: Roderic, provoked at this answer, cut off the young prince's head.

This piece of impotent cruelty served only to make the king odious to his own subjects, while Dermod and his English allies committed every where the greatest devastations, and threatened to subdue the whole island. This indeed they would probably have accomplished, had not the extraordinary success of Strongbow alarmed king Henry; who, fearing that he might render himself totally independent on the crown of Britain, issued his royal edict, strictly forbidding any English vessel from passing into Ireland with men, arms, or provisions; and commanding all his subjects at that time resident in Ireland, of whatever rank or degree, to return to their country before the ensuing feast of Easter, on pain of forfeiting their lands, and being declared traitors.

Our adventurers were plunged into the greatest distress by this peremptory edict. They now found themselves cut off from all supplies in the midst of their enraged enemies, and in danger of being forsaken by those who had attached themselves to them during their success. Raymond was dispatched with a most submissive message to the offended monarch; but before he received any favourable answer, every thing was thrown into confusion by the death of Becket*, so that the king had neither leisure nor inclination to attend to the affairs of Ireland. About the same time the death of Dermod their great ally seemed almost to give a finishing stroke to the English affairs. An universal defection took place among their associates; and before they had time to concert any proper measures, Hesculph, who had formerly escaped from Dublin, appeared before that city with a formidable body of troops armed after the Danish manner. A furious attack ensued; which at last ended in the defeat and captivity of Hesculph, who was immediately put to death. This danger, however, was soon followed by one still greater. Roderic had formed a powerful confederacy with many of the Irish chieftains, and the kings of the northern isles, in order to extirpate the English totally from the island. The harbour of Dublin was blocked up by a fleet of 30 ships from the northern isles; while the confederated Irish took their stations in such a manner as to surround the city, and totally cut off all supplies of provisions. In two month's time the English were reduced to great straits.

Ireland. Straits. On the first alarm, Richard had sent for assistance to Fitzstephen; who having weakened his own force, in order to serve the earl, the people of Wexford had risen and besieged Fitzstephen in his fort called Carrig near that city. A messenger now arrived, informing Strongbow that his friend was in the utmost danger, and must fall into the hands of his enemies if not assisted within three days; upon which a council of war was called, in order to deliberate on the measures necessary to be pursued in this desperate emergency. It was soon resolved to enter into a treaty with Roderic upon any terms that were not totally servile or oppressive. Laurence prelate of Dublin was appointed to carry the terms; which were, that Richard proposed to acknowledge Roderic as his sovereign, and to hold the province of Leinster as his vassal, provided he would raise the siege. Laurence soon returned with an answer, probably of his own framing; namely, that Dublin, Waterford, Wexford, and all the forts possessed by the British, should be immediately given up; and that the earl and his associates, should depart with all their forces by a certain day, leaving every part of the island free from their usurpations, and absolutely renouncing all their pretended claims. On these conditions they were to be spared; but the least reluctance or delay would determine the besiegers to storm the city.

These terms, though they contained nothing insolent or unreasonable, considering the present situation of the English, were yet intolerable to our indigent adventurers. After some time spent in silence, Milo de Cogan, suddenly starting up, declared his resolution to die bravely rather than submit to the mercy of barbarians. The spirit of desperate valour was instantly caught by the whole assembly; and it was resolved to risk their whole fortune on one desperate effort, by sailing out against the enemy, and to make their attack upon that quarter where Roderic himself commanded. Accordingly, having persuaded a body of the townsmen to take part in this desperate enterprise, they marched out against their enemies, who expected nothing less than such a sudden attack. The besiegers were secure and careless, without discipline or order; in consequence of which, they were unable to sustain the furious assault of the English. A terrible slaughter ensued, and the Irish instantly fled in the greatest confusion; their monarch himself escaping only by mixing half naked with the crowd. The other chieftains who were not attacked caught the panic, and broke up their camps with precipitation; while the victors returned from the pursuit to plunder, and among other advantages gained as much provision as was sufficient to support them for a whole year.

Strongbow being thus relieved from his distress, committed the government of Dublin to Milo de Cogan, while he proceeded immediately to Wexford in order to relieve Fitzstephen: but in this he was disappointed; for that brave officer, having often repulsed his enemies, was at last treacherously deceived into submission and laid in irons. Strongbow, however, continued to advance; and was again attacked by the Irish, whom he once more defeated. On his arrival at Wexford, he found it burnt to the ground; the enemy having retired with Fitzstephen and the rest of the prisoners to Holy Island, a small island in

the middle of the harbour, from whence they sent a deputation, threatening to put all the prisoners to death if the least attempt was made to molest them in their present situation. The earl then proceeded to Waterford, and from thence to Ferns; where he for some time exercised a regal authority, rewarding his friends and punishing his enemies. A more important object, however, soon engaged his attention. The king of England having settled his affairs as well as he could, now determined to conquer Ireland for himself. A summons was instantly dispatched to earl Richard, expressing the greatest resentment at his presumption and disobedience, and requiring his immediate presence in England. The earl found himself under a necessity of obeying; and having made the best dispositions the time would permit for the security of his Irish possessions, embarked for England, and met the king at Newnham near Gloucester. Henry at first affected great displeasure; but soon allowed himself to be pacified by a surrender of the city of Dublin, and a large territory adjacent, together with all the maritime towns and forts acquired by Strongbow; while on his part he consented that the earl should have all his other possessions granted in perpetuity, to be held of the king and his heirs. The other adventurers made their peace in a similar manner; while the Irish chieftains, instead of uniting in the defence of their country, only thought how to make the most of the approaching invasion, or at least how to avert the threatened evils from their own particular districts. They saw the power of their own sovereign on the point of total dissolution; and they saw it with indifference, if not with an envious and malignant satisfaction. Some were even ready to prevent their invader, and to submit before he appeared on the coast. The men of Wexford, who had possessed themselves of Fitzstephen, resolved to avert the consequences of their late perfidy and cruelty, by the forwardness of their zeal for the service of the king of England, and the readiness of their submissions. Their deputies cast themselves at Henry's feet; and, with the most passionate expressions of obedience, humbly intreated that he would accept them as his faithful vassals, ready to resign themselves, their lands, and possessions, to his absolute disposal. "They had already, (they said), endeavoured to approve their zeal by seizing Robert Fitzstephen, a traitor to his sovereign, who had lately entered their territory by force of arms without any due warrant or fair pretence, had slaughtered their people, seized their lands, and attempted to establish himself independent of his liege lord. They kept him in chains, and were ready to deliver him to the disposal of his sovereign."—The king received them with expressions of the utmost grace and favour; commended their zeal in repressing the unwarrantable attempts of Fitzstephen; declared that he should soon inquire into his crimes, and the wrongs they had sustained, and inflict condign punishment for every offence committed by his undutiful subjects. Thus were the Irishmen dismissed in the utmost joy and exultation; and the artifice of Henry, while it inspired these men with dispositions favourable to his interests, proved also the most effectual means of saving Fitzstephen from their cruelty.

Henry, having completed the preparations necessary for

nions from a general interdict. Such denunciations were of too great consequence to admit of his longer stay in Ireland; he therefore ordered his forces and the officers of his household to embark without delay, reserving three ships for the conveyance of himself and his immediate attendants. Having therefore but a short time to secure his Irish interests, he addressed himself to the original English adventurers, and by grants and promises laboured to detach them from Strongbow, and to bind them firmly to himself. To make amends for what he had taken from Fitz-Stephen, he granted him a considerable district in the neighbourhood of Dublin, to be held by knight's service; at the same time entrusting the maritime towns to his own immediate dependants. Waterford was committed to Humphrey de Bohun, Robert Fitz-Bernard, and Hugh de Guadville, with a train of 20 knights. In Wexford were stationed William Fitz-Andelm, Philip of Hastings, and Philip de Braosa, with a like number of attendants. Hugh de Lacy had a grant of all the territory of Meath, where there was no fortified place, and where of consequence no particular reservation was necessary, to be held of the king and his heirs, by the service of 50 knights, in as full a manner as it had been enjoyed by any of the Irish princes. He also constituted him lord governor of Dublin, with a guard of 20 knights. Robert Fitz-Stephen and Maurice Fitz-Gerald were appointed his coadjutors, with an equal train; and these, with others of the first adventurers, were thus obliged, under the pretence of an honourable employment, to reside at Dublin, subject to the immediate inspection of de Lacy, in whom Henry seems to have placed his chief confidence. Lands were assigned in the neighbourhood of each city for the maintenance of the knights and soldiers. Orders were given to build a castle in Dublin, and fortresses in other convenient places; and to John de Courcey, a baron distinguished by his enterprising genius and abilities for war, was granted the whole province of Ulster, provided he could reduce it by force of arms.

Henry was no sooner gone, than his barons began to contrive how they might best strengthen their own interests, and the Irish how they might best shake off the yoke to which they had so readily submitted. De Lacy parcelled out the lands of Meath to his friends and adherents, and began to erect forts to keep the old inhabitants in awe. This gave offence to O'Ruare, who still enjoyed the eastern part of this territory as a tributary prince. He repaired to Dublin, in order to obtain redress from Lacy for some injuries real or pretended; but, as the parties could not come to an agreement, another conference was appointed on a hill called Taragh. Both parties came with a considerable train of armed followers; and the event was a scuffle, in which O'Ruare and several of his followers were killed, and which served to render the English not a little odious to the natives.

This spirit of disaffection had soon after an opportunity of shewing itself on the rebellion of king Henry's sons, of which an account is given under the article ENGLAND, n^o 119, & seq. The king had been obliged to weaken his forces in Ireland, by withdrawing several of his garrisons. The soldiers who remained were also discontented with their general

Hervey of Mountmorres, on account of his severity in discipline, and restraining them from plunder, to which they imagined themselves entitled on account of the deficiencies of their pay. Raymond le Gros, the second in command, was much more beloved by the soldiery: and to such a height had the jealousies between the commanders arisen, that all effectual opposition to the Irish chieftains was prevented; and the event might have been fatal to the English interest, had not Henry found out a remedy. He summoned earl Richard to attend him at Rouen in Normandy, and communicated his intentions of committing the affairs of Ireland to his sole direction. The earl expressed the utmost readiness to serve his master; but observed, that he had already experienced the envy and malignity of his secret enemies; that if he should appear in such a distinguished character as that of the king's deputy in Ireland, their insidious practices would be renewed, and his conduct misrepresented. He therefore requested that a colleague might be appointed in the commission; and recommended Raymond as a person of approved loyalty and abilities, as well as highly acceptable to the soldiery. The king replied, with an affected air of regard and confidence, that he had his free consent to employ Raymond in any service he should deem necessary, not as a colleague, but as an assistant; but that he relied entirely on the earl himself, and implicitly trusted every thing to his direction. To reward his services, he granted him the town of Wexford, together with a fort erected at Wicklow; and then dismissed him with the most gracious expressions of favour.

The earl landed at Dublin, where he was received with all the respect due to the royal commission. He signified the king's pleasure, that Robert Fitz-Bernard, with the garrison of Waterford, should instantly embark and repair to Normandy; that Robert Fitz-Stephen, and Maurice Pendergast, should attend the service of their sovereign in England; and, agreeably to the king's instructions, took on him the custody of the cities of Dublin, Waterford, and Wexford. Hugh de Lacy, and Milo de Cogan, were, with the other lords, commanded to repair to England for the service of the king; by which the earl's forces were considerably weakened, and he soon found himself under a necessity of appointing Raymond to the chief command. The new general proved successful in some enterprizes against the rebellious Irish; but having presumed upon his merits to demand in marriage Basil the earl's sister, Richard refused his consent, and Raymond retired into Wales.

Thus the supreme command again devolved upon Hervey of Mountmorres; who, being sensible that his character had suffered much from a comparison with that of Raymond, determined to emulate his successes by some bold attempt against the rebels. A detachment of 400 of his men, however, had the misfortune to be surprized and cut off by the enemy; and this success served as a signal for a general revolt. Several of the Leinster chieftains, who had lately made their submissions, and bound themselves to the service of king Henry, now openly disclaimed all engagements. Even Donald Kevanagh, son to the late king Dermot, who had hitherto adhered to the English in their greatest difficulties, now declared against them, and claimed

claimed a right to the kingdom of Leinster; while Roderic, on his part, was active in uniting the princes of Ulster, the native lords of Meath, and other chiefs, against their common enemy. This produced the immediate recall of Raymond; and Richard no longer refused his consent to the marriage with his sister, which was solemnized immediately on Raymond's arrival. The very next morning, the bridegroom was obliged to take the field against Roderic, who had committed great devastations in Meath. By the vigorous conduct of the English commander, however, he was not only prevented from doing farther mischief, but at last convinced of the folly of resistance; and therefore determined to make a final submission. Yet, conscious of his dignity, he disdained to submit to a subject; and therefore, instead of treating with earl Richard, he sent deputies directly to the king. The deputies were, Catholius archbishop of Tuam, the abbot of St. Brandon, and Master Lawrence, as he is styled, chancellor to the king of Connaught.

The terms of this submission, by which Henry became sole monarch of Ireland, were as follow: Roderic consented to do homage and pay tribute, as liege-man to the king of England; on which condition he was allowed to hold the kingdom of Connaught, as well as his other lands and sovereignties, in as ample a manner as he had enjoyed them before the arrival of Henry in Ireland. His vassals were to hold under him in peace, as long as they paid their tribute and continued faithful to the king of England; in which Roderic was to enforce their due obedience, and for this purpose to call to his assistance the English government, if necessary. The annual tribute to be paid was every 10th merchantable hide, as well from Connaught, as from the rest of the island; excepting those parts under the immediate dominion of the king of England and his barons, viz. Dublin and Meath with their appurtenances, Wexford and all Leinster, and Waterford with its lands as far as Dungarvan inclusive; in all which districts Roderic was not to interfere, nor claim any power or authority. The Irish who had fled from these districts were to return, and either pay their tribute, or perform the services required by their tenures, at the option of their immediate lords; and, if refractory, Roderic, at the requisition of their lords, was to compel them to return. He was to take hostages from his vassals, such as he and his liege-lord should think proper; and on his part to deliver either these or others to the king, according to the royal pleasure. His vassals were to furnish hawks and hounds annually to the English monarch; and were not to detain any tenant of his immediate demesnes in Ireland, contrary to his royal pleasure and command. This treaty was solemnly ratified in a grand council of prelates and temporal barons, among whom we find the archbishop of Dublin one of the subscribing witnesses. As metropolitan of Leinster, he was now become an English subject, and was probably summoned on this occasion as one obliged to attend, and who had a right to assist in the king's great council. It is also observable, that Henry now treated with Roderic not merely as a provincial prince, but as monarch of Ireland. This is evidently implied and supposed in the articles; although his monarchical powers and privileges were

little more than nominal, frequently disregarded and opposed by the Irish toparchs. Even by their submissions to Henry, many of them in effect disavowed and renounced the sovereignty of Roderic; but now his supremacy seems to be industriously acknowledged, that the present submission might appear virtually the submission of all the subordinate princes, and thus the king of England be invested with the sovereignty of the whole island. The marks of sovereignty, however, were no more than homage and tribute: in every other particular, the regal rights of Roderic were left inviolate. The English laws were only to be enforced in the English pale: and, even there, the Irish tenant might live in peace, as the subject of the Irish monarch; bound only to pay his quota of tribute, and not to take arms against the king of England.

But though the whole island of Ireland thus became subject to the king of England, it was far from being settled in tranquillity, or indeed from having the situation of its inhabitants mended almost in any degree. One great occasion of disturbance was, that the English laws were confined only to those parts which had been subdued by force of arms; while the chieftains that had only submitted to pay tribute, were allowed to retain the ancient Irish laws within the limits of their own jurisdictions. By these old Irish laws, many crimes accounted capital with us, such as robbery, murder, &c. might be compensated by a sum of money. Hence it happened, that very unequal punishments were inflicted for the same offence. If one Englishman killed another, he was punished with death; but if he killed an Irishman, he was punished only by a fine. If an Irishman, on the other hand, killed an Englishman, he was certainly punished with death: and as in times of violence and outrage, the crime of murder was very frequent, the circumstance just mentioned tended to produce an implacable hatred between the original inhabitants and the English. As the Irish laws were thus more favourable to the barbarity natural to the tempers of some individuals, many of the English were also tempted to lay aside the manners and customs of their countrymen altogether, and to associate themselves with the Irish, that, by becoming subject to their laws, they might thus have an opportunity of gratifying their brutal inclinations with less controul than formerly; and in process of time, these degenerate English, as they were called, proved more bitter enemies to their countrymen than even the Irish themselves.

Another cause of the distresses of Ireland was, the great power of the English barons, among whom Henry had divided the greatest part of his Irish dominions. The extent of their authority only inflamed them with a desire for more; and, instead of contributing their endeavours to increase the power of their sovereign, or to civilize the barbarous people over whom they were placed, they did every thing in their power to counteract and destroy each other. Henry himself, indeed, seems to have been infected with a very fatal jealousy in this respect; for, though the abilities and fidelity of Raymond had abundantly manifested themselves, the king never could allow himself to continue him in the government of the island: and the consequence of degrading him never failed to be a scene of uproar and confusion. To these two reasons

we must likewise add another; namely, that in those parts of the kingdom where the Irish chieftains enjoyed the sovereignty, they were at full liberty to make war upon each other as formerly, without the least restraint. This likewise induced many of the English to degenerate, that they might have an opportunity of sharing the plunder got by these petty wars; so that on the whole, the island was a perpetual scene of horror, almost unequalled in the history of any country.

After the death of earl Richard, Raymond was immediately elected to succeed him; but was superseded by the king, who appointed William Fitz-Andelm, a nobleman allied to Raymond, to succeed in his place. The new governor had neither inclination nor abilities to perform the task assigned to him. He was of a rapacious temper, sensual and corrupt in his manners; and therefore only studied to enrich himself. The native Irish, provoked by some depredations of the English, commenced hostilities; but Fitz-Andelm, instead of repressing these with vigour in the beginning, treated the chieftains with affected courtesy and flattery. This they had sufficient discernment to see, and to despise; while the original adventurers had the burden of the whole defence of the English pale, as the English territories were called, thrown upon them, at the same time that the bad conduct of the governor was the cause of perpetual disorders. The consequence of this was, that the lords avowed their hatred of Fitz-Andelm: the soldiers were mutinous, ill-appointed, and unpaid; and the Irish came in crowds to the governor with perpetual complaints against the old adventurers, which were always decided against the latter; and this decision increased their confidence, without lessening their disaffection.

In this unfavourable state of affairs, John de Courcy, a bold adventurer, who had as yet reaped none of the benefits he expected, resolved to undertake an expedition against the natives, in order to enrich himself with their spoils. The Irish at that time were giving no offence; and therefore pleaded the treaty lately concluded with King Henry: but treaties were of little avail, when put in competition with the necessities of an indigent and rapacious adventurer. The consequence was, that the flame of war was kindled through the whole island. The chieftains took advantage of the war with the English, to commence hostilities against each other. Desmond and Thomond, in the southern province, were distracted by the jealousies of contending chiefs, and the whole land was wasted by unnatural and bloody quarrels. Treachery and murder were revenged by practices of the same kind, in such a manner as to perpetuate a succession of outrages the most horrid, and the most disgraceful to humanity. The northern province was a scene of the like enormities; though the new English settlers, who were considered as a common enemy, ought to have united the natives among themselves. All were equally strangers to the virtues of humanity; nor was religion, in the form it then assumed, capable of restraining these violences in the least.

Ireland was thus in a short time reduced to such a state, that Henry perceived the necessity of recalling Fitz-Andelm, and appointing another governor. He was recalled accordingly; and Hugh de Lacey ap-

pointed to succeed him. He left his government without being regretted, and is said by the historians of those times to have done only one good action during the whole course of his administration. This action was nothing more important, than the removing of a relic, called the staff of Jesus, from the cathedral of Armagh to that of Dublin; probably that it might be in greater safety, as the war raged violently in Ulster. De Lacey, however, was a man of a quite different disposition, and every way qualified for the difficult government with which he was invested: but at the same time, the king, by investing his son John with the lordship of Ireland, gave occasion to greater disturbances than even those which had already happened. The nature of this lordship hath been much disputed; but the most probable opinion is, that the king's son was now to be invested with all the rights and powers which had formerly belonged to Roderic, who was allowed the title of king of Ireland. It doth not appear, indeed, that Henry had any right to deprive Roderic of these powers, and still less had he to dispose of any of the territories of those chieftains who had agreed to become his tributaries; which nevertheless he certainly did, and which failed not to be productive of an immediate war with these chiefs.

The new governor entered on his office with all that spirit and vigour which was necessary; but being misrepresented to the king by some factious barons, he was in a short time recalled, and two others, totally unfit for the government, appointed in his room. This error was soon corrected, and Lacey was replaced in three months. The same jealousy which produced his first degradation, soon produced a second; and Philip de Braosa, or Philip of Worcester, as he is called, a man of a most avaricious disposition, was appointed to succeed him. This governor behaved in such a manner, that his superstitious subjects expected every moment that the vengeance of heaven would fall upon him, and deliver them from his tyranny. His power, however, was of short duration; for now prince John prepared to exercise the authority with which his father had invested him in Ireland. He was attended by a considerable military force: his train was formed of a company of gallant Normans in the pride of youth; but luxurious, insolent, and followed by a number of Englishmen, strangers to the country they were to visit, desperate in their fortunes, accustomed to a life of profligacy, and filled with great expectations of advantage from their present service. The whole assembly embarked in a fleet of 60 ships; and arrived at Waterford after a prosperous voyage, filling the whole country with the greatest surprise and expectation.

The young prince had not yet arrived at the years of discretion; nor indeed, from his subsequent conduct, doth it appear that his disposition was such as qualified him in the least for the high dignity to which he was raised. The hardy Welshmen who first migrated into Ireland, immediately waited upon him to do him homage; but they were disagreeable to the gay courtiers, and to the prince himself, who minded nothing but his pleasures. The Irish Lords were at first terrified by the magnificent representation of the force of the English army; and being reconciled to submission by the dignity of the prince's station, hastened in crowds to Waterford to do him homage. They

Ireland. They exhibited a spectacle to the Norman courtiers, which the latter did not fail to treat with contempt and ridicule. The Irish Lords, with uncouth attire, thick bushy beards, and hair standing on end, advanced with very little ceremony; and, according to their own notions of respect, offered to kiss the young prince. His attendants stepped in, and prevented this horrid violation of decorum by thrusting away the Irishmen. The whole assembly burst into peals of laughter, pulled the beards, and committed several other indignities on the persons of their guests; which were immediately and severely resented. The chieftains left the court, boiling with indignation; and meeting others of their countrymen hastening to do homage to the prince, they informed them of the reception they themselves had met with. A league was instantly formed to extirpate the English, and the whole nation flew to arms; while John and his courtiers, instead of opposing the enemy, employed themselves in harassing and oppressing those who were under their immediate jurisdiction. The country was therefore over-run by the barbarians, agriculture entirely neglected, and a dreadful famine threatened to follow the calamities of war.

This terrible devastation had continued for eight months before the king was fully acquainted with it. He then determined to recall his son; but was at a loss whom he should name for his successor. Lacey had been murdered by an Irish peasant, and the king was at last obliged to have recourse to John de Courcey, whose boisterous valour seemed now to be absolutely necessary to prevent the English from being totally exterminated. The new governor was obliged at first to act on the defensive; but as his enemies soon forgot their league, and began their usual hostilities against each other, he was at last enabled to maintain his authority of the English government, and to support their acquisitions in Ireland, though not to extend them.

In this situation were the affairs of Ireland when Henry II. died, and was succeeded by his son Richard I. The new king was determined on an expedition to the holy land, which left him no leisure to attend to the affairs of Ireland. John, by virtue of the powers granted him by his father, took upon him the management of Irish affairs; and immediately degraded de Courcey from his government, appointing in his place Hugh de Lacey the younger. De Courcey, provoked at this indignity, retired into Ulster, where he was immediately engaged in a furious war with the natives, and at last almost entirely detached himself from the English government. The greatest confusion ensued; Hugh de Lacey was recalled from his government, and William Petit, earl marshal of England, appointed in his place. Petit's administration proved more unfortunate than that of any of his predecessors. Confederacies every where took place against the English; the latter were every where defeated, their towns taken; and their power would certainly have been annihilated, had not the Irish, as usual, turned their arms against each other.

In this desperate situation matters continued during the whole reign of king Richard, and part of the reign of John, while the distresses of the country were increased by the dissensions and disaffection of the Eng-

lish lords, who aspired at independency, and made war upon each other like Irish chieftains. The prudent conduct of a governor named Meiler Fitz-Henry, however, at last put an end to these terrible commotions; and about the year 1208, the kingdom was more quiet than it had been for a long time before. In 1210, John came over to Ireland in person with an army, with a design, as he said, to reduce his refractory nobles to a sense of their duty. More than 20 Irish chiefs waited upon him immediately to do him homage; while three of the English barons, Hugh and Walter de Lacy, and William de Braosa, fled to France. The king, at the desire of his Irish subjects, granted them, for their information, a regular code and charter of laws, to be deposited in the exchequer of Dublin, under the king's seal. For the regular and effectual execution of these laws, besides the establishment of the king's courts of judicature in Dublin, there was now made a new and more ample division of the king's lands of Ireland into counties, where sheriffs, and many other officers, were appointed. These counties were, Dublin, Meath, Kildare, Argial, now called Lowth, Katherlagh, Kilkenny, Wexford, Waterford, Cork, Kerry, Limerick, Tipperary; which marks the extent of the English dominions at this time as confined to a part of Leinster and Munster, and to those parts of Meath and Argial which lie in the province of Ulster, as now defined. Before his departure, the king gave liberty to John de Grey, bishop of Norwich, whom he appointed governor, to coin money of the same weight with that of England; and which, by royal proclamation, was made current in England as well as Ireland.

This ecclesiastical governor is said to have managed affairs so happily, that, during the violent contests between John and his barons, Ireland enjoyed an unusual degree of tranquillity. We are not to imagine, however, that this unhappy country was at this or indeed any other period, till the end of Queen Elizabeth's reign, perfectly free from disorders, only they were confined to those districts most remote from the English government. In 1219, the commotions were renewed, through the immeasurable ambition and contentions of the English barons, who despised all controul, and oppressed the inhabitants in a terrible manner. The disorders in England during the reign of Henry III. encouraged them to despise the royal authority; they were ever the secret enemies, and sometimes they avowed adversaries, of each other; and in many places where they had obtained settlements, the natives were first driven into insurrections by their cruelty, and then punished with double cruelty for their resistance. The English laws, which tended to punish the authors of these outrages, were scorned by an imperious aristocratic faction, who, in the phrenzy of rapine and ambition, trampled on the most salutary institutions. In 1228, a remonstrance was presented to the king against this dangerous neglect and suspension of the laws; which he answered by a mandate to the chief governor, directing that the whole body of nobility, knights, free tenants, and bailiffs of the several counties, should be convened; that the charter of English laws and customs received from king John, and to which they were bound by oath, should be read over in their presence; that they should be directed for

Ireland. for the future strictly to observe and adhere to these; and that proclamation should be made in every county of Ireland, strictly enjoining obedience, on pain of forfeiture of lands and tenements. How little effect was produced by this order, we may learn from another, dated in 1246; where the barons are commanded, for the peace and tranquillity of the land, to permit it to be governed by the laws of England.

³⁹ Excessive depravation of manners. Nothing indeed can be conceived more terrible than the state of Ireland during the reign of Henry III. People of all ranks appear to have been sunk in the lowest degree of depravity. The powerful English lords not only subverted the peace and security of the people, by refusing to admit the salutary laws of their own country, but behaved with the utmost injustice and violence to the natives who did not enjoy the benefits of the English constitution. The clergy appear to have been equally abandoned with the rest: nor indeed could it be otherwise; for, through the partialities of Henry himself, the neglected, the worthless, and the depressed among the English clergy, found refuge in the church of Ireland. What were the manners of these clergy, will appear from the following petition of a widow to king Edward I.

“ Margaret le Blunde, of Cashel, petitions our lord the king's grace, that she may have her inheritance which she recovered at Chonmell before the king's judges, &c. against David Macmackerwayt bishop of Cashel.

“ Item, the said Margaret petitions redress on account that her father was killed by the said bishop.

“ Item, for the imprisonment of her grandfather and mother, whom he shut up and detained in prison until they perished by famine, because they attempted to seek redress for the death of their son, father of your petitioner, who had been killed by the said bishop.

“ Item, for the death of her six brothers and sisters, who were starved to death by the said bishop, because he had their inheritance in his hands at the time he killed their father.

“ And it is to be noted, that the said bishop had built an abbey in the city of Cashel, on the king's lands granted for this purpose, which he hath filled with robbers, who murder the English, and depopulate the country; and that when the council of our lord the king attempts to take cognizance of the offence, he fulminates the sentence of excommunication against them.

“ It is to be noted also, that the said Margaret has five times crossed the Irish sea. Wherefore, she petitions for God's sake, that the king's grace will have compassion, and that she may be admitted to take possession of her inheritance.

“ It is further to be noted, that the aforesaid bishop hath been guilty of the death of many other Englishmen besides that of her father; and that the aforesaid Margaret hath many times obtained writs of our lord the king, but to no effect, by reason of the influence and bribery of the said bishop.

“ She further petitions, for God's sake, that she may have costs and damages, &c.”

Matters continued in the same deplorable state during the reign of Edward I. with this additional grievance, that the kingdom was infested by invasions of the Scots. The English monarch indeed possessed all

that prudence and valour which were necessary to have reduced the island to a state of tranquillity; but his project of conquering Scotland left him but little leisure to attend to the distracted state of Ireland. Certain it is, however, that the grievous distress of that country gave him great uneasiness; so that he transmitted his mandate to the prelates of Ireland, requiring them to interpose their spiritual authority for composing the public disorders. About the same time, the Irish who lay contiguous to the English, and who dwelt among them, presented a petition to the king, offering to pay him 8000 merks, upon condition that they were admitted to the privileges of English subjects. To this petition he returned a favourable answer; but his good intentions were defeated by the licentious nobility, who knew that these laws would have circumscribed their rapacious views, and controuled their violence and oppression. Petitions of the same kind were several times repeated during this reign, but as often defeated; though some means were used for the peace of the kingdom, such as the frequent calling of parliaments, appointing sheriffs in some new counties, &c.

These means were not altogether without effect. They served to give some check to the disorders of the realm, though by no means to terminate or subdue them. The incursions of the natives were repressed, and the English lords began to live on better terms with each other; and, in 1311, under Edward II. the most powerful of them were reconciled by the marriage of Maurice and Thomas Fitz-John, afterwards the heads of the illustrious houses of Desmond and Kildare, to two daughters of the earl of Ulster. But just at this happy period, when the nation seemed to have some prospect of tranquillity, more dreadful calamities than any hitherto related were about to take place. The Scots had just recovered their liberty under Robert Bruce, and were now in no danger of being again enslaved by a foreign power. Edward, the king's brother, as a recompence for his services, demanded a share of the royal authority. This was refused by Robert, and Edward was for the present satisfied by being declared heir apparent to the crown. But the king, wisely considering the necessity of finding out some employment for a youth of such an aspiring and ambitious disposition, pointed out to his brother the island of Ireland, the conquest of which would be easy, on account of the distracted state in which it almost always was, and which would make him an independent sovereign. This proposal was eagerly embraced by Edward, and every thing necessary for the expedition immediately got ready. On the 25th of May 1315, he landed on the north-eastern coast of Ireland with 6000 men, to assert his claim to the sovereignty of this kingdom. The Irish lords of Ulster, who had invited and encouraged him to this enterprise, were now prepared to receive their new monarch, stocked with eagerness to his standard, and prepared to wreak their vengeance on the common enemy. Their progress was marked by desolation and carnage. The English settlers were slaughtered, or driven from their possessions, their castles levelled with the ground, and their towns set on fire. The English lords were neither prepared to resist the invasion, nor sufficiently united among themselves. The consequence was, that

Ireland: the enemy for some time met with no interruption. An intolerable scarcity of provisions, however, prevented Bruce from pursuing his advantages; and tho' his brother landed in Ireland with a powerful army, the famine prevented him from being of any essential service. The forces which he left behind him, however, proved of considerable advantage; and by means of this reinforcement, he was enabled to take the city of Carrickfergus.

The terrible devastations committed by Bruce and his associates, now induced some English lords to enter into an association to defend their possessions, and repel these invaders. For this purpose, they raised a considerable body of forces; which coming to an engagement with Fedlim prince of Connaught, one of Bruce's principal allies, entirely defeated and killed him with 8000 of his men. This defeat, however, had very little effect on the operations of Bruce himself. He ravaged the country to the walls of Dublin, traversed the district of Ossory, and penetrated into Munster, destroying every thing with fire and sword. The English continued to augment their army, till at last it amounted to 30,000 men; and then Bruce, no longer able to oppose such a force, found it necessary to retire into the province of Ulster. His retreat was effected with great difficulty; and during the time of his inactivity, the distresses of his army increased to such a degree, that they are said to have fed upon the bodies of their dead companions. At last an end was put to the sufferings and the life of this adventurer in the battle of Dundalk, in 1318, where he was defeated and killed by the English under Sir Robert Birmingham. A brave English knight, named Maupas, had rushed forward to encounter Bruce himself, and both antagonists had killed each other; the body of Maupas being found, after the battle, stretched upon that of Bruce. The king of Scotland had been advancing with powerful succours to his brother: but Edward, confident of victory, refused to wait his arrival; and Robert, on hearing of his brother's death, instantly retired.

The defeat of the Scottish invaders did not put an end to the disturbances of this unhappy country. The contentions of the English with one another, of the Irish with the English, and among themselves, still kept the island in a state of the utmost barbarity and confusion. An attempt was made indeed, in the reign of Edward II. to establish an university in Dublin; but for want of proper encouragement the institution for some time languished, and then expired amidst the confusion and anarchy of the country. The reign of Edward III. proved not much more favourable than preceding times had been. He was too much taken up with the idea of conquering France, to pay much regard to the interests of Ireland. The unhappy people, indeed, sensible of their own miseries, petitioned the king to admit all his subjects in Ireland to a participation of the English laws; but the petition being delivered as usual to the chief governor, and laid before the parliament, it was either clandestinely defeated or openly rejected. A new scene of tumult and bloodshed immediately ensued; which at last produced an order from the king, prohibiting all Irishmen, or Englishmen married and having estates in Ireland, from bearing any public office whatever.—

This, instead of having a tendency to promote peace, made the disorders much greater than before; and at last produced a remonstrance from the states met at Kilkenny, in which they grievously complain not only of the disorders of the kingdom, but also of the conduct of the king himself in the edict abovementioned: and to this remonstrance the king thought proper to give a gracious and condescending answer, in order to procure from Ireland the succours he wanted in his expedition against France.

It is not be supposed, that mere promises, unassisted by any vigorous exertion, could make the least alteration in the state of a kingdom involved in so much misery. The disorders, however, at last became insupportable to the inhabitants themselves; and a parliament was summoned in 1367, the result of which was the famous statute of Kilkenny. The preamble to this act recites, that the English had become mere Irish in their language, names, apparel, and manner of living; had rejected the English laws, and submitted to those of the Irish, with whom they had united by marriage-alliance, to the ruin of the common-wealth.—It was therefore enacted, that marriage, nurture of infants, &c. with the Irish, should be considered and punished as high treason.—Again, if any man of English race shall use an Irish name, the Irish language, or the Irish apparel, or any mode or custom of the Irish, the act provides, that he shall forfeit lands and tenements, until he hath given security in the court of chancery to conform in every particular to the English manners; or if he have no lands, that he shall be imprisoned till the like security be given. The Brehon law was pronounced to be a pernicious custom and innovation lately introduced among the English subjects; and it was therefore ordained, that in all their controversies they should be governed by the common law of England; and that whoever should submit to the Irish jurisdiction, should be adjudged guilty of high treason. As the English had been accustomed to make war or peace with the bordering Irish at pleasure, they were now expressly prohibited from levying war without special warrant from the state.—It was also made highly penal for the English to permit their Irish neighbours to graze their lands, to present them to ecclesiastical benefices, or to receive them into monasteries or religious houses; to entertain their bards, who perverted their imaginations by romantic tales; or their news-tellers, who seduced them by false reports.—It was made felony to impose or cels any forces upon the English subject against his will. And as the royal liberties and franchises were become sanctuaries for malefactors, express power was given to the king's sheriffs to enter into all franchises, and there to apprehend felons and traitors.—Lastly, because the great lords, when they levied forces for the public service, acted with partiality, and laid unequal burthens upon the subjects, it was ordained that four wardens of the peace in every county should adjudge what men and armour every lord or tenant should provide.—The statute was promulgued with particular solemnity; and the spiritual lords, the better to enforce obedience, denounced an excommunication on those who should presume to violate it in any instance.

This statute, it is evident, could not tend to promote the peace of the kingdom. This could only have

Ireland. have been done by removing the animosity between the native Irish and English; but so far was the statute of Kilkenny from having any tendency of this kind, that it manifestly tended to increase the hatred between them. During the whole of this reign, therefore, the state of the Irish government continued to be greatly disordered and embroiled. The English interest gradually declined; and the connections of the king's subjects with the original inhabitants, occasioned by their vicinity and necessary intercourse, in despite of all legal injunctions, obliged the king to relax the severity of the statutes of Kilkenny, in cases where they proved impracticable, or oppressive in the execution. The perpetual hostility, however, in which the different parties lived, proved an effectual bar to the introduction of those arts which contribute to the comfort and refinement of mankind. Even foreign merchants could not venture into such a dangerous country without particular letters of protection from the throne. The perpetual succession of new adventurers from England, led by interest or necessity, served only to inflame dissention, instead of introducing any essential improvement. Lawyers sent from England were notoriously insufficient, if not corrupt; and, as such, had frequently been the objects of complaint. The clergy were a mean grovelling race, totally influenced by the crown. Even prelates were commonly made the inferior agents of government in collecting forces, and raising war against the Irish enemy; but were not to be enticed into this service, except by remittances from the exchequer. Attendance in parliament they dreaded as the greatest hardship; and either recurred to mean excuses to avert the penalty of absence, or sued to the king to be exempted by patent from contributing or assenting to those laws by which they were to be governed.

In this deplorable situation the kingdom continued till the time of Henry VII. who laid the foundation of the future civilization of the Irish, as he also did of the English nation. This he effected by enacting some salutary laws, and appointing faithful and active governors to see them put in execution. Of these governors Sir Edward Poynings contributed more than any other to the tranquillity of the state. During his administration was enacted the law known by the name of Poynings's Law, and which hath since been the subject of much political debate. The purport of it was, That no parliament should be held in that island without first giving notice to the king of England, and acquainting him with the acts to be passed in that parliament; neither should any act passed, or any parliament held, without the approbation of the king and council, be deemed valid. Thus was the power of the turbulent barons greatly broken; and the governors, not having it in his power to assemble parliaments when he pleased, became a person of much less consequence. The whole Irish legislation also became dependent on that of England, and hath ever since continued to be so.

From this time we may date the revival of the English power in Ireland; which from the Scottish war in the time of Edward II. had gradually declined into a miserable and precarious state of weakness. The authority of the crown, which had at last been defied, insulted, and rejected, even in the English territory, was

restored and confirmed, and the rebellions vigorously opposed and suppressed. The feignory of the British crown over the whole body of the Irish, which in former reigns seemed to have been totally forgotten, was now formally claimed and asserted, and some of the most ferocious chieftains by their marriage-connections became the avowed friends of the English power. An ignominious tribute, called the Black Rent, was indeed still paid to some chieftains; but their hostilities were opposed and chastised, and even in their own districts they were made to feel the superiority of English government.

During the reign of Henry VIII. the Irish affairs were neglected; and the disorders, which had only been checked, and never thoroughly eradicated, returned as usual. They were further promoted by the innovations in religion which the king introduced, and which were exceedingly disagreeable both to English and Irish. The Reformation, however, continued to make some progress, though slowly, during the reign of Edw. VI. and even in the reign of queen Mary; for as the persecution did not reach thither, many Protestants fled to Ireland in order to avoid the queen's cruelty. The machinations of the Spaniards against queen Elizabeth excited the Irish to fresh insurrections. The king of Spain, indeed, not only encouraged the natives in those insurrections, but actually sent over troops to assist them in driving out the English altogether. This they had well nigh effected; but the Spaniards, upon seeing an army of Irish defeated by a handful of their enemies, were so much provoked, that they surrendered all the places they had made themselves masters of, and even offered to assist the English in reducing the rebels; though it was not thought proper to accept of their assistance. The consequence of this was, that the Irish, abandoned by these allies, were unable to carry on the war; and the grand rebel O'Neal of Tir-owen, or Tirone, after much treachery, evasion, and many pretended submissions, was at last obliged to submit in good earnest. He fell upon his knees before the deputy, and petitioned for mercy with an air and aspect of distress. He subscribed his submission in the most ample manner and form. He implored the queen's gracious commiseration; and humbly sued to be restored to his dignity, and the state of a subject, which he had justly forfeited. He utterly renounced the name of O'Neal, which he had assumed on account of the great veneration in which it was held among the Irish. He abjured all foreign power, and all dependency except on the crown of England; resigned all claim to any lands excepting such as should be conferred upon him by letters patent; promising at the same time to assist the state in abolishing all barbarous customs, and establishing law and civility among his people. The lord deputy, on the part of the queen, promised a full pardon to him and all his followers; to himself the restoration of his blood and honours, with a new patent for his lands, except some portions reserved for certain chieftains received into favour, and some for the use of English garrisons.

No insurgent now remained in this kingdom who had not obtained or sued for mercy. Many, indeed, were driven by necessity to the continent, and earned a subsistence by serving in the armies of Spain; and thus a race of Irish exiles was trained to arms, filled with a

malignant resentment against the English. Thus the honour of reducing all the enemies of the crown of England in this island, after a continued contest for 440 years, was reserved for the arms of Elizabeth. The ghastliness of famine and desolation was now somewhat enlivened by the restoration of tranquillity. Indeed, from the most authentic accounts, the prices of provisions were so high, that, considering the value of money at that time, it is surprising how the inhabitants could subsist. From an account of the rates of provisions taken by the mayor of Dublin in 1602, it appears, That wheat had risen from 36s. to 9 l. the quarter; barley-malt from 10s. to 43s. the barrel; oat-malt from 5s. to 22s. the barrel; pease from 5s. to 40s. the peck; oats from 3s. 4d. to 20s. the barrel; beef from 26s. 8d. to 8 l. the carcass; mutton from 3s. to 26s. the carcass; veal from 10s. to 29s. the carcass; a lamb from 12 d. to 6s.; a pork from 8s. to 20s.

Under James I. Ireland began to assume a quite different appearance. That monarch valued himself upon promoting the arts of peace, and made it his study to civilize his barbarous Irish subjects. By repeated conspiracies and rebellions, a vast tract of land had escheated to the crown in six northern counties, Tyreconnel, now called Donnegal, Tirone, Derry, Fermanagh, Carvan, and Armagh, amounting to about 500,000 acres; a tract of country covered with woods, where rebels and banditti found a secure refuge, and which was destined to lie waste without the timely interposition of government. James resolved to dispose of these lands in such a manner as might introduce all the happy consequences of peace and cultivation. He caused surveys to be taken of the several counties where the new settlements were to be established; described particularly the state of each; pointed out the situations proper for the erections of towns and castles; delineated the characters of the Irish chieftains, the manner in which they should be treated, the temper and circumstances of the old inhabitants, the rights of the new purchasers, and the claims of both; together with the impediments to former plantations, and the methods of removing them.

At his instance it was resolved, that the persons to whom lands were assigned should be either new undertakers from Great Britain, especially from Scotland, or servitors, as they were called; that is, men who had for some time served in Ireland, either in civil or military offices; or old Irish chieftains or captains. Among the last were included even those Irish who had engaged in the rebellion of Tirone, and still harboured their secret discontents. To gain them, if possible, by favour and lenity, they were treated with particular indulgence. Their under-tenants and servants were allowed to be of their own country and religion; and, while all the other planters were obliged to take the oath of allegiance, they were tacitly excepted. The servitors were allowed to take their tenants either from Ireland or Britain, provided no Popish recusants were admitted. The British undertakers were confined to their own countrymen.

In the plantations which had been formerly attempted, the Irish and English had been mixed together, from a fond imagination that the one would have learned civility and industry from the other. But expe-

rience had now discovered, that this intercourse served only to make the Irish envy the superior comforts of their English neighbours, and to take the advantage of a free access to their houses to steal their goods and plot against their lives. It was therefore deemed necessary to plant them in separate quarters; and in the choice of these situations, the errors of former times were carefully corrected. The original English adventurers, on their first settlement in Ireland, were captivated by the fair appearance of the plain and open districts. Here they erected their castles and habitations; and forced the old natives into the woods and mountains, their natural fortresses. There they kept themselves unknown, living by the milk of their kine, without husbandry or tillage; there they increased to incredible numbers by promiscuous generation; and there they held their assemblies, and formed their conspiracies without discovery. But now the northern Irish were placed in the most open and accessible parts of the country, where they might lie under the close inspection of their neighbours, and be gradually habituated to agriculture and the mechanic arts. To the British adventurers were assigned places of the greatest strength and command; to the servitors, stations of the greatest danger, and greatest advantage to the crown: but as this appeared a peculiar hardship, they were allowed guards and entertainment, until the country should be quietly and completely planted.

The experience of ages had shewn the inconvenience of enormous grants to particular lords, attended with such privileges as obstructed the administration of civil government: and, even in the late reign, favourite undertakers had been gratified with such portions of land as they were by no means able to plant. But, by the present scheme, the lands to be planted were divided in three different proportions; the greatest to consist of 2000 English acres, the least of 1000, and the middle of 1500. One half of the escheated lands in each county was assigned to the smallest, the other moiety divided between the other proportions: and the general distributions being thus ascertained, to prevent all disputes between the undertakers, their settlements in the respective districts were to be determined by lot. Estates were assigned to all, to be held of them and their heirs. The undertakers of 2000 acres were to hold of the king in capite; those of 1500 by knights service; those of 1000 in common soccage. The first were to build a castle, and inclose a strong court-yard, or bawn, as it was called, within four years; the second, to finish an house and bawn within two years; and the third, to inclose a bawn; for even this rude species of fortification was accounted no inconsiderable defence against an Irish enemy. The first were to plant upon their lands, within three years, 48 able men of English or Scottish birth, to be reduced to 20 families; to keep a demesne of 600 acres in their own hands; to have four fee-farmers on 120 acres each; six lease-holders, each on 100 acres; and on the rest, eight families of husbandmen, artificers, and cottagers. The others were under the like obligations proportionably. All were, for five years after the date of their patents, to reside upon their lands either in person, or by such agents as should be approved by the state, and to keep a sufficient quantity of arms for their defence. The British and servitors were not to alienate

alienate their lands to mere Irish, or to demise any portions of them to such persons as should refuse to take the oaths to government; they were to let them at determined rents, and for no shorter term than 21 years or three lives. The houses of their tenants were to be built after the English fashion, and united together in towns or villages. They had power to erect manours, to hold courts-baron, and to create tenures. The old natives, whose tenures were granted in fee-simple, to be held in foggage, were allowed the like privileges. They were enjoined to set their lands at certain rents, and for the like terms as the other undertakers; to take no Irish exactions from their inferior tenants, and to oblige them to forsake their old Scythian custom of wandering with their cattle from place to place for pasture, or creaghting, as they called it; to dwell in towns, and conform to the English manner of tillage and husbandry. An annual rent from all the lands was reserved to the crown for every 60 English acres, six shillings and eight pence from the undertakers, ten shillings from servitors, and 13 shillings and four pence from Irish natives. But for two years they were exempt from such payments, except the natives, who were not subject to the charge of transportation. What gave particular credit to this undertaking, was the capital part which the city of London was persuaded to take in it. The corporation accepted of large grants in the county of Derry; they engaged to expend £20,000 on the plantation, to build the cities of Derry and Colerain, and stipulated for such privileges as might make their settlements convenient and respectable. As a competent force was necessary to protect this infant plantation, the king, to support the charge, instituted the order of baronets, an hereditary dignity, to be conferred on a number not exceeding 200; each of whom, on passing his patent, was to pay into the exchequer such a sum as would maintain 30 men in Ulster, for three years, at 8d. daily pay.

But scarcely had the lands been allotted to the different patentees, when considerable portions were reclaimed by the clergy as their rightful property. And so far had the estates of the northern bishoprics been embarrassed, both by the usurpations of the Irish lords, and the claims of patentees, that they scarcely afforded a competent, much less an honourable provision for men of worth and learning, while the state of the parochial clergy was still more deplorable. Most of the northern churches had been either destroyed in the late wars, or fallen to ruin: the benefices were small, and either shamefully kept by the bishops in the way of commendam or sequestration; or filled with ministers as scandalous as their income. The wretched flock was totally abandoned; and for many years Divine Service had not been used in any parish-church of Ulster, except in cities and great towns. To remedy these abuses, and to make some proper provision for the instruction of a people immersed in lamentable ignorance, the king ordained, that all ecclesiastical lands should be restored to their respective fees and churches, and that all lands should be deemed ecclesiastical from which bishops had in former times received rents or pensions: that compositions should be made with the patentees for the site of cathedral churches, the residences of bishops and dignitaries, and other church-

lands which were not intended to be conveyed to them; who were to receive equivalents if they compounded freely; or else to be deprived of their patents as the king was deceived in his grant, and the possessions restored to the church. To provide for the inferior clergy, the bishops were obliged to resign all their impropriations, and relinquish the tythes paid them out of parishes, to the respective incumbents; for which ample recompence was made out of the king's lands. Every proportion allotted to undertakers was made a parish, with a parochial church to each. The incumbents, besides their tythes and duties, had glebe-lands assigned to them of 60, 90, or 120 acres, according to the extent of their parishes. To provide for a succession of worthy pastors, free-schools were endowed in the principal towns, and considerable grants of lands conferred on the university of Dublin, which had been re-established by queen Elizabeth, together with the advowson of six parochial churches, three of the largest, and three of the middle proportion in each county.

Such was the general scheme of this famous northern plantation, so honourable to the king, and of such consequence to the realm of Ireland. Its happy effects were immediately perceived, although the execution by no means corresponded with the original idea. Buildings were slowly erected; British tenants were difficult to be procured in sufficient numbers; the old natives were at hand, offered higher rents, and were received into those districts from which it was intended to exclude them. In this particular, the Londoners were accused of being notoriously delinquent. They acted entirely by agents; their agents were interested and indolent, and therefore readily countenanced this dangerous intrusion of the natives; an error of which sufficient cause was afterwards found to repent. For the present, however, a number of loyal and industrious inhabitants was poured into the northern counties, considerable improvements made by the planters, and many towns erected. To encourage their industry, and advance his own project, the king was pleased to incorporate several of these towns, so that they had a right of representation in the Irish parliament.

The only disturbance that now ensued was from the Popish party, who never could bear to see the Protestant religion established in preference to their own, while they had power to resist. After numberless ineffectual machinations and complaints, their fury broke out in a terrible massacre of the new English settlers in the year 1641*. The affairs of Britain were at that time in such confusion, that the rebellion could not be quelled in less than ten years; during which time the country was reduced to a most deplorable situation. It recovered again under Cromwell, Charles II. and the short reign of James II. On the accession of William III. matters were once more thrown into confusion by an attempt made in favour of the exiled monarch, who came over thither in person, and whose bad success is related under the article BRITAIN, n^o 309.—325. Since that time, Ireland hath recovered from the miserable situation to which it was so long reduced. As yet, however, it is far from being in such a flourishing state as either South or North Britain. The great obstacle to the improvement of

Ireland. the kingdom is the extreme poverty and oppression of the common people. The produce of the kingdom, either in corn or cattle, is not above two thirds at most of what by good cultivation it might yield. The high roads throughout the southern and western parts are lined with beggars, who live in huts or cabins without chimnies, or any covering capable of defending the wretched inhabitants from the cold, wind, and rain. "It is a scandal (says a judicious traveller, who lately visited Ireland,) to the proprietors of this fertile country, that there is not the greatest plenty of good corn and hay in it; but some of the best land in the king's dominions is suffered to be torn in pieces, and cultivated in the vilest manner, by a set of abject miserable occupiers; who are absolutely no better than slaves to the despicable, lazy, and oppressive subordinate landlords."

50
Climate,
&c. of Ire-
land,
Ireland enjoys a peculiar blessing in not producing or nourishing any venomous creature. Mr O'Halloran says, that even frogs were never known to live there before the reign of William III. Indeed, it is not improbable but the breed of them might have come from France in the suite of James II.

The climate of Ireland would almost perfectly agree with that of England, were the soil equally improved, being abundantly fruitful both in corn and grass, especially the latter; in consequence of which, an infinite number of black cattle and sheep are bred, particularly in the province of Connaught. Few countries produce finer grain than that which grows in the improved parts of this kingdom. The northern and eastern counties are best cultivated and inclosed, and the most populous.

Ireland is known to have many rich mines; and there is no inconsiderable prospect of gold and silver in some parts of the kingdom. No country in the world abounds more in beautiful lakes, both fresh and salt-water ones; and it is also plentifully watered with many beautiful rivers. The commodities which Ireland exports, as far as her present trade will permit, are hides, tallow, beef, butter, cheese, honey, wax, hemp, metals, and fish: wool and glass were, till December 23, 1779, prohibited; but her linen trade is of late grown of very great consequence. England, in the whole, is thought to gain yearly by Ireland upwards of 1,400,000. and in many other respects she must be of very great advantage to that kingdom. Formerly, indeed, she was rather a burden to her elder sister, than any benefit; but the times are changed now, and improve every day.

51
Linen ma-
nufacture
early intro-
duced.
Mr O'Halloran says, the linen manufacture was carried on in Ireland in very early days, to a great extent; and Gratianus Lucius quotes a description of the kingdom, printed at Leyden in 1627, in which the author tells us, "That this country abounds with flax, which is sent ready spun in large quantities to foreign nations. Formerly, (says he), they wove great quantities of linen, which was mostly consumed at home, the natives requiring above 30 yards of linen in a shirt or shift." So truly expensive was the Irish fashion of making up shirts, on account of the number of plaits and folds, that, in the reign of Henry VIII. a statute passed, by which they were forbidden, under a severe penalty, to put more than seven yards of linen in a shirt or shift.

We may form some idea of what the trade of Ireland must have been in former times, when, so late as the reign of Brian Boru, who died in 1014, notwithstanding the ravages and distresses which a Danish war, of above 200 years continuance, must have produced throughout the kingdom, the annual duties arising from goods imported into the single port of Limerick, and paid in red wine, amounted to 365 pipes! Even so lately as the last century, it is scarcely credible what riches this city derived from the bare manufacture of shoes, which were exported in amazing quantities; whereas now, instead of shoes and boots, we see the raw hides shipped off for foreign markets.

No country in the world seems better situated for a maritime power than Ireland, where the ports are convenient to every nation in Europe, and the havens safe and commodious. The great plenty of timber, the superior excellence of the oak, and the acknowledged skill of her ancient artisans, in wood-works, are circumstances clearly in her favour. That the Irish formerly exported large quantities of timber, is manifest from the churches of Gloucester, Westminster-monastery and palace, &c. being covered with Irish oak.

The government of the kingdom is in the hands of a vicerey, or lord-lieutenant, who lives in very great splendour. In his absence there are lords-justices, (styled their excellencies) generally three in number, viz. lord-primate, lord high chancellor, and the speaker of the house of commons. The parliament of Ireland meet every other Winter, or oftener, according to exigencies. Their only power consists in proposing bills, which are subject to the privy-council of England, and in a negative voice to any amendments. As to civil magistrates and the distribution of justice, they are here on the same footing as in England.

Ireland is divided into four large provinces, and those again into 32 counties, as follows:

In 1731, while the duke of Dorset was lord-lieutenant, the inhabitants were numbered, and it was found that the four provinces contained as follows:

There are 44 charter working-schools at present in Ireland, wherein 2025 boys and girls are maintained and educated. These schools are maintained by an annual bounty of 1000l. by a tax upon hawkers and pedlars, and by subscriptions and legacies. The children admitted, are those born of Papist parents, or such as would be bred Papists if neglected, and are of sound limbs. Their age must be from six to ten; the boys at 16, and the girls at 14, are apprenticed into Protestant families. The first school was opened in 1734. Five pounds are given to every person educated in these schools, upon his or her marrying a Protestant. An English act of parliament, lately tolerated the Catholic religion in Ireland, and by that means has relieved thousands of useful subjects.

The return of houses in Ireland for the year 1754, was 395,439; and for the year 1766, it was 424,046. Supposing therefore the numbers to have increased at the same rate, the number of houses now cannot be less than 454,130; which, allowing five persons to a family, will make the number of inhabitants 2,260,650: but as the return of houses by hearth-collectors is rather under than above the truth, and as there are many families in every parish, who are by law excused from that tax, and therefore not returned, the number on a moderate estimate will be 2,500,000. Sir W. Petty reckoned 160,000 cabins without a chimney; and if there be an equal number of such houses now, the number of people will be above 3,000,000. Mr Molyneux says, "Ireland has certainly been better inhabited for-

merly; for on the wild mountains between Ard mach and Dundalk, are observable the marks of the plough, as they are also on the mountains of Altmore. The same has been observed in the counties of Londonderry and Donegal. Mountains that are now covered with bogs have been formerly ploughed; for when you dig five or six feet deep, you discover a proper soil for vegetation, and find it ploughed into ridges and furrows: a plough was found in a very dead bog near Donegal; and an hedge, with some wattles, standing under a bog that was five or six feet in depth. The stump of a large tree was found in a bog ten feet deep at Castle-Forbes; the trunk had been burnt, and some of the cinders and ashes still were lying on the stump. Mr Molyneux further says, that on the top of an high mountain, in the north, there were then remaining the streets and other marks of a large town.

Beauty seems to be more diffused in England, a-
mong the lower ranks of life, than in Ireland; which
may, however, be attributed to the mere modes of liv-
ing. In England, the meanest cottager is better fed,
better lodged, and better dressed, than the most opu-
lent farmers here, who, unaccustomed to what our
peasants reckon the comforts of life, know no luxury
but in deep potations of aquavite.

From this circumstance, we may account for a fact
reported by the officers of the army here. They
say, that the young fellows of Ireland, who offer to
enlist, are more generally below the given height, than
in England. There can be no appeal from their testi-
mony; for they were Irish, and the standard is an in-
fallible test. No reason, indeed, can be given why
the causes which promote or prevent the growth of o-
ther animals, should not have similar effects upon the
human species. In England, where there is no stint
of provisions, the growth is not checked; but, on the
contrary, it is extended to the utmost bound of na-
ture's original intention: whereas, in Ireland, where
food is neither in the same quantity nor of the same
quality, the body cannot expand itself, but is dwarfed
and stunted in its dimensions. The gentlemen of Ire-
land are full as tall as those of England; the difference
then, between them and the commonality, can only
proceed from the difference of food.

The inhabitants, in general, of this kingdom, are
very far from what they have too often and unjustly
been represented by those of our country who never
saw them, a nation of wild Irish. Miserable and op-
pressed, as by far too many of them are, an English-
man will find as much civility in general, as amongst
the same class in his own country; and, for a small pec-
uniary consideration, they will exert themselves to
please you as much as any people, perhaps, in the
king's dominions. Poverty and oppression will natu-
rally make mankind four, rude, and unfociable, and
eradicate, or at least suppress, all the more amiable prin-
ciples and passions of humanity. But it should seem
unfair and ungenerous to judge of, or decide against,
the natural disposition of a man reduced by indigence
and oppression almost to desperation. Let commerce,
agriculture, and arts, but call forth the dormant acti-
vity of their genius, and rouse the native spirit of en-
terprize, which now lies torpid within them; let liberal
laws unfetter their minds, and plenty cheer their
tables, they will soon shew themselves deserving to rank

Ireland. with the most respectable societies in Europe.

54 Account of the bogs in Ireland. The bogs wherewith Ireland is in some places overgrown, are not injurious to health, as is commonly imagined; the watery exhalations from these are neither so abundant, nor so noxious, as those from marshes, which become prejudicial from the various animal and vegetable substances which are left to putrify as soon as the waters are exhaled by the sun. Bogs are not, as one might suppose from their blackness, masses of putrefaction; but on the contrary, they are of such a texture, as to resist putrefaction above any other substance we know of. A shoe, all of one piece of leather, very neatly stitched, was taken out of a bog some years ago, yet entirely fresh;—from the very fashion of which, there is scarce room to doubt, that it had lain there some centuries. Butter, called roukin, hath been found in hollowed trunks of trees, where it had been hid so long, that it was become hard and almost friable, yet not devoid of unctuousity; that the length of time it had been buried was very great, we learn from the depth of the bog, which was ten feet, that had grown over it. But the common phenomenon of timber-trees dug out of these bogs, not only found, but also so embalmed as afterwards to defy the injuries of time, demonstrate the antiseptic quality of them.

The horns of the moose-deer must have lain many centuries in a bog; for the Irish histories do not recognize the existence of the animal whereon they grew. Indeed, human bodies have, in many places, been dug up entire, which must have lain there for ages.

The growth of bogs, however, is variable in different places, from the variety of conditions in the situation, soil, humidity, and quantity of vegetable food; in some places it is very rapid, in others very slow; and therefore their altitudes cannot afford any certain measure of time.

In the manufacturing counties of the north, peat-fuel has become so scarce, that turburies let from five to eight guineas an acre. In some places they are so eradicated, there does not remain a trace of them, the ground being now converted into rich meadows and sweet pastures.

If we trust to authorities, we must conclude that Ireland was not originally inferior to England, either in the fertility of the soil, or salubrity of the climate. When this country shall have felt the happy effects of the late indulgences of the British parliament, by repealing several acts which restrained the trade of this kingdom with foreign ports, and allowing the exportation of woollen manufactures and glass, and shall have received further indulgences from the same authority; and when the spirit of industry shall be infused, in consequence of it, into the common people; their country will not be inferior to any other on the globe, under the same parallel. It is very difficult to say, whether foreign or domestic causes have operated most powerfully in laying waste this fruitful country; which, by being relieved from their late unnatural prohibitions, will be enabled to furnish a grand proportion of supplies to Great Britain, and will unavoidably become of vast importance by its reciprocal trade, in restraining the increase of that of France, who cannot carry on this important branch of traffic without the assistance of Irish wool. The wool of France is

short and coarse, being, in the language of the manufacturers, neither fine in the thread nor long in the staple. This obliges them to have recourse to the wool of Ireland, which possesses both these qualities. Assisted by a pack of Irish wool, the French are enabled to manufacture two of their own; which they will no longer be able to procure, as the Irish will now work up their own wool, which they used to export; great part of which found its way to France, and enabled them to supply other markets to the great prejudice of Britain. The happy effects of it have been already felt; for, notwithstanding it was so late as December 23. 1779, that the royal assent was given to the taking off their restraints on woollen exports, it appears, that on January 10, following, an export-entry was made at the custom-house of Dublin, of 1300 yards of serge for a foreign market, by William Worthington, Esq.